Politics

By Muhammad Sani Ilyasu

Over the past few days, Kano’s political atmosphere has been gripped by what should have been a routine decision — the selection of a Deputy Governor. Instead, it has dragged, stretched, and unsettled expectations. As the Hausa proverb reminds us, wankin hula yana neman kai. Sooner or later, the moment of decision arrives, and when it does, it reveals more than preference. It reveals judgment.

But truthfully, this is not a difficult decision.
Once the list of nominees from the old APC bloc surfaced, one name did not merely appear — it stood apart. Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi. Not because of sentiment, and certainly not because of noise, but because of something far more scarce in today’s politics: substance.

This is a man shaped by governance, not just politics. He has moved through the system at its highest levels — serving as Secretary to the State Government, managing policy at the governor’s office, and working across institutions where decisions are not announced for applause but executed for impact. That kind of experience does not shout. It shows. And in moments like this, it matters enormously.

Yet the weight of this decision extends well beyond qualifications. The governor did not simply make a political realignment — he justified it with a principle: putting Kano first. That declaration raised the stakes. It transformed every subsequent decision into a test of consistency. Because once Kano becomes the stated priority, convenience must give way to capacity, and politics must submit to judgment.

You cannot declare Kano first and then treat this appointment as negotiable. The office of Deputy Governor is not ceremonial. It is not a token for balancing interests or rewarding loyalty. It is a quiet but powerful engine of governance — where coordination happens, where pressure is absorbed, and where experience prevents the kind of costly mistakes that erode public trust. It is not a place for learning on the job. That is precisely why Rabiu Suleiman fits this moment.

Rabiu Sulaiman Bichi carries a rare combination that politics often separates: administrative competence and genuine political experience. As a founding figure of the Kwankwasiyya movement, a former PDP State Chairman, and later Director-General of the APC’s 2023 campaign in Kano, he has operated credibly across political lines without losing his footing. That is not inconsistency. It is relevance across eras — the mark of someone who understands how power works without being consumed by it.

More importantly, he brings reach. His network — spanning national and international circles — is not ornamental. It is functional. It is the kind of capital that attracts serious partnerships, aligns policy with opportunity, and positions Kano beyond its immediate boundaries. At a time when states compete not only internally but on a broader stage, that kind of exposure is not a luxury. It is a strategic asset.

And then there is the other side of the equation — the part many would rather avoid, but which cannot responsibly be ignored. Leadership is defined not only by what is built but by what is tolerated. To elevate a deputy whose public record is clouded by ongoing court cases involving serious allegations of corruption and financial misconduct is not merely a political risk. It is a statement — and a loud one.

Because once made, that choice will not remain local. It will travel. It will shape perception, invite institutional scrutiny, and define the governor’s seriousness in the eyes of allies, investors, and the wider Nigerian public. You cannot stand on reform and lean on controversy. That is not balance. It is contradiction. And Kano cannot afford contradiction at this level of governance.

This is not a moment for experimentation. It is a moment for clarity — a moment to demonstrate that governance here is still anchored on competence, credibility, and consequence. In Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, that clarity already exists. Which is why this decision, despite the delay, remains straightforward.

If Kano truly comes first, the answer is already known. Anything else is not a strategy. It is a misstep.

Muhammad Sani Ilyasu writes from Maryland, United States of America and can be reached via msaniiliyasu@gmail.com

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

At a time when many are engulfed with fear of impending internal rancour that is probably capable of causing disunity and despair among key players, a time of reorganisation of the political landscape at both the national and subnational levels, comes a unifying figure who brings solutions to the upheaval experienced, particularly in the recent electoral outing.

The political atmosphere, particularly in Bauchi State, is known for turbulence and vested interests. As the state faces numerous challenges that demand more urgent structural readjustment, this is pertinent, and it raises the question of who can deliver these set goals. That is why Bala Wunti matters.

Among the political players who roll up their sleeves in aspiration to win elections, one critical issue is the unity of purpose. Unity against the monster of poverty, insecurity, hunger, unemployment, and others that are clogging the wheel of our development.

There are individuals whose presence answers questions that institutions struggle with and whose conduct reassures even the most cynical that character still matters in public life. Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti belongs to that rare category. His story is not merely one of rise, but of formation. It is a journey shaped by early trials, sharpened by discipline, and guided by a clarity of purpose that has endured across decades.

Born into circumstances that offered little advantage, early life required resilience and self-reliance. Throughout his life, it has been punctuated by uncertainty. Yet, instead of breeding bitterness, these experiences shaped restraint, empathy, and a steady internal discipline that would later guide his every choice. Where others might have faltered, he remained composed. Where others might have hardened, he stayed measured.

Profile, professional and industry roles

His pursuit of education must be seen in that light. It was not a smooth path through institutions, but a determined journey through obstacles. From his studies in Chemistry at Ahmadu Bello University to advanced training in management at Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University and beyond, each step reflected commitment, not convenience. What emerged was not simply an educated man, but a prepared mind, one that understands complexity, respects structure, and values clarity over noise. In a world that often rewards speed, he chose depth. In a system that often tolerates shortcuts, he insisted on process.

When he joined the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited in 1994, he entered one of the most demanding environments in the country. He did not arrive at prominence; he earned it. From his early role as the Production Programming Officer to his eventual position as Chief Upstream Investment Officer, his trajectory shows a rare pattern in public service: steady progress built on competence rather than visibility. He learned the system from within, understood its contradictions, and positioned himself not as a spectator but as a contributor to its reform. While others chased recognition, he built relevance. While others pursued titles, he mastered responsibility.

His contributions to the oil and gas sector are best measured through results. He was part of efforts that strengthened investment frameworks, restored operational discipline, and brought structure to systems long plagued by inconsistency. Initiatives such as Operation White did more than fix technical inefficiencies. They proved that accountability was possible, even in the most complex spaces. In a sector where decisions carry national consequences, his approach has always been cautious, forward-thinking, and committed to long-term value over short-term applause. That distinction separates those who merely manage systems from those who shape them.

Yet reducing his life to professional milestones would miss the larger picture. What distinguishes Bala Wunti is not only what he has done within institutions, but what he has done beyond them. The memory of hardship has stayed with him, not as a weight, but as a compass. It informs his giving, shapes his interactions, and explains the consistency of his interventions in others’ lives. His philanthropy is not occasional; it is part of who he is. Students have been supported, communities uplifted, and individuals in distress assisted through actions that are rarely announced but widely felt. The recent support for students across tertiary institutions is not a single act; it is part of a pattern that reflects a deep conviction: opportunity should not be determined by circumstance alone. Many give when it is convenient. He gives because it is necessary.

There is also a discipline in his personal conduct that deserves attention. He does not champion causes he does not believe in. He does not bend for advantage. In a political and professional culture where flexibility is often mistaken for wisdom, this restraint is rare and powerful. It gives his actions credibility and his decisions weight. His faith, central to his life, reinforces this clarity. It is visible not only in words, but also in choices that remain steady under pressure.

When he stepped out of public service on May 30, 2025, he did so quietly. There was no spectacle, no fanfare. The moment felt calm but confident, the kind of confidence that comes from knowing your work speaks for itself. Influence does not depend on the office, and in his case, it had already moved beyond it. What he carries into the next phase is not a title, but a reservoir of experience, credibility, and trust. These qualities are far more valuable than any position could ever be.

The emerging political conversation around Bauchi State must be seen through this lens. The state is no longer at a point where familiar patterns can be recycled without consequence. The challenges are deeper, expectations sharper, and the margin for error thinner. This is not a time for comfort; it is a time for deliberate choice. What is required is not just political skill, but administrative depth, economic understanding, and the ability to translate intention into results.

Bala Wunti presents a compelling case, not because he seeks attention, but because his life commands consideration. He understands systems at a level that allows him to engage governance beyond slogans. He has managed scale and complexity in ways that meet the demands of statecraft. He carries a social awareness rooted in lived experience rather than abstract empathy. Most importantly, he stands outside the entrenched rivalries that have defined political competition in the state. That distance is not detachment; it is clarity. It allows him to be seen not as a continuation of old conflicts, but as a bridge beyond them.

The argument for his consideration is therefore not emotional, even though his story moves the heart. It is rational, grounded, and difficult to dismiss. It rests on capacity, consistency, and a record that proves he can think, act, and deliver. In a context where trust is scarce, his credibility becomes stabilising. In a climate where division is costly, his neutrality is strategic. At a time that demands both firmness and thoughtfulness, his temperament aligns perfectly with the responsibility ahead.

This is not to suggest perfection. Leadership is not shown by ambition; it is revealed by preparation. In his case, the evidence is alive. From a childhood shaped by absence to a career defined by impact, his path is intentional, tested, refined, and sustained.

Bauchi faces a choice deeper than personalities. It is a choice between repetition and recalibration, between what is familiar and what is necessary. If the state is to move toward a future defined by stability, competence, and inclusive progress, it must recognise preparation when it sees it.

In Bala Wunti, experience, character, and capacity converge in a rare combination. He does not need to declare his worth. It is evident in the systems he has strengthened, the lives he has impacted, and the consistency he has maintained. The question, therefore, is not whether he has something to offer. The question is whether Bauchi is ready to choose what it truly needs.

If so, the answer is already in front of it.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com. 

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Supreme Council for Shariah in Nigeria (SCSN) on Monday disowned viral social media reports alleging that it had directed Muslims to embark on prayers for the removal of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), describing the claims as false and provocative.

In a strongly worded press statement, the Council said the reports, traced to anonymous and unofficial online platforms, were “misleading and unsubstantiated,” warning that they could incite tension and draw the organisation into partisan politics.

“At no time did the Council issue any such directive or threat regarding the conduct of elections,” the statement said.

Reaffirming its non-partisan stance, the SCSN said it remains committed to justice, equity, and peaceful coexistence and will not be used for political manipulation.

However, the Council restated its earlier position that the INEC Chairman should either resign or be removed from office, citing concerns over what it described as prejudicial dispositions against Islam and Muslims. It maintained that its stance was rooted in the need for neutrality and integrity in public office.

The Council urged the public and the media to disregard unofficial statements and rely only on its authorised communication channels.

The statement was signed by the Secretary General, Malam Nafi’u Baba-Ahmad, and issued on April 13, 2026.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Activist Aisha Yesufu has added her voice to calls for the removal of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Joash Amupitan.

She argued that Amupitan should step down from his position, citing what she described as partisan conduct.

Yesufu, a member of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), made her position known in a post shared on X. She stressed that the opposition party is serious about its mission and should not be taken lightly.

In her post, she wrote: “I love how active Nigerians have become! #ActiveCitizens

“I always focus on the little wins. They snowball into the big wins.

“Some years ago, Amupitan would have gotten away with what he tried to do.

“At this stage it becomes mandatory that #AmupitanMustGo. My party is not here to play!

“The most painful part of all of this for me is that I will not be in the country for my FIRST party convention.

“I have accepted months ago to be at a workshop in Brazil. ADC Arise.

Her comments come amid growing criticism from different quarters over the leadership of the electoral body.

The development reflects increasing political tension as opposition figures continue to question the neutrality of the commission ahead of future elections.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

The biweekly discussion session of the Students’ Interactive Forum held on 5 April 2026, themed “Operation Epic Fury: Who Is on the Right Side of History?”, offered more than a debate on contemporary geopolitics. It functioned as an intellectual space where participants interrogated their assumptions, re-evaluated normative positions, and confronted the uneasy realities of global power politics. What emerged was not consensus but clarity: that international conflicts rarely lend themselves to moral binaries, and that national interests often override universal ethical claims.

A noteworthy methodological intervention by the moderator meaningfully shaped the discussion. Participants were encouraged not only to argue from religious, ideological, or moral standpoints—whether as Nigerian Muslims, Christians, or otherwise—but also to situate their arguments within a Nigeria-like stake in the conflict. This requirement subtly but firmly shifted the debate from abstract moralism to applied political reasoning. It compelled participants to ask not merely who is right, but what such “rightness” means for Nigeria’s interests, positioning, and future orientation in the international system.

The ensuing exchange of arguments revealed the fluidity of political judgment in the face of competing narratives. Participants occupied and abandoned positions ranging from pro–America/Israel to pro-Iran, often acknowledging moments of intellectual dissonance and reconciliation. This oscillation underscored a critical feature of political deliberation: that informed engagement often complicates certainty rather than resolves it.

Perhaps the most incisive theoretical contribution came from Rahmah—obviously an International Studies major—who observed that the international system is fundamentally anarchic—a dog-eat-dog arena in which states pursue advantage with limited regard for truth, justice, or morality. Her point resonates strongly with classical realist thought, particularly the notion that power, not principle, remains the primary currency of international relations. In this view, ethical discourse, while not entirely absent, is frequently instrumentalised to justify actions taken in pursuit of strategic self-interest.

Building on this realist insight, the suggestion was made that a deeper appreciation of the conflict requires an examination of the foundational narratives that animate each principal actor. States do not merely pursue interests in a vacuum; they do so through historically constructed identities that shape their sense of purpose and legitimacy.

The United States, for instance, has long styled itself as a Western, Protestant, Anglo-Saxon polity, imbued with a sense of exceptionalism and a perceived moral mandate to shape the global order. Israel grounds its national identity in an ancient religious text and a strong sense of tribal and historical continuity, blending theology, memory, and statehood into a singular narrative. Iran draws heavily on its Shiʿi Islamic heritage, articulating resistance, martyrdom, and moral defiance as central elements of its political identity. Saudi Arabia, in turn, locates its legitimacy primarily in its Sunni Islamic identity and custodianship of sacred Islamic sites.

These narratives are not ornamental; they are constitutive. They inform how states interpret threats, define allies, justify violence, and imagine victory. Even actors not directly involved in a given conflict—such as China, Russia, or Nigeria—operate through their own philosophical attributions, unity bases, and civilisational self-understandings. Engagement or non-engagement is rarely neutral; it is filtered through deeply embedded conceptions of history, destiny, and national purpose.

This analytical turn raises a profound question for Nigeria: What are we? Who are we? Where do we come from, and where do we want to go? Unlike many states with relatively coherent foundational narratives, Nigeria’s identity remains contested, layered, and unfinished. Is Nigeria a mere geographical expression, an administrative inheritance of colonialism, or an emerging civilisational project still in the process of self-definition?

The importance of this question cannot be overstated. A nation’s capacity to navigate international conflicts meaningfully depends not only on its economic strength or security apparatus but also on its clarity of purpose. Without a shared understanding of what Nigeria represents and aspires to become, foreign policy risks becoming reactive, incoherent, or opportunistic.

Ultimately, life—whether for nations or individuals—transcends the pursuit of economic abundance or physical security. These are enabling conditions, not ends in themselves. The more enduring question concerns what is done with stability and prosperity once attained: the values enacted, the institutions built, and the meaning ascribed to power. In this sense, the discussion on Operation Epic Fury served as a mirror, reflecting not only global tensions but also Nigeria’s unfinished conversation with itself.

By Rabi Ummi Umar

On the cool evening of Thursday, April 2nd, 2026, I returned home after an exhausting day of accomplishing my mission in Edo State, popularly known as the “Heartbeat of the Nation” for its rich cultural heritage. 

As I took a moment to unwind and pack my bags for my return journey to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, a thought struck me, echoing a conversation from earlier that would not easily be shaken off.

It circled back to a personal reflection titled “When We Focus on What Truly Matters.” After that heartfelt conversation with a friend, one can’t help but wonder whether we’ve truly been living out the “sermon,” especially in our own lives. 

Yet, those moments of self-doubt reveal something profound: the beauty of life lies in its openness. As long as we remain receptive, each day presents a renewed chance for self-examination and an invitation to learn and grow.

This friend, who is deeply involved in politics, spoke passionately about his thing. While I don’t typically report on government affairs, my discipline as a communicator gives me more than enough to follow along. 

Nonetheless, that specific dialogue shifted my perspective entirely. It made me realise how many others might change their minds if they were privy to the same insights. That realisation is exactly why putting those to paper became an inspiration.

The weeks in Edo allowed me to embrace a spirit of exploration, stepping outside my comfort zone to truly thrive even in spaces I never thought possible or even imagined visiting. It was the unpredictable beauty of life, perhaps why travelling is said to be a form of gaining from the vast body of knowledge.

During Ramadan, there was an event for the “City Boy Movement.” Initially, I assumed it was strictly “for the boys,” and, to be honest, the concept caught my fancy, but I kept an open mind. 

Surprisingly, it was organic and inclusive, spanning 36 states and involving men, women, the elderly, and, interestingly, the physically challenged. While “rice sharing” politics was never something to admire, I walked away that day with a much deeper understanding of the grassroots and its place in politics.

A few weeks later, a conference organised by the Senior Special Assistant (SSA) to the Governor on Student Welfare and Development, a dear friend, took place. Some attendees like myself were there simply “to see,” but the event was blown away. As someone who values authenticity and integrity over political optics, I found the turnout genuinely impressive. 

Despite being born and raised in Edo and being the daughter of a former SSA to the State Government (2023), I had never witnessed an event of this calibre in the state before. It stood out as a beacon of what is possible if everyone played their part, if and when youths are involved in the scheme of things. 

These encounters brought a realisation that while the state, like many in Nigeria, still faces significant lapses, the progress is undeniable. From new flyovers and school construction to massive infrastructural shifts, the developments in education and youth empowerment are particularly striking. 

This experience made me wonder, if so much is happening here beneath the surface, how many “small wins” are we overlooking in other states? Nigeria, as a whole, is currently weathering a storm that cannot be ignored. 

We are battling banditry, kidnapping, insecurity, and a staggering cost of living. To many, it feels as though things are only getting worse. Yet if you look more closely, there is incremental progress.

Take the education sector, for example. The era of constant Academic Staff Union of Nigeria (ASUU) strikes has finally lost its steam compared to years past. The Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) is also there, providing loans and stipends to students; it is systematically reducing the number of students who would otherwise miss tertiary education across the country.

Of course, the heartbreak of insecurity remains. It is illogical and devastating when groups attack villages without demands, leaving only grief behind. In these moments of unrest, it is easy to point fingers solely at President Tinubu. But some of our issues start much closer to home, with us, the citizens.

I remember a friend whose father was assassinated at his doorstep; despite the proximity, every neighbour claimed they “saw nothing.” Another friend was robbed during our university days; when she screamed for help, neighbours simply locked their doors tighter. 

The bitter reality is that we rarely look out for one another. How can we expect a transformation at the top when we refuse to show humanity to those beside us?

We have become a nation of finger-pointers. Many have traded accountability for ignorance, blaming leadership for even the smallest personal failings. Too many youths today avoid research and critical thinking, choosing instead to sit back and complain, a habit that only digs our collective hole deeper.

Yes, there is a mountain of work left to do. But we must acknowledge the work already being done. Our government is trying. From my vantage point, the President is a solution-oriented leader doing his best under immense pressure.

Consider this: when inflation hits, marketers and drivers are the first to hike prices. We understand why. But when the economy stabilises, and costs drop, those prices stay sky-high under the guise of “old stock.” Is that the President’s fault, or are we our own worst enemies?

As Nigerians, we need to have these uncomfortable conversations. The popular saying “change begins with me” is not just a poetic catchphrase; it is a practical necessity. We must be the change we seek if we ever hope to experience the Nigeria we want.

As I head back to Abuja, I am carrying the lessons from Edo with me. We are making progress, but there is still a lot more to do. We all just need to pitch in to get to the utopia we deserve.

Rabi Ummi Umar is a corps member in Abuja. She can be reached via rabiumar058@gmail.com.

By Dr Aminu Tukur Adam

The recent political drama in Kano State, which began as a rumour before metamorphosing into a full-blown political battle, is interesting: how loyalty is being reinterpreted, how personal interest is being transformed into the people’s mandate, and how politics gradually takes over governance. 

It’s now becoming crystal clear to everyone that the Kano State government is not only static but also backtracking. At a critical point of state emergency and national concern, our dear state is being placed on hold. 

To begin with, APC was initially viewed as a disaster by Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Kano State governor and all their supporters; many of the supporters sacrificed their lives to rescue the state from the APC, a party that was hated for its immense corruption, extortion and oppression. 

As big as Kano State is, with its about 20 million population and an over 1 trillion naira budget, it will surprise you to know that the state’s executive council members are currently redundant; the council held only one executive session in the span of 90 days! The previous buzzworthy council is now scheduled for the end of recess. 

That probably explains why the only visible function of this government, road construction, is also neglected; no one is there to approve new projects or supervise the ongoing ones. 

The most unfortunate event was the visit of the Turkish ambassador to Nigeria to the Kano State government house, with the aim of consolidating multimillion-dollar projects, but astonishingly, only the Chief of Staff and two commissioners received a figure like this! For anyone familiar with the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), it must have been a nightmare. 

TIKA isn’t like the usual agencies you see; it’s an international technical assistance agency. This same agency renovated the Kano capital school without a penny from the state government. 

We’re also talking about the Turkish Trading Firm, Direkçi, which has invested over $22 million in Nigerian states, with Kano as a major beneficiary.

The visit was intended to create an opportunity to secure scholarships for Kano state indigenes, to bring the Turkish humanitarian foundation IDDEF to boost humanitarian services in the state, and to commence visa services at the Turkish consulate in the state.

Yet, when that esteemed Ambassador walked into the Government House, he was neither received by the Governor, nor his deputy, nor the SSG.

While the governor plays an absentee landlordism, some villages in the state were burning and many lives were also lost; the recent unfortunate incident in the Katai and Fauda communities in Wudil local government generated widespread reactions, a police officer lost his life and villages were set ablaze; however, no formal press release, no condemnation and no any form of assurance from the state government. 

Astoundingly, when the governor was too busy to hold a council meeting, overwhelmed to meet the Turkish ambassador to Nigeria and also overloaded with responsibilities to comment on the Wudil incident, we saw his face in the convoy of Yilwatda, the APC national chairman, courting the governor of Bauchi state, Bala Muhammad, into APC. 

To add more salt to the injury, when the governor was returning to Kano, the local government chairmen and some of the governor’s aides orchestrated a drama, where a rented crowd were paid to welcome the governor from his political excursion. You may be surprised as to why the welcoming? Was he not just coming back from Abuja? Was the journey not a political journey for the APC’s convention? Is there any significance to this journey in the life of the innocent Kano people? 

This is the Kano first agenda they’re selling. It’s not about you or the state; it’s simply an idea to sell Bola Tinubu and his party.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a presidential aspirant of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has affirmed his readiness to back whichever candidate emerges as the party’s flagbearer for the 2027 presidential election.

Speaking in an interview with DW Hausa, Atiku dismissed claims that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) could undermine the ADC, noting that the party continues to grow in popularity across the country.

The INEC had announced on Wednesday that it would stop further communication with the ADC leadership and would not oversee the party’s national convention scheduled for April 14. The electoral body cited a court ruling for its decision. However, the ADC rejected INEC’s position, accusing the commission of misinterpreting the ruling, and vowed to proceed with its planned convention and other activities.

On the party’s presidential ticket, Atiku stated: “We will support and endorse whoever emerges as the flag bearer. How many are we (presidential aspirants), three or four? In the PDP, more than ten of us contested.”

Atiku also highlighted the ADC’s commitment to youth and women participation. “The youths have taken over the party. Most of those seeking elective positions, from councillor to state assembly, national assembly and House of Representatives, are young people. We have always said our party belongs to youths and women. Our role is to create the opportunity and hand it over to them,” he said.

Asked if he could support a young presidential candidate, Atiku replied: “Yes, why not. Allah has done everything for me. I have brought my sons and grandchildren home. What will be their future and that of their children?”

He expressed confidence that Nigerians are ready for change amid worsening economic and security challenges. “We are confident that Nigerians are yearning for change. They are ready for it. They are being pushed to the wall and are prepared to do even more than they did in the previous elections,” Atiku said.

The former vice president also linked rising insecurity, particularly in northern states, to youth unemployment and limited access to education. “Insecurity is more severe in the northern states, largely due to youth unemployment and lack of access to education. When you go round the region, you see that education is not receiving the attention it deserves. It has been relegated. Governments have not ensured that children enrol in school, and even when they graduate, there are no jobs or business opportunities. I have never witnessed a period like this in Nigeria,” he said.

Atiku further accused the government of tolerating corruption, saying: “There is also embezzlement on the part of government and corruption is rampant. The government has turned a blind eye because it is involved.”

This statement underscores Atiku’s positioning within the ADC as the party prepares for its national convention and the 2027 general elections.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has demanded the immediate removal of Joash Amupitan, chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), accusing him of deliberately misinterpreting a court order related to the party’s leadership dispute.

Speaking at a press briefing on Thursday, David Mark, national chairman of the ADC, said the electoral body “can no longer be trusted,” describing its actions as unlawful and partisan.

Mark explained that the controversy arose after a March 12 Court of Appeal judgment directed all parties, including INEC, to maintain the status quo while the case continued in the Federal High Court.

He added that his legal team challenged the Federal High Court’s jurisdiction, but the appeal was dismissed, leaving the directive to preserve the existing ADC leadership intact.

“After the judgment, lawyers associated with Nafiu Bala sought recognition from INEC in a manner that distorts the meaning of status quo ante bellum,” Mark said, claiming that these actions were supported by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which he accused of attempting to weaken opposition parties.

“It is not the ADC that is under attack. This is a direct assault on Nigeria’s democracy and the right of Nigerians to choose, participate, and exercise their rights as free citizens,” he added.

Mark further said, “We have witnessed how the APC-led Federal Government has undermined, compromised, and coerced other opposition political parties. The ADC has risen as the last bastion between Nigeria’s democracy and full-blown dictatorship. And this is what worries them.”

He expressed shock at INEC’s April 1 announcement withdrawing recognition for both his leadership and Bala’s faction, creating what he described as a “false equivalence” between the parties.

Mark insisted that Bala had already resigned from party leadership and could not be legally recognised as a factional leader.

“The crux of the matter is the interpretation of status quo ante bellum. There is no legal precedent that supports INEC’s conclusion,” he said, criticizing the commission for failing to seek judicial clarification and accusing it of bias.

He added that INEC has effectively left the ADC without a recognised leadership, noting that the commission “lacks the constitutional authority to determine or impose leadership on political parties.”

“At no time was the ADC without a duly constituted leadership. INEC has invented a status quo that never existed,” Mark said.

“The commission cannot decide who leads a political party. That power does not belong to INEC.”

He concluded that the electoral body’s actions amount to contempt of court and undermine the rule of law. “There is only one conclusion: the electoral umpire has taken sides. It can no longer be trusted,” Mark said.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, has faulted the administration of President Bola Tinubu over the crisis rocking the African Democratic Congress (ADC), describing the situation as a setback for democratic values.

Obi made his position known in a post shared on X on Thursday. He expressed concern over what he described as a contradiction involving individuals who once championed democracy and human rights during the era of General Sani Abacha.

He stated that many of those figures, who were active under the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), now appear to act in ways that contradict the ideals they once promoted. He added that recent developments suggest a decline in respect for democratic principles.

He wrote: “Yesterday defenders of democracy, today’s destroyers. What a shame.

“What an irony of history, that the acclaimed defenders of democracy and human rights who claimed to have fought for democracy during the era of General Sani Abacha now find themselves worse than the man they opposed.

“today, General Sani Abacha, once presumed face of oppression, will be remembered as seemingly more democratic and more respectful of human rights than the so-called champions of activism from the NADECO days. Power indeed reveals character.”

Obi’s remarks followed the decision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to delete the names of former Senate President David Mark and former Osun State governor Rauf Aregbesola from its portal as national chairman and national secretary of the ADC.

INEC also stated that it would not recognise Nafiu Bala Gombe, who is pursuing recognition as national chairman through the courts.

The commission further announced that it has suspended recognition of all factions within the party. It added that it would not monitor any congresses or conventions organised by the rival groups until the Federal High Court delivers a final judgment on the matter.