Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has raised concerns over an unauthorised payment made into one of his private bank accounts by an unidentified person.

Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), said the transaction was described as a “Contribution Electioneering Campaign” but was neither requested nor approved by him or his campaign organisation.

His Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, disclosed this in a statement issued on Friday.

The statement described the circumstances surrounding the transaction as “deeply troubling” and questioned how an unknown person obtained details of an account whose information is not publicly available.

“The transfer originated from a person totally unknown to His Excellency,” the statement reads.

“Neither His Excellency nor his campaign solicited, authorised or has any knowledge of the individual or entity behind the unauthorised payment.”

Atiku questioned the source of the information used to make the payment, particularly because the affected account is a private one.

“The account is a strictly private one whose details are not in the public domain. This raises a fundamental question: How did unknown persons obtain the confidential banking details of a private citizen?” he asked.

‘NO NIGERIAN’S FINANCIAL PRIVACY IS SAFE’

The former vice-president said the incident raised concerns that could extend beyond his personal circumstances.

He argued that unauthorised access to the banking information of a former vice-president and presidential candidate could indicate a broader threat to the financial privacy of Nigerians.

“If the private banking information of a former Vice President and a leading presidential candidate can be accessed and deployed for reasons yet unknown, then no Nigerian’s financial privacy is safe,” he said.

Atiku also warned about the potential consequences if the information had been obtained through people with privileged access to banking records.

“If established, this would amount to a grave abuse of power capable of exposing the account holder to kidnappers, terrorists, bandits, fraudsters and other criminal elements,” the statement added.

The ADC presidential candidate linked the development to what he described as a series of “suspicious activities” ahead of the 2027 general election.

Despite the incident, Atiku said he would remain focused on his political objectives and would not allow the development to distract him.

“As political activities gather momentum, Nigerians should not be distracted by these tired tactics that smack of character assassination,” he added.

“Such desperate antics have failed before and will fail again. The Waziri Adamawa remains focused on offering Nigerians credible leadership and practical solutions to the nation’s challenges.”

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has criticised the Tinubu administration’s defence of its economic policies, insisting that government statements cannot hide the hardship many Nigerians continue to face.

Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), made the remarks in a statement issued on Monday by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu. The statement followed recent exchanges between the Presidency and the former vice president over the government’s economic reforms, borrowing, tax policies and the impact of the removal of petrol subsidy.

The Presidency, through Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, had defended the administration’s policies. Onanuga argued that one of the major gains of fuel subsidy removal was the significant increase in allocations to states and local governments through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

Responding, Atiku accused the administration of focusing on what he described as public relations and “statistical manipulation” instead of addressing the country’s economic challenges.

He questioned the government’s positive assessment of the economy.

“If the economy is doing so well, why are Nigerians getting poorer?” he asked.

According to him, the government’s emphasis on favourable economic indicators does not reflect the realities facing ordinary citizens.

“The State House celebrates macroeconomic indicators while ordinary Nigerians struggle with microeconomic realities,” he said.

“It speaks glowingly about GDP growth while families skip meals. It boasts of debt ratios while businesses shut their doors. It trumpets reforms while millions of citizens slide deeper into poverty.”

Atiku maintained that the true measure of any government should be the welfare of its people rather than economic figures.

“Governments are not elected to improve spreadsheets. They are elected to improve the lives of their people,” he said.

“Nigerians cannot eat GDP. They cannot cook with debt-to-GDP ratios. They cannot pay school fees with statistical projections.”

The former vice president also rejected the Presidency’s position that critics rely on outdated information. He argued that the effects of the administration’s policies remain evident across the country.

“The Tinubu administration is asking Nigerians to forget the very policies whose consequences they continue to endure every day,” he said.

“Economic policy is not a light switch. The consequences of reckless decisions linger long after the announcements have faded.”

Atiku further questioned why the government continues to borrow despite its claims of improved revenue generation and stronger tax collections.

“If revenue has improved so dramatically, if subsidy has been removed, if tax collection has increased, and if debt servicing has supposedly become more manageable, why does this administration continue to borrow at record levels?” he asked.

He also argued that Nigerians have yet to enjoy the promised benefits of fuel subsidy removal.

“Three years later, Nigerians are entitled to ask: where are those dividends?” he said.

“Instead of relief, they have experienced the highest fuel prices in history, unprecedented transport costs, soaring food inflation, collapsing purchasing power and an economy where millions now struggle to afford even one decent meal a day.”

The ADC presidential candidate criticised the administration’s tax reforms. He said businesses are under pressure because of rising production and operating costs. He added that the government’s performance should be judged by improvements in education, healthcare and living standards.

Citing figures from the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), Atiku said 767 manufacturing firms have shut down, while another 335 are operating under distress. He also said manufacturers are holding about ₦2.14 trillion worth of unsold finished goods. He noted that multinational firms such as Procter & Gamble, GlaxoSmithKline, Sanofi and Kimberly-Clark have exited local manufacturing operations.

According to him, those developments provide a clearer picture of the economy than official government claims.

“The true verdict on this administration’s economic policies is not written by government spokespersons,” he said.

“It is written in the silent factories, the abandoned production lines, the shuttered warehouses, the unemployed workers and the empty pockets of millions of Nigerians. No amount of propaganda can erase that reality.”

He urged the Presidency to focus on improving the living conditions of Nigerians instead of defending its economic record through public statements.

“Governments are not judged by the elegance of their press statements or the sophistication of their economic theories,” he said.

“They are judged by whether families can afford food, whether businesses can survive, whether young people can find jobs, whether communities are secure, and whether citizens have hope for tomorrow.”

By Muhammad Abubakar

Since I came to France for work, I have been extremely cautious about criticising Israel or Benjamin Netanyahu. Often, though wrongly, people conflate criticism of an entity or a person with criticism of an idea or of an entire ethnic or religious group.

Soon after Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, I felt driven to write about the unresolved conflict. It was difficult to ignore the subject. Yet I was also concerned that expressing my views might affect my employment or even my residency status in France. To be certain, I reached out to our Human Resources department for guidance.

We essentially agreed on an important distinction. Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu are not the same as the Jewish people or Judaism. One can criticise the policies of the Israeli government or the actions of its prime minister without expressing hostility towards Jews or the Jewish faith. The same principle applies elsewhere. A person may criticise Saudi Arabia or Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman without being an Islamophobe or an enemy of Islam.

This distinction is fundamental in any society that values free expression and intellectual honesty. Democracies depend on the ability of citizens to question governments, leaders and public figures. If every criticism of a political leader is interpreted as an attack on an entire religion or ethnic group, meaningful public debate becomes impossible.

I was reminded of this principle after listening to new songs released yesterday by the Nigerian political singer, Dauda Kahutu, popularly known as Rarara. The songs appear to criticise an opposition politician in Gombe State, Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami, who is also a respected Islamic scholar.

Unfortunately, I have seen some people make the same mistake that often appears in discussions about international politics. They have framed criticism of Pantami as though it were criticism of Islam itself.

Pantami does not represent Islam. He is a Muslim and an influential public figure, but he remains an individual whose political choices, public statements and actions are open to public scrutiny, just like those of any other politician. Defending him is entirely legitimate, but such a defence should be based on facts, evidence and reason rather than on the assumption that any criticism directed at him is an attack on the religion he professes.

By any definition, both the singer and the governorship candidate he appears to criticise in his songs are Muslims. Neither of them represents Islam. Their political disagreements should therefore remain political disagreements. Turning them into religious disputes serves neither truth nor the public interest.

This tendency to wrap political figures in the cloak of religion is dangerous. It discourages accountability and deepens unnecessary divisions within society. Once religion becomes a shield against legitimate criticism, it becomes difficult to separate public responsibility from personal belief.

Nigeria’s diversity demands greater care in the language we use. Political competition should not be transformed into religious confrontation. Citizens should be able to disagree with politicians, governors, ministers or scholars without being accused of attacking an entire faith.

The lesson is simple. We must distinguish between people and the principles they claim to represent, between governments and the nations they govern, and between political leaders and the religions they practise. Failing to make these distinctions only fuels misunderstanding and polarisation.

Criticise ideas. Debate policies. Defend people if you wish. But let us avoid presenting political disagreements as battles for religion. In the long run, both politics and religion are better served when we keep that distinction clear.

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

In Northern Nigeria’s political battlegrounds, the loudest attacks don’t always come from campaign podiums. Long before Facebook, TikTok and WhatsApp turned everyone into a publisher, Hausaland already had its own version of political messaging.

The maroƙi (praise-singer) was more than a singer. He was a storyteller, historian and public commentator. When a leader did well, he sang yabo, verses filled with praise and the same performer could just as easily turn that skill toward humiliation by mocking a rival’s failures, appearance, or character in verses crafted to stick in public memory, which is referred to as zambo. 

Zambo is a sharp, witty poetry designed to mock, embarrass or expose. It wasn’t always pleasant, but it was part of the culture; the difference today is that zambo has become a political business.

Instead of entertaining a local crowd, one song can now reach millions of people before sunset. A chorus recorded in Kano can be playing in Kaduna, Sokoto, Abuja and even among Hausa communities abroad within hours.

No one illustrates this better than Dauda Kahutu Rarara. Over the years, he has released songs like Hannun Karɓa, Masu Gudu Su Gudu, Baba Buhari Dodar, Jagaba Shi Ne Gaba and recently Malam Ya Yi Rawa. To his supporters, these are campaign anthems. To his critics, they are political attacks wrapped in catchy melodies. Whatever side you take, one thing is difficult to deny: people remember the songs long after they have forgotten the campaign speeches, and this alone says something about the power of music.

What makes today’s political songs different from the poetry of men like Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin or Garba Affa is intention. Earlier political poetry was designed to awaken society, challenge injustice and educate the people. Much of today’s political music is driven by patronage. A politician hires a musician, the musician praises one side, ridicules the other, and the song becomes another campaign strategy.

Perhaps that is why political music now feels less like public service and more like political advertising. There is nothing wrong with musicians supporting politicians. Every artist has the right to hold political views. The concern begins when entertainment replaces truth, becomes more influential than verified facts, and insults travel farther than ideas.

Maybe the bigger question is not why politicians pay musicians. Maybe it is why we, the listeners, remember the insults more easily than the policies.

As another election season approaches, perhaps the challenge is to enjoy the music without allowing the chorus to become our ballot paper. After all, a hit song lasts only a few minutes, but the consequences of the leaders we choose can last for years.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate of mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

Members of the Fagge Local Government Area in Kano State have welcomed the appointment of Dr. Salisu Salisu as Provost of the Federal College of Agricultural Produce and Technology (FCAPT), describing the development as a well-deserved recognition of his academic excellence, professional competence and years of dedicated service.

The community members also commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for approving the appointment, expressing confidence that Dr. Salisu’s wealth of experience would contribute to the growth and development of the institution.

The Daily Reality reports that Dr. Salisu is a senior academic in the Department of Science Laboratory Technology with expertise in Analytical Chemistry, Environmental Toxicology and agricultural research.

He obtained his PhD in Analytical and Environmental Chemistry from Benue State University during the 2023/2024 academic session after earning a Master’s degree in Analytical Chemistry from Bayero University Kano.

He has also authored several scholarly publications on heavy metals, food safety and spectroscopic analysis.

Reacting to the appointment, Aisar Fagge, a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Kano State Polytechnic, described it as a testament to Dr. Fagge’s resilience, dedication and commitment to the institution.

“As one of the old comrades of the school, this appointment is a testimony to his resilience, dedication, commitment and cordial relationship with the staff and the management,” he said.

Aisar expressed optimism that Dr. Salisu’s wealth of experience would help move the institution to greater heights.

He also prayed that Allah would grant the new provost wisdom and guidance in the discharge of his responsibilities while appreciating everyone who contributed to making the appointment possible.

Also speaking, another community member, Hussaini Ibrahim Kote, congratulated the new provost and thanked President Tinubu for what he described as appointing the right person for the job.

The community members prayed for Allah to grant Dr. Salisu success in his new assignment and guide him in steering the Federal College of Agricultural Produce and Technology to greater achievements.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

One of the gubernatorial ambitions generating the most intense debate and public interest ahead of the Gombe State 2027 governorship race is that of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami.

From the outset, Professor Pantami’s reported interest in contesting for the governorship attracted attention far beyond the borders of Gombe State. This is largely because he is not regarded as a conventional politician. Rather, he is an accomplished academic, Islamic scholar, technocrat, and former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy whose tenure earned him national recognition for driving Nigeria’s digital transformation.

Pantami’s potential candidacy appears to enjoy support from three distinct constituencies.

The first consists of those who genuinely believe he has something significant to offer the state. They draw inspiration from his performance as minister, citing his reforms in the digital economy, the expansion of broadband infrastructure, the growth of digital identity enrolment, and his emphasis on innovation, transparency, and public sector efficiency. To this group, his administrative record demonstrates that he possesses the competence and vision required to govern Gombe State.

The second group is found within the opposition in Gombe state, particularly elements of the PDP, who view Pantami as one of the few personalities with the political profile, credibility, and public appeal capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC’s candidate-Dr. Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna. Whether they support him or not, many acknowledge that his entry into the race would significantly alter the political equation.

The third constituency comprises sections of the religious community who see his ambition as an opportunity for one of their own to demonstrate how religious scholarship, intellectual depth, and public service can translate into effective democratic governance. For many within this group, his candidacy represents more than a political contest; it is an opportunity to test whether the values he has consistently preached can be successfully applied in elective office.

Like every major political figure, Pantami also faces opposition from different quarters.

The first group consists mainly of career politicians who believe he is entering a political space traditionally occupied by established political actors. To them, he is an outsider attempting to disrupt existing political calculations, alliances, and structures that have been built over many years.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the second group of opponents comes from within sections of his immediate religious constituency. Some clerics and religious associates reportedly believe that during his tenure as minister, he did not sufficiently carry them along or extend the expected level of inclusion and patronage. Consequently, while they may respect his scholarly credentials, they remain reluctant to support his political ambition.

Another dimension that has attracted considerable attention is the political dexterity with which Pantami secured the PDP gubernatorial ticket. The manner in which he navigated the party’s internal dynamics and emerged as its flagbearer suggests careful planning and strategic preparation rather than mere political ambition. His decision to align with the Nyesom Wike-led faction of the PDP, a bloc widely perceived in political circles as maintaining a cooperative relationship with the APC-led Federal Government, has further strengthened his political positioning. The goodwill and support he reportedly enjoys within that tendency of the PDP could prove to be a significant advantage as the campaign unfolds.

In addition, Pantami could benefit from protest votes originating from within the APC. Some influential APC stakeholders and their supporters who believe Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has not done sufficient justice to their political aspirations or interests may choose to channel their dissatisfaction by supporting Pantami. While it remains to be seen how substantial such a shift could be, the possibility of cross-party protest votes is a factor that political observers cannot ignore.

Whichever way one chooses to examine it, Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s potential governorship candidacy is in a class of its own. What initially appeared to be little more than speculation or a distant aspiration has steadily evolved into one of the defining conversations in Gombe State politics. official campaign has yet to commence, but the discussions surrounding Pantami’s governorship ambition have already reshaped Gombe State’s political landscape, making him a force that political stakeholders can no longer afford to ignore.

The ultimate test, however, will not simply be the enthusiasm surrounding his candidacy but his ability to convert goodwill into an effective political structure, sustain broad-based alliances, and persuade the electorate that his administrative achievements at the federal level can be replicated in Gombe State. Regardless of the eventual outcome, Pantami has already ensured that the Gombe 2027 governorship contest will be one of the most closely watched political battles in the state’s history.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 presidential election is both a political and strategic calculation. Rather than introducing uncertainty into an already established political partnership, the President has chosen continuity, a decision that reflects the realities of Nigeria’s electoral politics, geopolitical balancing, and coalition-building.

Politics, particularly presidential politics in Nigeria, is rarely driven by sentiment. It is fundamentally about numbers, alliances, regional interests, and electoral strategy. Every major decision is weighed against one overriding objective: securing the broadest possible coalition needed to win an election. Viewed from that perspective, retaining Shettima was arguably the most pragmatic option available to the President.

One of the most immediate advantages of the decision is that it effectively closes the chapter on the controversy surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket. Ahead of the 2023 presidential election, the APC’s decision to field two Muslim candidates generated widespread debate, especially among many Christians who expressed concerns about religious inclusion and national balance.

However, after more than three years in office, that issue has largely lost its political intensity. While differing opinions remain, the fears that dominated public discourse during the 2023 campaign have, to a considerable extent, subsided. By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has denied political opponents the opportunity to revive an issue whose electoral potency has significantly diminished.

Beyond the religious debate lies an even more delicate consideration: Nigeria’s geopolitical balance. Had President Tinubu replaced Shettima with another politician from the North-East, the North-West, the country’s largest voting bloc, could have interpreted the move as another instance in which its political aspirations were overlooked, potentially reigniting debates about equity and representation.

Conversely, choosing a replacement from the North-West would almost certainly have generated discontent in the North-East. Having produced the incumbent Vice President, the region would naturally expect to retain the position. Removing Shettima without any compelling political or governance justification could have alienated key stakeholders and weakened support in a region that remains strategically important to the APC.

Some time ago, a number of individuals campaigned for the selection of a northern Christian as the Vice President, arguing that a Muslim-Christian ticket would be more politically acceptable. While the proposal appealed to those seeking religious balancing, it overlooked the practical realities of Nigerian presidential elections.

For a southern Muslim presidential candidate seeking the presidency, pairing with a northern Christian is not necessarily the most pragmatic electoral formula if the objective is to maximise support across Northern Nigeria. Presidential elections are rarely won on symbolism alone. They are won through careful coalition-building, political structures, regional alliances, and voting strength. In Nigeria, electoral success is driven as much by geopolitical realities and numbers as it is by perception.

President Tinubu has built his political career on strategic calculation rather than emotional decision-making. Over several decades, he has demonstrated an ability to assemble winning political coalitions by focusing on electoral arithmetic, regional dynamics, and long-term political stability. His decision to retain Shettima is consistent with that political philosophy.

There is also the question of continuity. Since assuming office in 2023, Tinubu and Shettima have worked together to lead the administration, build relationships across government, and strengthen the APC’s political structures nationwide. Replacing a sitting Vice President without a compelling reason could have created unnecessary speculation about internal divisions and handed the opposition a fresh political narrative.

By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has instead projected stability, confidence, and consistency. The decision preserves an established partnership, reassures party supporters, and allows the APC to approach the 2027 election with a united front.

Ultimately, successful presidential campaigns are built not on emotion but on careful political judgment. Difficult decisions are inevitable, but experienced politicians choose the option that minimises political risk while maximising electoral advantage.

Judged against Nigeria’s electoral realities, geopolitical sensitivities, and the imperative of preserving a broad national coalition, President Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima was not only the least controversial choice,it was the most politically strategic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

Kano State Governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has inaugurated a committee chaired by Dr. Aminu Magashi Garba to draft the blueprint for his 2027 governorship campaign, with the mandate of reviewing the implementation of the administration’s 2023 manifesto, My Commitment for Kano, and producing a new policy document, Blueprint 2.0, to guide a possible second term.

The Daily Reality reports that the announcement was contained in a statement signed by the Director General, Media and Publicity, Government House, Kano, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, on Friday.

He said the committee would work under the close supervision of Governor Yusuf and his deputy, Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo, to develop a comprehensive policy framework for the administration’s next phase.

According to the statement, Dr. Magashi will serve as chairman of the committee, while the Executive Chairman of Strategic Governance and Policy Coordination, Dr. Yusuf Ya’u Gambo, will serve as secretary.

Other members of the committee are Dr. Ibrahim Musa, Special Adviser on Health Services and Personal Physician to the Governor; Mallam Haladu Muhammad, Technical Adviser on Education Reform; Muhammad Nazir Halliru, Director General of the Kano State Investment Promotion Agency (Kan-Invest); Nana Asma’u Jibrin, Director General of Research and Documentation; Dr. Bashir Abdu Muzakkar, Director General of the Kano State Information Technology Development Agency (KASITDA); Dr. Farouk Kurawa, Managing Director of the Kano Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (KNARDA); Kabiru Sani Yakubu, Managing Director of the Kano Agricultural Supply Company (KASCO); Dr. Abdulhadi Zubairu Chula, Executive Chairman of Ajingi Local Government Council; Engr. Yesmin Mukhtar, Senior Special Assistant on Women Education; Dr. Halima Umar Sani of Bayero University; Dr. Kabiru Shehu; Barr. Musa Lawan Abdullahi; Dr. Nasiru Alasan Kabo; and Dr. Kabiru Ibrahim Getso.

Dawakin Tofa said the committee had been tasked with reviewing the implementation of the 2023 blueprint, identifying areas that had yet to be fully executed and incorporating them into Blueprint 2.0.

“The committee is mandated to review the implementation of the 2023 blueprint, My Commitment for Kano, identify areas yet to be fully implemented and incorporate them into Blueprint 2.0,” he said.

He added that the committee would also articulate Governor Yusuf’s priorities and strategic vision for a second term spanning 2027 to 2031.

According to the statement, the committee is expected to engage stakeholders from both state and non-state sectors to generate innovative ideas and policy recommendations for a comprehensive and inclusive blueprint.

“The blueprint will consolidate the gains of the present administration and accelerate Kano State’s development through a people-driven policy framework,” Dawakin Tofa said.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Presidency has dismissed claims by former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi that he may not be alive to participate in the 2027 general election. It described the remarks as an attempt to gain public sympathy.

Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), made the statement during an interview with Chude Jideonwo. He alleged that the Federal Government was frustrating his means of livelihood and targeting opposition figures. He also claimed that his activities were being deliberately obstructed.

“The way they are going… not even as a candidate, I might not even be alive. I’m telling you,” Obi said.

Reacting in a statement posted on X on Wednesday, the Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, rejected the allegation. He described Obi’s remarks as false and politically motivated.

“His claim that he may not be alive for the January 2027 election and that people are being pressured not to invite him to social events is nothing more than a fabricated narrative, a page from his book of lies and propaganda,” the statement reads.

Onanuga also argued that the claims were intended to shift public attention away from internal challenges facing Obi and his political platform.

“These claims lack substance and are designed to attract undue sympathy and deflect attention from his credibility deficit and the problems faced by his SPV and his adopted political association, the NDC.

“It is important to note that Mr Obi has a substantial interest in Fidelity Bank. The institution continues to thrive as a result of the current administration’s robust economic reforms.

“The government is certainly not targeting the bank. Rather than being “haunted” by the government, Mr Obi appears to be grappling with the consequences of his litany of unfounded statements.”

The presidential aide further stated that President Tinubu remains committed to implementing his administration’s reforms and is not distracted by what he described as Obi’s claims.

According to Onanuga, the President is “fully focused” on consolidating his reforms and does not have time for “Obi’s self-serving narratives and lies”.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

Moses E. Ochonu, Boko Haram: The Past of the Present Upheaval, University of California Press, Oakland, 2026.

There are books that inform, books that provoke, and, rarer still, books that compel you to interrogate not merely their subject but the assumptions through which it has long been misread. Moses E. Ochonu’s Boko Haram: The Past of the Present Upheaval belongs, in large measure, to this last category. It is a serious, learned, and often illuminating work. It is also, at a foundational level, a work that mistakes genealogy for inheritance. In a region where the stakes of historical narrative are measured in mass graves rather than academic citations, that error deserves honest reckoning.

Let me be clear from the outset: Ochonu is no lightweight, and no serious reviewer should pretend otherwise. His central argument, that Boko Haram did not emerge in a historical vacuum but must be situated within a long tradition of Islamic reform, dissidence, and theological contestation in Northern Nigeria, is not only defensible but necessary. His four-phase map of postcolonial Muslim dissidence, from Sheikh Abubakar Gumi’s pragmatic shiga a gyara (enter to reform) politics, through the revolutionary “Islam Only” radicalism of the 1980s, to the Salafi fence-sitting of the 1990s, to the full-blown jihadism of Muhammad Yusuf, is genuinely useful. His insistence that Boko Haram be studied as a rational, calculating actor rather than dismissed as inexplicable barbarism reflects an intellectual courage sorely needed in the debate. All of this deserves acknowledgement. 

But respect for a scholar’s craft does not require silence about where it occasionally leads him astray. After sustained engagement with this book, I find that Ochonu’s historical genealogy – meticulous and intellectually compelling as it is – ultimately commits the cardinal error of confusing proximity with equivalence. That the Fodiawa jihad and Boko Haram invoke similar texts, deploy similar vocabulary, and emerge from overlapping cultural landscapes does not make them participants in the same civilisational project. Resemblance is not identity. And a genealogy is emphatically not a pedigree.

The fact that Boko Haram claims Dan Fodio does not mean Dan Fodio claims Boko Haram. Throughout history, movements of radically different character have invoked the same ancestors. Revolutionary France invoked Rome. Such invocation tells us about the claimant; it tells us nothing reliable about the legacy claimed.

The Missing Dimension: What the Genealogy Leaves Out

Ochonu’s framework operates almost entirely along the axis of theological and political dissidence, the reformist impulse, the grievance against corrupt rulers, and the appeal to textual authority. What it leaves almost entirely out of view is the civilisational dimension of Northern Nigerian history: the long, patient, and extraordinarily durable process by which the Hausa-speaking world built not only political orders but also moral architectures, shared systems of meaning, obligation, hierarchy, and dignity that survived dynasties, empires, conquest, and colonial transformation alike.

That moral architecture did not originate with Dan Fodio. It was already ancient when the Fodiawa arrived. The old Hausa city-states and the Kanem-Bornu, which Ochonu himself acknowledges as a sophisticated Islamic civilisation predating Sokoto by centuries, had already created the conditions for a complex society organised around recognisable concepts of hierarchy, obligation, and social responsibility. The Fodiawa did not create this order. They found it, deepened it, gave it sharper Islamic articulation, and codified it in law and administrative structures. This is the real achievement of the nineteenth-century jihad, not that it overthrew the existing order, but that it built upon and consolidated what was already there. The Caliphate succeeded because it was, in the deepest sense, continuous with the civilisation it reformed.

At the centre of that civilisation lies a concept absent from every reformist movement Ochonu analyses, whether in the Fodiawa corpus, the MSSN anthems, or a single Boko Haram sermon. It is the concept that the late Anthony H. M. Kirk-Greene famously described in his landmark essay, “Mutumin Kirki: The Concept of Good Person in Hausa.” Mutumin Kirki, The Good Person, is the civilisational ideal at the heart of Hausa moral order.

The Mutumin Kirki ideal captures something no purely theological analysis can adequately convey: that social legitimacy in Hausa society derives not from ideological purity or reformist credentials, but from kirki, the cluster of virtues encompassing mutunci (dignity), kunya (shame as a moral conscience), responsibility, restraint, and recognition of one’s obligations within the social order. The framework placed duties on Sarakuna and Malamai alike, gave meaning to the roles of Attajirai and ordinary farmers, and even extended its logic to those society defined as marginal. Everyone knew where they stood. Everyone knew what was expected. Dignity required discipline. Power required restraint. And knowledge without wisdom was understood to be incomplete, even dangerous.

Colonialism, for all its violence and extractive logic, largely preserved the structure within which this framework operated. Indirect rule in Northern Nigeria worked precisely because the existing institutions already possessed legitimacy. The Emirates, the Alkali courts, and the hierarchies of office were incorporated into, and in some respects reinforced within, the colonial administrative framework. The resulting order was imperfect, as every historical product is. But it remained broadly legible to the moral universe the Kirki framework had constructed over centuries. In this sense, each successive political order, from Kanem-Bornu to the Sokoto Caliphate to colonial administration, can be understood as a successive tenant of the same civilisational operating system, adapting it, straining it, but ultimately operating within its logic.

The Verdict: Why Boko Haram Is Different, Categorically

Against this backdrop, the comparison between Boko Haram and the Dan Fodio jihad does not merely strain; it collapses. The Fodiawa jihad, whatever its human costs, was oriented towards institution-building. It produced a legal system, an administrative hierarchy, an educational network, a scholarly tradition, a literary culture, and a deepened moral framework that placed obligations on rulers and ruled alike. It expanded the universe of the Mutumin Kirki ideal; it did not attack it.

Boko Haram has done the exact opposite, systematically. It has attacked schools, murdered scholars, destroyed markets, abducted children, and reduced entire communities to rubble. It has not built a single institution that a future generation will inherit with gratitude. It has not produced a single scholar whose work will outlast the insurgency. It has not deepened the social hierarchies in which dignity and obligation are mutually reinforcing; it has weaponised those on the margins of society and enslaved those it was supposed to protect. Whatever else this represents, it is a direct assault on the civilisational operating system that both Kanem-Bornu and the Sokoto Caliphate spent centuries constructing.

Ochonu acknowledges this divergence; he explicitly notes that Boko Haram’s positions “directly contradict major aspects of the Fodiawa reformist creed and statecraft.” Yet within his framework, these divergences occupy a subordinate position. Structurally and rhetorically, the main assertion is the connection. And it is that connection, Boko Haram as participant in Northern Nigeria’s reformist DNA, that lingers in the mind and provides precisely the legitimacy Boko Haram’s ideologues have always craved. This is not a small risk. It is the central vulnerability of an otherwise admirable intellectual project.

Those of us who have observed Northern Nigerian politics, society, and intellectual life across decades, including pundits and commentators who know this civilisation not only from the archive but from the inside, find this framing, however sophisticated its execution, essentially uninitiated. It reads like the work of someone who has mastered the grammar of Northern Nigerian Islamic history with enormous care but has not quite absorbed its spirit: the civilisational confidence, the deep institutional memory, and the quiet but unmistakable recognition shared by virtually every segment of Northern Nigerian society not affiliated with Boko Haram that this movement does not belong to the tradition it claims. It is not reform. It is rupture, a specifically anti-civilisational rupture that the region’s history has not witnessed in any comparable form.

A movement may quote the same texts as its predecessors and still negate them. The Dan Fodio movement built what endured. Boko Haram destroys what was built. That distinction is not a footnote to the history of Northern Nigeria. It is the history of Northern Nigeria.

Final Reckoning: The Question History Is Actually Asking

Ochonu’s book asks: Where did Boko Haram come from? It is a vital question, and the book answers it with real skill. But the deeper question, the one the civilisational history of this region most insistently raises, is: What does Boko Haram’s existence reveal about the resilience of the moral architecture it attacks?

The long view of Northern Nigerian history suggests this: the Kirki operating system has survived before. It survived the disorder preceding the Fodiawa jihad. It survived the internal rebellions of the post-jihadi Caliphate period. It survived British conquest and the dismantling of the Sokoto political order. It survived the postcolonial state’s repeated failures to honour the obligations the Caliphate tradition placed on rulers. It did so because it is not merely a political arrangement or a theological position. It is a civilisational inheritance, embedded in culture, language, social practice, and moral imagination, that no single insurgency, however violent, has yet to erase.

Moses Ochonu has given us an important, serious, and deeply researched book. He has expanded our understanding of the landscape in which Boko Haram emerged, and he has done so with intellectual integrity. But genealogy, to repeat, is not pedigree. The real story of Northern Nigeria is not the story of rebellion. It is the story of civilisation, the long, patient construction of a moral society anchored in dignity, responsibility, learning, and character. Measured against that standard, Boko Haram appears not as the culmination of Northern Nigerian history but as its most violent recent attempt at self-erasure.

And on that measure, the verdict of civilisation itself remains, as it has always been, clear: this is not our inheritance. This is our wound.