Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Felix Morka, has said President Bola Tinubu has performed better than every democratically elected president in Nigeria.

Morka made the claim during an interview with Channels Television on Monday, where he also said Tinubu inherited an economy that was “completely in a mess”.

Asked to identify the indicators that informed his assessment of Tinubu’s performance, the APC spokesperson said the available economic indicators were enough to support the claim.

“President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has outperformed any president in his first term. He has outperformed any democratically elected president in this country in their terms,” he said.

“The indicators are res ipsa loquitur as we say in law; they speak for themselves. This president inherited an economy that was completely in a mess.”

Morka attributed the country’s economic difficulties to what he described as the failures of successive administrations.

He said former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration came after 16 years of what he described as poor governance under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

“Buhari was a stopgap president that really came to keep the country from tipping over the precipice — from 16 years of horrific maladministration of the PDP government,” he added.

“President Buhari served his term, did his job to hold the country still for President Tinubu to enter.”

The APC spokesman also claimed that Tinubu’s administration had introduced changes that had led some of its previous critics to acknowledge its progress.

According to him, Nigeria has “come out of the woods” at the macroeconomic level as a result of policies introduced by the Tinubu administration.

However, Morka did not provide specific details or comparative figures to demonstrate how Tinubu had outperformed previous democratically elected presidents.

The APC controlled the federal government under Buhari from 2015 to 2023 before Tinubu succeeded him as president in 2023 under the same political party.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

There are people who go on leave to escape books, and there are people who go on leave only to escape the office. Then there is Kashim Shettima, for whom a leave without books may be like a library without shelves: technically possible, but fundamentally incomplete.

The two-week leave has awakened the bookism in him. After years of governance, meetings, memos, policy conversations and the endless grammar of public administration, one would imagine that a man might simply surrender himself to sleep, travel with his family to some Shangri-La den in Dubai, or disappear into the soft luxury of doing absolutely nothing. But Shettima has never appeared to be a man who considers idleness a convincing definition of rest. For him, perhaps, rest is simply another opportunity to read.

This is not a new discovery. I wrote in 2022 about Shettima as Nigeria’s Modern Day Philosopher-King, drawing from Plato’s idea that leadership and philosophy ought to meet in the same person. Looking back now, I realise that perhaps I was only describing one half of the equation. The philosopher needs a kingdom, yes, but the philosopher also needs books. And Shettima seems to understand that the quickest way to empty a philosopher is to deprive him of reading.

His relationship with books is almost personal. He does not merely read them; he appears to court them. There have been accounts of him browsing bookstores while travelling, moving from one section to another and recommending books to people around him. He has also been described as someone who would choose books over material prizes.

I once had a conversation about this unusual book obsession with Rukaiya el-Rufai, the National Coordinator of Nigeria’s Human Capital Development Programme. She told me something that stayed with me: when it comes to gifts, what impresses her boss the most is a good book. Her advice was simple: when you travel, buy him high-value books. According to her, such a gift can make him happier than a designer perfume.

That, in itself, is a fascinating portrait of a man. While some people measure affection by the price tag on a gift, the intellectual measures it by the depth of thought behind it. A perfume evaporates. A book lingers. A designer bottle may occupy a shelf, but a good book can occupy the mind. This may explain why Shettima’s leave does not seem to be a vacation from intellectual activity. It is more like an intellectual retreat. The office may have been left behind, but the books followed him. The files may have been closed, but the pages remained open.

And when he finally returns to work, we should perhaps prepare ourselves. The post-leave effect in governance may not simply be a refreshed Vice President. It may be a more heavily footnoted one. Every conversation may come with a reference. Every decision may acquire a historical context. Every policy discussion may suddenly develop a philosophical foundation. A simple question could receive an answer, a counterargument, a historical example and, if one is not careful, a brief literature review.

That is the bookism. But beneath the humour lies something serious. Leaders do not govern only with budgets, files and official briefings. They govern with ideas. And ideas, when properly cultivated, are often born from the discipline of reading.

Shettima’s book habit therefore tells us something beyond the man himself. It reminds us that governance should not be an intellectual desert. Public office should not terminate curiosity. Power should not become an excuse to stop learning. A leader who reads is constantly exposed to worlds beyond his immediate environment. He encounters ideas that challenge him, histories that humble him, failures that warn him and possibilities that expand his imagination.

Perhaps that is why, for Shettima, a two-week leave can still become a classroom. He may have left the office, but he never really left learning. And when he returns, the books will return with him, quietly packed into the vocabulary and ideas that will eventually find their way back into governance.

So, Nigerians, prepare yourselves. The Vice President is coming back from leave. And judging by his relationship with books, he cannot leave without reading. Therefore, he is returning not only refreshed but also armed with refined administrative and policy ideas that can help make Nigeria better.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a media and communications specialist, development advocate, storyteller, and social change driver from Borno State, Nigeria. He can be reached via email at lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Sulaiman Maijama’a

He served a single tenure and was chased out of the corridors of power, and later had the fortune of being smuggled by a cabal after waiting for a good 8 years. When he was announced as the flagbearer of their party, he doubted himself, woke up in the middle of the night and sat on a sofa, talking to himself. Let us peer into his mind and bring out what he is saying to the world.

What is the motive behind bringing me back? When I served my first tenure as a governor, these people ganged up against my reelection and chased me away and ever since I left, I distanced myself from anything to do with the state. I jettisoned party affairs, didn’t honour wedding invitations, didn’t pay homage or send goodwill messages during festivities,  refused to ever pay condolences, refused to make donations for public and private projects. I created both social and physical distancing by relocating to Abuja and abandoning all my people in Bakesu State. Why would these people nominate me? Do they really mean well?

But I am said to be the luckiest politician this country ever produced. I was born in Alfawa State, attended primary school in Babaldu State, and did my secondary school in Dadin Kowa State. When my father was posted to Bakeso State, we lived comfortably enough that I claimed indigene status, rose through the ranks in the civil service, ventured into politics, and miraculously became the state governor. But what did I do when I had the chance?

According to what people are saying on social media, I did not execute physical projects which I can now show to convince people to elect me. But when I was rounding up my first term, I gathered a lot of money, which I intended to use to execute the projects in my second tenure, but they unfortunately elected me out. I left the state treasury with billions of naira, and I suspect it is the money this governor has used to achieve all this development people applaud him for in the state. Why don’t I say I’m the one who gathered the money for him and claim a share of the credit?

My social media handles keep popping up with posts from haters of my return, reminding people of the verification exercises we did when we were in power. I even saw one post saying that in the cemetery there is a section of pensioners who died of hunger during our verifications. But we did that in good faith, and who will die before their appointed time? I think this can be a question of faith!

But wait, how many people did I fight with when I was in power whom I am still at loggerheads with? Traditional title holders accused me of not giving them the respect and resources they deserve. Now, this wicked governor fueled our estranged relationship with them because he built them beautiful palaces and pooled resources they never requested. But why would a lawyer of my standing, who knows very well that these people don’t have any constitutional role, deviate from due process?

My relationship with clergymen of both faiths was—and still is—not cordial. I thought their duty was only to preach to people to be righteous and serve God in order to go to paradise. But when I was in power, they asked to see me during every religious festivity, sent requests or proposals for donations or sponsorship of every religious activity. During fasting period, Sallah, Christmas and Maulud, they requested thousands of textiles, thousands of rams and cows and trailers of foodstuff to distribute to orphans. Whenever I turned down their request, they would quote me a verse in the Qur’an and the Bible, and accuse me of not helping religion. But I’m fasting every Monday and Thursday. Can this not take me to paradise?

Now, the poor say I have zero projects to show; traditional institutions throw questions of disrespect, and clergymen challenge my disregard for their institution. Despite all this, I want to return to this seat. 

What should I do?

Maijama’a wrote via sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has raised concerns over an unauthorised payment made into one of his private bank accounts by an unidentified person.

Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), said the transaction was described as a “Contribution Electioneering Campaign” but was neither requested nor approved by him or his campaign organisation.

His Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, disclosed this in a statement issued on Friday.

The statement described the circumstances surrounding the transaction as “deeply troubling” and questioned how an unknown person obtained details of an account whose information is not publicly available.

“The transfer originated from a person totally unknown to His Excellency,” the statement reads.

“Neither His Excellency nor his campaign solicited, authorised or has any knowledge of the individual or entity behind the unauthorised payment.”

Atiku questioned the source of the information used to make the payment, particularly because the affected account is a private one.

“The account is a strictly private one whose details are not in the public domain. This raises a fundamental question: How did unknown persons obtain the confidential banking details of a private citizen?” he asked.

‘NO NIGERIAN’S FINANCIAL PRIVACY IS SAFE’

The former vice-president said the incident raised concerns that could extend beyond his personal circumstances.

He argued that unauthorised access to the banking information of a former vice-president and presidential candidate could indicate a broader threat to the financial privacy of Nigerians.

“If the private banking information of a former Vice President and a leading presidential candidate can be accessed and deployed for reasons yet unknown, then no Nigerian’s financial privacy is safe,” he said.

Atiku also warned about the potential consequences if the information had been obtained through people with privileged access to banking records.

“If established, this would amount to a grave abuse of power capable of exposing the account holder to kidnappers, terrorists, bandits, fraudsters and other criminal elements,” the statement added.

The ADC presidential candidate linked the development to what he described as a series of “suspicious activities” ahead of the 2027 general election.

Despite the incident, Atiku said he would remain focused on his political objectives and would not allow the development to distract him.

“As political activities gather momentum, Nigerians should not be distracted by these tired tactics that smack of character assassination,” he added.

“Such desperate antics have failed before and will fail again. The Waziri Adamawa remains focused on offering Nigerians credible leadership and practical solutions to the nation’s challenges.”

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has criticised the Tinubu administration’s defence of its economic policies, insisting that government statements cannot hide the hardship many Nigerians continue to face.

Atiku, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), made the remarks in a statement issued on Monday by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu. The statement followed recent exchanges between the Presidency and the former vice president over the government’s economic reforms, borrowing, tax policies and the impact of the removal of petrol subsidy.

The Presidency, through Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, had defended the administration’s policies. Onanuga argued that one of the major gains of fuel subsidy removal was the significant increase in allocations to states and local governments through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

Responding, Atiku accused the administration of focusing on what he described as public relations and “statistical manipulation” instead of addressing the country’s economic challenges.

He questioned the government’s positive assessment of the economy.

“If the economy is doing so well, why are Nigerians getting poorer?” he asked.

According to him, the government’s emphasis on favourable economic indicators does not reflect the realities facing ordinary citizens.

“The State House celebrates macroeconomic indicators while ordinary Nigerians struggle with microeconomic realities,” he said.

“It speaks glowingly about GDP growth while families skip meals. It boasts of debt ratios while businesses shut their doors. It trumpets reforms while millions of citizens slide deeper into poverty.”

Atiku maintained that the true measure of any government should be the welfare of its people rather than economic figures.

“Governments are not elected to improve spreadsheets. They are elected to improve the lives of their people,” he said.

“Nigerians cannot eat GDP. They cannot cook with debt-to-GDP ratios. They cannot pay school fees with statistical projections.”

The former vice president also rejected the Presidency’s position that critics rely on outdated information. He argued that the effects of the administration’s policies remain evident across the country.

“The Tinubu administration is asking Nigerians to forget the very policies whose consequences they continue to endure every day,” he said.

“Economic policy is not a light switch. The consequences of reckless decisions linger long after the announcements have faded.”

Atiku further questioned why the government continues to borrow despite its claims of improved revenue generation and stronger tax collections.

“If revenue has improved so dramatically, if subsidy has been removed, if tax collection has increased, and if debt servicing has supposedly become more manageable, why does this administration continue to borrow at record levels?” he asked.

He also argued that Nigerians have yet to enjoy the promised benefits of fuel subsidy removal.

“Three years later, Nigerians are entitled to ask: where are those dividends?” he said.

“Instead of relief, they have experienced the highest fuel prices in history, unprecedented transport costs, soaring food inflation, collapsing purchasing power and an economy where millions now struggle to afford even one decent meal a day.”

The ADC presidential candidate criticised the administration’s tax reforms. He said businesses are under pressure because of rising production and operating costs. He added that the government’s performance should be judged by improvements in education, healthcare and living standards.

Citing figures from the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), Atiku said 767 manufacturing firms have shut down, while another 335 are operating under distress. He also said manufacturers are holding about ₦2.14 trillion worth of unsold finished goods. He noted that multinational firms such as Procter & Gamble, GlaxoSmithKline, Sanofi and Kimberly-Clark have exited local manufacturing operations.

According to him, those developments provide a clearer picture of the economy than official government claims.

“The true verdict on this administration’s economic policies is not written by government spokespersons,” he said.

“It is written in the silent factories, the abandoned production lines, the shuttered warehouses, the unemployed workers and the empty pockets of millions of Nigerians. No amount of propaganda can erase that reality.”

He urged the Presidency to focus on improving the living conditions of Nigerians instead of defending its economic record through public statements.

“Governments are not judged by the elegance of their press statements or the sophistication of their economic theories,” he said.

“They are judged by whether families can afford food, whether businesses can survive, whether young people can find jobs, whether communities are secure, and whether citizens have hope for tomorrow.”

By Muhammad Abubakar

Since I came to France for work, I have been extremely cautious about criticising Israel or Benjamin Netanyahu. Often, though wrongly, people conflate criticism of an entity or a person with criticism of an idea or of an entire ethnic or religious group.

Soon after Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, I felt driven to write about the unresolved conflict. It was difficult to ignore the subject. Yet I was also concerned that expressing my views might affect my employment or even my residency status in France. To be certain, I reached out to our Human Resources department for guidance.

We essentially agreed on an important distinction. Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu are not the same as the Jewish people or Judaism. One can criticise the policies of the Israeli government or the actions of its prime minister without expressing hostility towards Jews or the Jewish faith. The same principle applies elsewhere. A person may criticise Saudi Arabia or Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman without being an Islamophobe or an enemy of Islam.

This distinction is fundamental in any society that values free expression and intellectual honesty. Democracies depend on the ability of citizens to question governments, leaders and public figures. If every criticism of a political leader is interpreted as an attack on an entire religion or ethnic group, meaningful public debate becomes impossible.

I was reminded of this principle after listening to new songs released yesterday by the Nigerian political singer, Dauda Kahutu, popularly known as Rarara. The songs appear to criticise an opposition politician in Gombe State, Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami, who is also a respected Islamic scholar.

Unfortunately, I have seen some people make the same mistake that often appears in discussions about international politics. They have framed criticism of Pantami as though it were criticism of Islam itself.

Pantami does not represent Islam. He is a Muslim and an influential public figure, but he remains an individual whose political choices, public statements and actions are open to public scrutiny, just like those of any other politician. Defending him is entirely legitimate, but such a defence should be based on facts, evidence and reason rather than on the assumption that any criticism directed at him is an attack on the religion he professes.

By any definition, both the singer and the governorship candidate he appears to criticise in his songs are Muslims. Neither of them represents Islam. Their political disagreements should therefore remain political disagreements. Turning them into religious disputes serves neither truth nor the public interest.

This tendency to wrap political figures in the cloak of religion is dangerous. It discourages accountability and deepens unnecessary divisions within society. Once religion becomes a shield against legitimate criticism, it becomes difficult to separate public responsibility from personal belief.

Nigeria’s diversity demands greater care in the language we use. Political competition should not be transformed into religious confrontation. Citizens should be able to disagree with politicians, governors, ministers or scholars without being accused of attacking an entire faith.

The lesson is simple. We must distinguish between people and the principles they claim to represent, between governments and the nations they govern, and between political leaders and the religions they practise. Failing to make these distinctions only fuels misunderstanding and polarisation.

Criticise ideas. Debate policies. Defend people if you wish. But let us avoid presenting political disagreements as battles for religion. In the long run, both politics and religion are better served when we keep that distinction clear.

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

In Northern Nigeria’s political battlegrounds, the loudest attacks don’t always come from campaign podiums. Long before Facebook, TikTok and WhatsApp turned everyone into a publisher, Hausaland already had its own version of political messaging.

The maroƙi (praise-singer) was more than a singer. He was a storyteller, historian and public commentator. When a leader did well, he sang yabo, verses filled with praise and the same performer could just as easily turn that skill toward humiliation by mocking a rival’s failures, appearance, or character in verses crafted to stick in public memory, which is referred to as zambo. 

Zambo is a sharp, witty poetry designed to mock, embarrass or expose. It wasn’t always pleasant, but it was part of the culture; the difference today is that zambo has become a political business.

Instead of entertaining a local crowd, one song can now reach millions of people before sunset. A chorus recorded in Kano can be playing in Kaduna, Sokoto, Abuja and even among Hausa communities abroad within hours.

No one illustrates this better than Dauda Kahutu Rarara. Over the years, he has released songs like Hannun Karɓa, Masu Gudu Su Gudu, Baba Buhari Dodar, Jagaba Shi Ne Gaba and recently Malam Ya Yi Rawa. To his supporters, these are campaign anthems. To his critics, they are political attacks wrapped in catchy melodies. Whatever side you take, one thing is difficult to deny: people remember the songs long after they have forgotten the campaign speeches, and this alone says something about the power of music.

What makes today’s political songs different from the poetry of men like Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin or Garba Affa is intention. Earlier political poetry was designed to awaken society, challenge injustice and educate the people. Much of today’s political music is driven by patronage. A politician hires a musician, the musician praises one side, ridicules the other, and the song becomes another campaign strategy.

Perhaps that is why political music now feels less like public service and more like political advertising. There is nothing wrong with musicians supporting politicians. Every artist has the right to hold political views. The concern begins when entertainment replaces truth, becomes more influential than verified facts, and insults travel farther than ideas.

Maybe the bigger question is not why politicians pay musicians. Maybe it is why we, the listeners, remember the insults more easily than the policies.

As another election season approaches, perhaps the challenge is to enjoy the music without allowing the chorus to become our ballot paper. After all, a hit song lasts only a few minutes, but the consequences of the leaders we choose can last for years.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate of mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

Members of the Fagge Local Government Area in Kano State have welcomed the appointment of Dr. Salisu Salisu as Provost of the Federal College of Agricultural Produce and Technology (FCAPT), describing the development as a well-deserved recognition of his academic excellence, professional competence and years of dedicated service.

The community members also commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for approving the appointment, expressing confidence that Dr. Salisu’s wealth of experience would contribute to the growth and development of the institution.

The Daily Reality reports that Dr. Salisu is a senior academic in the Department of Science Laboratory Technology with expertise in Analytical Chemistry, Environmental Toxicology and agricultural research.

He obtained his PhD in Analytical and Environmental Chemistry from Benue State University during the 2023/2024 academic session after earning a Master’s degree in Analytical Chemistry from Bayero University Kano.

He has also authored several scholarly publications on heavy metals, food safety and spectroscopic analysis.

Reacting to the appointment, Aisar Fagge, a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Kano State Polytechnic, described it as a testament to Dr. Fagge’s resilience, dedication and commitment to the institution.

“As one of the old comrades of the school, this appointment is a testimony to his resilience, dedication, commitment and cordial relationship with the staff and the management,” he said.

Aisar expressed optimism that Dr. Salisu’s wealth of experience would help move the institution to greater heights.

He also prayed that Allah would grant the new provost wisdom and guidance in the discharge of his responsibilities while appreciating everyone who contributed to making the appointment possible.

Also speaking, another community member, Hussaini Ibrahim Kote, congratulated the new provost and thanked President Tinubu for what he described as appointing the right person for the job.

The community members prayed for Allah to grant Dr. Salisu success in his new assignment and guide him in steering the Federal College of Agricultural Produce and Technology to greater achievements.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

One of the gubernatorial ambitions generating the most intense debate and public interest ahead of the Gombe State 2027 governorship race is that of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami.

From the outset, Professor Pantami’s reported interest in contesting for the governorship attracted attention far beyond the borders of Gombe State. This is largely because he is not regarded as a conventional politician. Rather, he is an accomplished academic, Islamic scholar, technocrat, and former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy whose tenure earned him national recognition for driving Nigeria’s digital transformation.

Pantami’s potential candidacy appears to enjoy support from three distinct constituencies.

The first consists of those who genuinely believe he has something significant to offer the state. They draw inspiration from his performance as minister, citing his reforms in the digital economy, the expansion of broadband infrastructure, the growth of digital identity enrolment, and his emphasis on innovation, transparency, and public sector efficiency. To this group, his administrative record demonstrates that he possesses the competence and vision required to govern Gombe State.

The second group is found within the opposition in Gombe state, particularly elements of the PDP, who view Pantami as one of the few personalities with the political profile, credibility, and public appeal capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC’s candidate-Dr. Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna. Whether they support him or not, many acknowledge that his entry into the race would significantly alter the political equation.

The third constituency comprises sections of the religious community who see his ambition as an opportunity for one of their own to demonstrate how religious scholarship, intellectual depth, and public service can translate into effective democratic governance. For many within this group, his candidacy represents more than a political contest; it is an opportunity to test whether the values he has consistently preached can be successfully applied in elective office.

Like every major political figure, Pantami also faces opposition from different quarters.

The first group consists mainly of career politicians who believe he is entering a political space traditionally occupied by established political actors. To them, he is an outsider attempting to disrupt existing political calculations, alliances, and structures that have been built over many years.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the second group of opponents comes from within sections of his immediate religious constituency. Some clerics and religious associates reportedly believe that during his tenure as minister, he did not sufficiently carry them along or extend the expected level of inclusion and patronage. Consequently, while they may respect his scholarly credentials, they remain reluctant to support his political ambition.

Another dimension that has attracted considerable attention is the political dexterity with which Pantami secured the PDP gubernatorial ticket. The manner in which he navigated the party’s internal dynamics and emerged as its flagbearer suggests careful planning and strategic preparation rather than mere political ambition. His decision to align with the Nyesom Wike-led faction of the PDP, a bloc widely perceived in political circles as maintaining a cooperative relationship with the APC-led Federal Government, has further strengthened his political positioning. The goodwill and support he reportedly enjoys within that tendency of the PDP could prove to be a significant advantage as the campaign unfolds.

In addition, Pantami could benefit from protest votes originating from within the APC. Some influential APC stakeholders and their supporters who believe Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has not done sufficient justice to their political aspirations or interests may choose to channel their dissatisfaction by supporting Pantami. While it remains to be seen how substantial such a shift could be, the possibility of cross-party protest votes is a factor that political observers cannot ignore.

Whichever way one chooses to examine it, Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s potential governorship candidacy is in a class of its own. What initially appeared to be little more than speculation or a distant aspiration has steadily evolved into one of the defining conversations in Gombe State politics. official campaign has yet to commence, but the discussions surrounding Pantami’s governorship ambition have already reshaped Gombe State’s political landscape, making him a force that political stakeholders can no longer afford to ignore.

The ultimate test, however, will not simply be the enthusiasm surrounding his candidacy but his ability to convert goodwill into an effective political structure, sustain broad-based alliances, and persuade the electorate that his administrative achievements at the federal level can be replicated in Gombe State. Regardless of the eventual outcome, Pantami has already ensured that the Gombe 2027 governorship contest will be one of the most closely watched political battles in the state’s history.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 presidential election is both a political and strategic calculation. Rather than introducing uncertainty into an already established political partnership, the President has chosen continuity, a decision that reflects the realities of Nigeria’s electoral politics, geopolitical balancing, and coalition-building.

Politics, particularly presidential politics in Nigeria, is rarely driven by sentiment. It is fundamentally about numbers, alliances, regional interests, and electoral strategy. Every major decision is weighed against one overriding objective: securing the broadest possible coalition needed to win an election. Viewed from that perspective, retaining Shettima was arguably the most pragmatic option available to the President.

One of the most immediate advantages of the decision is that it effectively closes the chapter on the controversy surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket. Ahead of the 2023 presidential election, the APC’s decision to field two Muslim candidates generated widespread debate, especially among many Christians who expressed concerns about religious inclusion and national balance.

However, after more than three years in office, that issue has largely lost its political intensity. While differing opinions remain, the fears that dominated public discourse during the 2023 campaign have, to a considerable extent, subsided. By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has denied political opponents the opportunity to revive an issue whose electoral potency has significantly diminished.

Beyond the religious debate lies an even more delicate consideration: Nigeria’s geopolitical balance. Had President Tinubu replaced Shettima with another politician from the North-East, the North-West, the country’s largest voting bloc, could have interpreted the move as another instance in which its political aspirations were overlooked, potentially reigniting debates about equity and representation.

Conversely, choosing a replacement from the North-West would almost certainly have generated discontent in the North-East. Having produced the incumbent Vice President, the region would naturally expect to retain the position. Removing Shettima without any compelling political or governance justification could have alienated key stakeholders and weakened support in a region that remains strategically important to the APC.

Some time ago, a number of individuals campaigned for the selection of a northern Christian as the Vice President, arguing that a Muslim-Christian ticket would be more politically acceptable. While the proposal appealed to those seeking religious balancing, it overlooked the practical realities of Nigerian presidential elections.

For a southern Muslim presidential candidate seeking the presidency, pairing with a northern Christian is not necessarily the most pragmatic electoral formula if the objective is to maximise support across Northern Nigeria. Presidential elections are rarely won on symbolism alone. They are won through careful coalition-building, political structures, regional alliances, and voting strength. In Nigeria, electoral success is driven as much by geopolitical realities and numbers as it is by perception.

President Tinubu has built his political career on strategic calculation rather than emotional decision-making. Over several decades, he has demonstrated an ability to assemble winning political coalitions by focusing on electoral arithmetic, regional dynamics, and long-term political stability. His decision to retain Shettima is consistent with that political philosophy.

There is also the question of continuity. Since assuming office in 2023, Tinubu and Shettima have worked together to lead the administration, build relationships across government, and strengthen the APC’s political structures nationwide. Replacing a sitting Vice President without a compelling reason could have created unnecessary speculation about internal divisions and handed the opposition a fresh political narrative.

By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has instead projected stability, confidence, and consistency. The decision preserves an established partnership, reassures party supporters, and allows the APC to approach the 2027 election with a united front.

Ultimately, successful presidential campaigns are built not on emotion but on careful political judgment. Difficult decisions are inevitable, but experienced politicians choose the option that minimises political risk while maximising electoral advantage.

Judged against Nigeria’s electoral realities, geopolitical sensitivities, and the imperative of preserving a broad national coalition, President Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima was not only the least controversial choice,it was the most politically strategic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.