Nigeria

By Lovelyn Emmanuel

Education is a fundamental right for every individual, and without it, ignorance thrives. The true purpose of education is not merely to expand intellectual knowledge but to mold individuals into productive, self-reliant, and responsible members of society. It should empower citizens with the tools needed to contribute meaningfully to national growth and personal development.

Unfortunately, Nigeria’s education system has placed disproportionate emphasis on academic qualifications, often sidelining practical learning. Most institutions are built around theory-driven academic programmes, while real-world career skills—essential for survival in today’s competitive labour market—receive little or no attention.

The consequences of this imbalance are visible in the growing unemployment crisis. Over the last decade, the number of jobless youths has risen sharply. In fact, the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Dr. Chris Ngige, once warned that this trend is likely to worsen in the years ahead. Many university graduates leave school with degrees but lack the practical skills and competencies required to thrive in a rapidly changing society.

This is why vocational education must be fully integrated into the Nigerian curriculum. Students should be equipped with hands-on skills alongside their academic studies to ensure they can navigate economic realities. Ideally, vocational training should start from childhood, giving young people time to nurture and refine practical abilities as they mature. Early childhood centres and primary schools could help set this foundation.

A widespread misconception is that vocational education is only for those who cannot afford “standard” schooling. This is entirely false. In reality, vocational skills are valuable for everyone. Acquiring such skills does not only enhance employability but also provides alternative sources of income. In an economy where traditional job opportunities are shrinking, skills can be a lifeline.

The gap in vocational training remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. Around the world, education is gradually shifting from paper-based qualifications to skill-based expertise that can be applied in the workplace. Nigeria cannot afford to lag behind. Vocational and technical training should be reimagined as a pathway to professional growth.

Lovelyn Emmanuel, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Godwin Philip Malgwi

Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads, facing the looming threat of a severe food crisis that could destabilize its economy, security, and social fabric. Without prompt, coordinated, and strategic intervention, the nation risks sliding into widespread food shortages, skyrocketing prices, and an unhealthy reliance on imports.

A major driver of this crisis is the growing trend of farmers abandoning the cultivation of vital cereal crops such as maize, rice, millet, and sorghum. The causes are clear: the costs of essential agricultural inputs—fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides, and improved seed varieties—have soared beyond what most smallholder farmers can afford. Combined with rising inflation and limited access to agricultural credit, many have been forced to scale back or quit farming entirely.

The situation is further compounded by the declining market value of locally grown cereals. For many farmers, production costs now exceed potential profits, largely due to the unchecked importation of cheaper food products that saturate local markets and undermine domestic production. This double blow—high input costs and weak returns—is eroding farmers’ morale and threatening the foundation of Nigeria’s food system.

To its credit, the Tinubu administration has made progress in improving security, reopening key markets in northern Nigeria, and restoring access to farmlands previously abandoned due to insurgency. However, these gains must be consolidated through urgent, decisive measures that revitalize the agricultural sector and restore farmers’ confidence.

A critical first step should be the subsidization of essential farm inputs to reduce the financial strain on farmers and encourage continuous cultivation. In addition, the government should introduce a national grain-purchasing program to buy surplus cereals from farmers holding unsold stocks from previous harvests. This initiative would help stabilize market prices, stimulate rural economies, and demonstrate tangible support for local producers.

Equally vital is the revitalization of agricultural extension services. Many farmers still lack access to modern farming techniques, climate-smart practices, and efficient post-harvest handling methods. Strengthening these services would enhance productivity and reduce losses across the agricultural value chain.

Furthermore, key government programs like the **Presidential Fertilizer Initiative** and the **Anchor Borrowers’ Programme** must be not only revived but restructured. Transparency, accountability, and inclusivity should be the guiding principles—ensuring that these interventions truly benefit smallholder farmers, particularly women and youth, who are the backbone of Nigeria’s food production.

Ignoring these warning signs would be both an economic and security blunder. A food-insecure Nigeria is a vulnerable Nigeria. History has shown that hunger and poverty often fuel unrest, migration, and instability—consequences that are far costlier than proactive investment in food security.

As Nigeria’s population continues to grow, so too will the demand for food. Ensuring agricultural resilience and self-sufficiency must therefore remain at the heart of the nation’s development strategy. Strengthening food security is not just an economic imperative—it is essential for Nigeria’s stability, prosperity, and survival.

Godwin Philip Malgwi, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Godwill Nandul Ponman

Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, continues to grapple with daunting security challenges that directly undermine its development prospects. From terrorism and banditry to kidnappings and communal clashes, insecurity has created ripple effects across the economy, stifling growth, discouraging investment, and deepening poverty. For the nation to achieve sustainable economic progress, addressing these threats must remain a top priority.

The impact of insecurity on Nigeria’s economy is far-reaching. It has resulted in devastating loss of lives and property. Communities are destroyed, families are displaced, and businesses are forced to close, translating into enormous human and economic costs. In addition, insecurity disrupts day-to-day economic activities. Agriculture—the backbone of Nigeria’s economy—is particularly vulnerable, with farmers often unable to access their lands due to attacks. Similarly, trade and commerce suffer frequent interruptions, weakening productivity and slowing down growth.

Another key consequence of insecurity is its impact on investment. Both domestic and foreign investors naturally seek stable environments to channel their resources, but persistent unrest creates a climate of uncertainty that discourages capital inflows and limits development opportunities. Furthermore, the government spends heavily on security operations, stretching limited resources. Funds that should be invested in education, healthcare, and infrastructure are instead redirected to military and security interventions, slowing down development in critical sectors.

Resolving these security issues is essential for creating an enabling environment for economic transformation. One critical step is addressing poverty and unemployment, which fuel crime and unrest. Expanding economic empowerment programmes, creating jobs, and investing in skills development will help reduce the desperation that drives young people toward violent groups. When citizens are economically engaged, the lure of joining criminal gangs or insurgent movements diminishes significantly.

Another equally important measure is strengthening security governance. This requires reforming security institutions, improving intelligence gathering and coordination, and equipping personnel with the training and resources needed to act effectively. Better governance and accountability within security agencies will translate to quicker, more decisive responses to threats and a stronger overall security architecture.

Community engagement must also be considered a crucial pillar of any security strategy. Building trust between local communities and security agencies through grassroots partnerships, dialogue, and community policing fosters cooperation. When citizens feel included and protected, they are more likely to share vital information, collaborate in maintaining peace, and support government initiatives aimed at securing their environment.

Regional and international cooperation is equally vital. Many of the security threats confronting Nigeria, including terrorism, arms trafficking, and organized crime, are transnational in nature. Close collaboration with neighbouring countries and global partners strengthens border protection and helps to disrupt cross-border criminal networks. Without such partnerships, national efforts remain limited in their impact.

The economic benefits of resolving insecurity are enormous. A safer Nigeria will naturally attract both foreign and domestic investment, enabling new industries to emerge and existing businesses to expand. Enhanced security also creates an environment where commerce can thrive, agriculture can flourish, and productivity can rise. In addition, reducing the need for excessive security spending allows government resources to be redirected toward development priorities such as infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

Stability therefore not only promotes peace but also creates fiscal space for long-term growth. It provides the foundation for sustained economic reforms and fosters an environment where human capital can be developed and innovation encouraged. Countries that have achieved economic stability after addressing security challenges prove the connection between peace and prosperity.

Rwanda stands out as an example where post-conflict security reforms and community-based initiatives created a safer environment that contributed to impressive economic growth. Similarly, Ghana’s relative stability has helped it attract foreign investment and achieve steady development over the years. These cases highlight the fact that security is not merely a national concern but a prerequisite for broader economic progress.

Nigeria can achieve the same results. With the right policies, genuine political will, and committed partnerships, the country can overcome its insecurity challenges and lay the foundation for a more stable and prosperous future. The journey will not be easy, but the benefits far outweigh the costs of continued insecurity.

Moving forward, it is essential that Nigeria develops a comprehensive national security strategy that directly tackles the root causes of insecurity while simultaneously strengthening security institutions. This must include a renewed focus on intelligence gathering, better coordination among agencies, and increased investment in training and equipment for security personnel. At the same time, greater engagement with communities will ensure that local populations remain active participants in the quest for peace.

Collaboration with neighbouring states and international partners must also remain a priority. Nigeria cannot operate in isolation in the fight against terrorism and cross-border crime. Shared intelligence, joint operations, and stronger diplomatic ties will strengthen the overall security framework and boost the chances of success.

Conclusively, peace and stability are not just security goals but economic imperatives. Nigeria’s path to prosperity depends on its ability to secure its people, protect its resources, and build an environment where development can truly thrive. Without addressing insecurity, all other economic reforms will remain fragile and unsustainable. Security must therefore be seen as the cornerstone upon which the nation’s long-term growth and stability are built.


Godwill Nandul Ponman, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Haroon Aremu,

In a vox pop, when they asked a simple question on the streets of Europe and America: “Which country is the poorest in the world?” The answers came quickly, confidently, and shockingly wrong.

“Africa.” “Africa is the poorest.” “Africa.” Not one voice hesitated. Not one voice paused to rethink. And therein lies the tragedy not of Africa, but of global ignorance because Africa is not a country. Africa is a continent. And more dangerously, Africa is not poor.

The birth of lies of how Africa became a Global stereotype. For decades, Africa has been reduced to a single, distorted image: poverty, hunger, conflict, corruption, and helplessness.

In global media narratives, Africa is often portrayed as a land of endless crises children with distended bellies, dusty villages, and hopeless economies. These images have travelled faster than facts, shaping how the world perceives the continent.

But stereotypes are not truths. They are shortcuts of ignorance. The reality is far more complex and far more powerful. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, is often caricatured as a land of scams, insecurity, and chaos.

Yet Nigeria is also one of Africa’s biggest economy by GDP, global hub of music, film, and tech innovation, home to billion-dollar startups and Africa’s largest film industry (Nollywood), and one of the world’s leading producers of oil and gas. Nigeria’s problem is not poverty of resources it is poverty of governance.

Ghana is frequently portrayed as a quiet, underdeveloped state. But Ghana is one of Africa’s most stable democracies, a major producer of gold and cocoa, a growing tech and fintech hub, and a country with rising middle-class influence and strong diaspora impact. Ghana is not poor. It is strategically under-recognised.

South Africa is often stereotyped as a crime-ridden society haunted by racial inequality. But in reality South Africa is also Africa’s most industrialised economy. It is a home to advanced infrastructure and global corporations and also one of the world’s largest producers of platinum, gold, and diamonds. Its challenge is inequality, not lack of wealth.

Kenya is a “Tech Savannah Ignored”. Kenya is often reduced to safaris and wildlife documentaries. But Kenya is East Africa’s innovation capital, home to M-Pesa, one of the world’s most revolutionary digital payment systems. Kenya is a regional hub for startups, logistics, and global investment. Kenya is not backward. It is digitally ahead of many Western economies.

Countries like Sierra Leone and Benin Republic are often dismissed as “poor African states.” But Sierra Leone has rich mineral resources, including diamonds and iron ore. It is a growing post-war economy and youthful innovation sector.

Benin Republic has strategic trade routes and ports with a vibrant informal economy and cultural influence across West Africa. Their struggles are historical and structural—not natural. 

Here is the irony the world refuses to confront, Africa holds an enormous share of the world’s natural wealth. The continent possesses about 30% of the world’s mineral resources, including gold, diamonds, cobalt, platinum, and uranium. Africa is home to vast reserves of oil, gas, rare earth minerals, and agricultural land that the world depends on. 

One of the most persistent and misleading stereotypes about African countries is the belief that Africans are largely uneducated, technologically backward, and incapable of innovation without foreign intervention. This narrative suggests that modern ideas, digital skills, and scientific breakthroughs are imported into Africa rather than created within it.

Yet this claim collapses under reality: African youths are building global tech startups, engineers are designing fintech systems used by millions, filmmakers are reshaping global entertainment, and researchers are contributing to science and medicine across continents. 

The problem has never been a lack of intelligence or creativity; it has been the lack of global recognition and supportive systems to amplify Africa’s homegrown brilliance. 

If wealth were measured by resources alone, Africa would not be poor. It would be unbeatable. So why does the world think Africa is poor? Because poverty is not just economic, it is political.

Africa is not poor in resources. Africa is poor in systems, leadership accountability, and equitable distribution of wealth. And that is not the fault of ordinary Africans.

The truth is painful, Africa is rich, but Africans are made poor by mismanagement. Africa is powerful, but its power is fragmented by borders and politics. Africa is wealthy, but its wealth is exported cheaply and imported expensively.

The vox pop passers-by responded to is a classic case of when ignorance meets reality. When people on Western streets say, “Africa is the poorest country,” they are not entirely guilty. They are victims of narratives created by western media framing, historical colonial distortions, and Africa’s own failure to tell its story convincingly.

The real question is not why foreigners think Africa is poor. The real question is why has Africa allowed the world to believe a lie? Imagine if Africa were one country. What if Africa was not divided into 54 countries? What if Africa spoke with one voice, traded with one currency, and defended its interests collectively?

Even in its current fragmented state, Africa remains the world’s most resource-rich continent. If united, it would not beg. It would dictate.

Africa is not poor, Africa is plundered. Africa is not the poorest place on earth. Africa is the most misunderstood. Africa is not lacking in wealth. Africa is lacking in systems that protect its wealth. Africa is not a burden to the world. Africa is the world’s hidden backbone.  

Until African governments rise to prove this reality, not with speeches, but with structures, the lie will continue to travel faster than the truth.

But history has a way of correcting lies. And when Africa finally tells its story in its own voice, the world will discover a shocking truth: The poorest continent was never Africa. The poorest thing about Africa was how the world chose to see it.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a Nigerian writer and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Kaduna State Governor, Senator Uba Sani, has said President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has honoured his commitments to Kaduna State and the wider northern region.

The governor spoke on Thursday when he received a presidential delegation touring the North-West. He credited the administration with improving security and boosting infrastructure across the state.

Sani said these efforts have strengthened public support for the president. He expressed confidence that such support would translate into votes in the 2027 general elections.

He also claimed that the impact of the projects has weakened opposition parties in Kaduna, which he described as existing only in name.

“He has done a lot for us and I could remember when he visited Birnin Gwari, on the 12th of December, 2022, we went there with some of our friends here. It was a journey of about less than two hours. But it took us five hours.

“So there were two major problems we faced. Number one problem is security, because at that time, in 2022, you could travel from Kaduna to Birnin Gwari without military escort. But today, you can go there without police escort.

“Also, look at infrastructure. Today, he has fulfilled his promises. That is the reason why the good people of Kaduna will forever be grateful to President Tinubu.

“When you go to Birnin Gwari, you will see hundreds of vehicles passing to Lagos. It has improved the economic prosperity of our people who are farmers. It has improved the business of our people who are small business owners particularly those that are into farming, trading.

“All of them are making a lot of money because of what the president has done for us. Again, we are talking about the north.

“So for me, no president has supported northern Nigeria as much as President Tinubu would have done in less than three years now. And that is also why I cannot see any zone, not even the southwest, coming down to vote for him.”

The governor dismissed suggestions that Tinubu could lose the 2027 election. He said such opinions are largely driven by social media narratives.

Sani further argued that the president played an active role during Nigeria’s pro-democracy struggle, at a time he said some critics remained silent.

“Some of us were approached by then Head of State, Abdulsalam Abubakar, for a meeting, and he made it clear to all of us there will be only three recognised parties.

“But we didn’t threaten to burn down the country like the current opposition are doing. We went to the street; through the court that decision was rescinded.”

However, some northern leaders have disagreed with the governor’s position. They argue that the region has not received fair treatment under the current administration. They pointed to what they described as an imbalance in the distribution of projects between the North and the South.

At a citizens’ engagement forum organised by the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation in Kaduna in June 2025, Chairman of the Arewa Consultative Forum Board of Trustees, Alhaji Bashir M. Dalhatu, criticised the administration’s approach to governance.

Dalhatu said, “Two years into President Tinubu’s four-year tenure, the feeling among the people of the North is, to put it mildly, completely mixed.

“To our surprise, those who did not support him, did not vote for him, and hardly wished him well have emerged from nowhere and are now attempting to drive a wedge between him and the North.”

The Northern Elders Forum also expressed dissatisfaction with the region’s earlier support for Tinubu. In an interview published by The Guardian in April 2025, the forum’s spokesman, Abdul-Azeez Suleiman, said the North would take a different approach ahead of future elections.

Suleiman said, “The North made a mistake in voting Bola Tinubu to the presidency in 2023, and it is unlikely that they will repeat the same error in the future.”

“They have learned from their past misstep and will strive to select a candidate who can unite the country and govern in the best interests of all Nigerians.

“Moving forward, the North will be more cautious in selecting a candidate for the presidency. They will prioritize someone who is seen as more inclusive, less controversial, and more aligned with the interests of all regions of the country.

“The mistake of supporting Tinubu in 2023 has taught them the importance of unity and consensus in selecting a candidate for the highest office in the land.” he added.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A 24-year-old Nigerian national, Gift Oladele, has been handed a 17-year prison sentence in the United Kingdom after a court found him guilty of raping a 19-year-old woman in Wrexham.

The incident occurred in the early hours of September 7 last year. Oladele, who previously lived in the Manchester area and had no fixed address at the time, carried out the attack after encountering the victim in Wrexham city centre.

North Wales Police said the young woman had been returning home after spending time with friends when she met Oladele. He approached her and her friend, introduced himself, and insisted on walking her home, claiming he was going the same way.

As they moved along Mold Road, Oladele diverted her onto a secluded footpath where he attacked her.

Following the incident, he threatened the victim and warned her against reporting the matter. The case was, however, reported to the police, leading to his arrest within hours. Authorities later charged him and kept him in custody pending trial.

During proceedings at Mold Crown Court in March, Oladele denied the allegations and claimed the encounter was consensual. The jury dismissed his claim and convicted him of rape and sexual assault.

At Caernarfon Crown Court on April 30, the judge imposed a total sentence of 25 years. This includes 17 years in prison and an additional eight years on extended licence.

The court also issued an indefinite Sexual Harm Prevention Order and a lifetime restraining order to safeguard the victim.

Reacting to the judgment, Wrexham Chief Inspector Caroline Mullen-Hurst described Oladele as a “dangerous predator” who subjected the victim to a “disturbing and terrifying attack.”

“He demonstrated no remorse for his crimes after forcing her to relive the traumatic experience through a trial.

“I would like to praise the dignity and courage she has shown throughout the investigation, and for her bravery in reporting this incident to us.

“Thankfully, today’s sentence has removed Oladele from the streets, preventing any further harm to anyone else. I hope it reassures the public that North Wales Police is committed to eradicating all incidents of violence against women and girls and is working tirelessly to bring perpetrators of sexual abuse to justice.

“I would urge any victim of sexual assault to get in touch with us. You will be listened to, your report will be taken seriously and fully investigated. We are here to support you,” she added.

By Abdulsalam Alkali

In the scarred landscape of Northeast Nigeria, where Boko Haram’s insurgency has claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions since 2009, the quest for peace remains a daily struggle. As military campaigns degraded the group’s territorial hold, a more complex and contentious challenge emerged. What to do with the thousands of fighters and their associates who surrendered or were captured?

The Federal Government’s answer was Operation Safe Corridor, a deradicalization program run from a military-controlled camp in Gombe State. But for the epicentre of the conflict, Borno State, this felt distant and disconnected from the realities of its ravaged communities.

In response, the Borno State Government, under Governor Babagana Zulum, began crafting its own approach, which later became known as “The Borno Model.” 

The model is a non-kinetic approach that handles former Boko Haram/ISWAP fighters through disarmament, demobilization, deradicalization, rehabilitation, reconciliation, and reintegration known as the (Triple D, Triple R).

Unlike the military-run, camp-based system, the Borno Model is fundamentally community-centric. According to the document, “The Borno Model’s philosophy is rooted in an audacious blend of practicality and traditional norms. The model argues that sustainable peace cannot be achieved by isolating ex-combatants in distant camps, only to return them as strangers. Instead, it advocates for a localized process of rehabilitation and reintegration directly into communities, heavily mediated by local organizations, traditional rulers, religious leaders, and victims.

“The model operates on the premise that a significant portion of those in Boko Haram/ISWAP were either forcefully recruited, coerced, or driven by poverty rather than ideology, and that the path to peace requires a form of conditional forgiveness”.

This model has translated into a bold and visible policy as thousands of “repentant Boko Haram” members and their families have been received, housed in temporary “transition camps,” and then resettled in their (or new) communities, often with vocational training and start-up kits.

According to an Institute for Security Studies research document, over 160,000 people had left Boko Haram/ISWAP, with over 100,000 fighters and their families, and an additional 6,900 minors surrendering unconditionally since the program commenced.

Nevertheless, this bold program unfolds against a background of profound pain and frustration, especially for the victims of Boko Haram. 

For communities that have endured massacres, abductions, and arson, the sight of former perpetrators receiving housing and support is a bitter pill to swallow.

Many survivors ask: where is our own rehabilitation? The fears of recidivism, accusations of injustice, and deep-seated trauma that no government program has adequately addressed persist. In the streets of Maiduguri, there is a blend of emotions and concerns among its residents. While some people view this program as a viable way of achieving peace, others see it as something forced upon them by the government.

WHAT VICTIMS SAY

For Bakura Modu, who lost his parents to the insurgents, “Only God will reward us for what we have gone through,” he said with mixed emotions. Bakura Modu lost his entire family, three of his brothers and his parents were killed during the 2014 Bama attack. Bakura escaped the attack and came to Maiduguri, later took shelter with his uncle. Now he struggles to live in Maiduguri with no support from the government. Bakura has not heard or felt carried along in the rehabilitation program.

Like Bakura Modu, Ya Kaltum Bukar, 58, lost her husband and six of her children to Boko Haram insurgents. During the peak of Boko Haram insurgency in Maiduguri, “They came during Ramadan in 2012 and killed my husband and three of my biological children, and after two weeks, they returned and shot three again,” she said. 

YaKaltum only became familiar with the rehabilitation and reintegration program on Radio Programs. Now she struggles to survive in this economy, coupled with health complications.

On returning ex-Boko Haram fighters, Bakura Modu was skeptical, having had no previous knowledge or involvement: “The government has done a lot in resettling people and building homes, but not all victims of the insurgency were carried along,” he said.

According to Barrister Abba Kyari Muhammad, the Borno Model does not strictly adhere to the standard model of transitional justice. He stated that the model largely focuses on disarming insurgents, rehabilitating and reintegrating them back into society, while neglecting other core components of transitional justice, including prosecution, truth-seeking, reparation, and institutional reforms. “These obvious lapses in the implementation of the Borno Model render it something other than transitional justice,” Barr. Kyari stated.

Barr. Kyari lost his mother to the insurgents in 2013, skipped classes while at school, lost his livelihood, and was displaced multiple times within Maiduguri as a result of the insurgency. He said, “Upon all that happened, I am still yet to receive an apology from the government or other authority, let alone compensation.”  He further stated that it is evident there is no meaningful victim compensation within the current transitional justice framework.

LACK OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN THE PROGRAM

Research by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) clearly outlined the lack of community participation in the rehabilitation and reintegration program, stating that “Communities are not involved enough in reintegration even though they facilitated disengagement and are the first point of contact for ex-Boko Haram associates.”

Speaking as both a victim of the insurgency and a professional, Barr. Abba Kyari stated that “I cannot recall encountering any form of victim compensation, reparation, or even apology to those who lost their loved ones. Available evidence suggests that internally displaced persons who are the true victims are largely abandoned, while repentant Boko Haram members are housed, clothed, and well taken care of in government-owned facilities.”

PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES OF THE PROGRAM.

Moreover, a source from the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Reconstruction, and Resettlement (RRR) stated that the program has had both its prospects and challenges, but the government is doing everything within its powers to carry all people along. He noted that victims are also supported with skills and are resettled in their communities as peace gradually returns.

The anonymous source also noted that the Reintegration Committee was constituted by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum, and it is working round the clock to return refugees from neighbouring countries like Niger, Cameroon, and Chad.

He also clarified that not only ex-fighters undergo rehabilitation it also includes victims, abductees, and communities ravaged by Boko Haram. “All are being rebuilt and resettled, apart from Abadam Local Government that was recently opened after more than a decade of desertion, and it has improved peace in the state,” he noted.

Similarly, Samuel Orahii, reintegration coordinator at Allamin Foundation for Peace and Development, a. leading organisation working with the government on community engagement and reintegration, noted that some of their work is confidential and sensitive, however, a lot of success has been achieved, and normalcy has almost been sustained. On the Borno Model, Mr. Samuel stated that “the Borno Model is more of a traditional justice, as communities are involved,” noting that ex-Boko Haram fighters are remorseful, recently, one ex-Boko Haram fighter sought forgiveness on a live radio program on transitional justice sponsored by Allamin Foundation”.

The ISS findings, however, show a lack of adequate funding for the program, stating that “The Borno Model faces persistent challenges, especially in providing sufficient economic support to deserters once they leave the camp. Many former Boko Haram members interviewed in March and June 2025 said they left the group with few employable skills, little start-up capital, and no tools to begin a livelihood. The state has introduced vocational training in the camps, teaching skills such as carpentry, tailoring, welding, and mechanics. It also provides a one-off payment of ₦100,000 (about US $67), but this isn’t enough to restart a life after years in the bush.”

On issues around sustainability of the program, Barr. Kyari noted that the sustainability of the program lies in its economic implications, which largely remain unaddressed. “These people are accustomed to a lavish lifestyle and unrestricted control over territories and resources, yet they are now expected to survive on minimal support. This arrangement is neither realistic nor sustainable and represents a ticking time bomb if left unsolved.”

DOES THE REHABILITATION PROGRAM LEAD TO PEACE?

Moreover, despite the sustained rehabilitation and reintegration program, communities resettled, and livelihoods restored, it remains debatable whether the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-Boko Haram combatants have brought peace or otherwise. Many experts agree that since the collapse of leadership upon the death of Abubakar Shekau, many ex-fighters have retreated and laid down their arms, surrendering to Nigerian authorities. Subsequently, with intensified military aggression by Nigerian forces and the loss of many territorials holds by the insurgents, the group has systematically shifted its focus from ransacking communities to abductions, collecting ransom, and taxing in some areas within the Lake Chad region.

A HumAngle tracker from the last quarter of 2025 indicated that Borno State experienced the highest number of abductions, with over 161 people in a total of 31 kidnapping incidents. “A total of 116 incidents with fatalities were experienced,” the report stated. According to sources interviewed by HumAngle, the group has raked in over ₦1 billion through these random operations. 

This report is corroborated by Yerwa Express News’s recent report of the abduction of seven fishermen from Doron Baga in Kukawa Local Government Area in Borno State by suspected Boko Haram insurgents, with a ransom demand of ₦30 million.

This report is supported by HumAngle Foundation under ‘Fellowship on Strengthening Community Journalism and Human Right Advocacy In Northern Nigeria (SCOJA)’.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Supreme Court of Nigeria on Thursday set aside an order of the Court of Appeal to maintain the status quo ante bellum in the leadership crisis rocking the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

A five-member panel of the apex court, led by Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba, held that the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal acted without jurisdiction when it issued the order after already dismissing the case filed by a rival faction.

The decision effectively restores the recognition of the party’s executive committee led by former Senate President David Mark.

Prior to the ruling, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, had removed David Mark and his executive team from its portal in compliance with the lower court’s status quo order.

The Supreme Court directed all warring factions to return to the Federal High Court to continue and fully determine the substantive suit regarding the party’s leadership.

The ADC has been embroiled in a leadership crisis following a restructuring that brought David Mark in as National Chairman and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary, a move fiercely contested by a rival faction led by Nafiu Bala Gombe.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

In a landmark ruling on Thursday, the Supreme Court dismissed an appeal filed by the factional National Working Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) led by Taminu Turaki, declaring the party’s Ibadan national convention as unlawful.

Delivering the majority judgment, Justice Stephen held that the convention, which took place in Ibadan, Oyo State, on November 15 and 16 last year, was conducted in direct violation of a subsisting judgment of the Federal High Court delivered by Justice James Omotosho.

The court ruled that the Turaki-led group had no legal basis to proceed with the convention, as it amounted to a willful disregard for judicial authority. Consequently, the appeal was dismissed in its entirety.

The decision effectively upholds the earlier rulings that recognized the opposition faction loyal to the party’s embattled National Executive Committee, further solidifying the legal crisis within the main opposition party.

By Anas Abbas

Dr. Abdul-Azeez Adediran, popularly known as Jandor, has officially withdrawn from the 2027 Lagos State governorship contest under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Jandor, a former governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the 2023 election before joining the APC, announced his decision in Lagos, bringing an end to his ambition for the state’s top seat.

His withdrawal reportedly follows recent political developments within the party, including high-level consultations and growing consensus around the emergence of a preferred candidate ahead of the party primaries.

Recall that Jandor had earlier obtained the APC Expression of Interest and Nomination forms, signalling his readiness to participate in the governorship primaries scheduled ahead of the 2027 general elections.

However, the latest shift indicates a change in strategy as party realignments intensify.
Party insiders say the development is expected to further narrow the contest for the APC ticket in Lagos State, as attention now shifts to remaining contenders.

Jandor is expected to formally address his supporters in his next political direction in the coming days.