Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Muhammad Matawalle, has expressed confidence that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu retains strong political support across the North-West and remains on course for victory in the 2027 presidential election.

Matawalle made the remarks in a statement released on Thursday through his Personal Assistant on Media, Ahmad Dan-Wudil.

His comments followed recent discussions about the President’s popularity in parts of the North-West amid concerns over economic challenges and security issues. The debate intensified after a NoiPolls Government Approval Survey reported a 30 per cent approval rating for the Tinubu administration after three years in office.

The African Democratic Congress, ADC, reacted to the survey and argued that the findings reflected growing dissatisfaction with the administration over economic hardship, unemployment and insecurity.

In a statement, ADC spokesman Bolaji Abdullahi said, “The tragedy is that after three years in office, the government can no longer claim that these challenges were inherited.”

Responding to the criticism, Matawalle accused opponents of the administration of ignoring security improvements and development efforts, particularly in the North-West. He said some critics were focusing on isolated security incidents in an attempt to create fear among Nigerians.

According to the minister, the Federal Government has achieved notable success in combating insecurity through a coordinated and intelligence-based approach, especially in Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna and Kebbi states.

He said the strategy had resulted in the neutralisation of several notorious bandit leaders, the dismantling of criminal camps and the return of relative peace to many communities previously affected by violence.

“The opposition is uncomfortable with the visible progress being recorded in the fight against insecurity and the ongoing developmental strides across the country,” Matawalle said.

The minister praised members of the Armed Forces and other security agencies for their commitment to national security, noting that many personnel had lost their lives while serving the country.

He also pointed to progress in the fight against insurgency in the North-East and efforts to address communal and criminal violence in parts of the North-Central region.

On the economy and development, Matawalle said the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda was producing positive results in sectors such as infrastructure, agriculture, social investment and economic reform.

He highlighted government projects in Northern Nigeria, including road rehabilitation, agricultural support programmes, food security initiatives, rail and energy developments, as well as empowerment schemes for youths and women.

Matawalle said residents of the region were already seeing the impact of these interventions and would reflect that support at the polls in 2027.

“The people of the region understand the efforts being made to improve their security, livelihoods and overall well-being. They are witnessing the results firsthand,” he said.

The minister maintained that political attacks and misinformation would not overshadow the administration’s achievements. He added that President Tinubu remains focused on governance, national development and improving the welfare of citizens.

Matawalle also urged political leaders to prioritise national interest and support initiatives aimed at strengthening peace, security and development across the country.

He expressed confidence that the achievements recorded under the Renewed Hope Agenda would further boost public support for President Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027.

By Muhammad Muhammad Salisu Esq.

As Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, the alliance between the Kwankwasiyya and Obidient movements is attracting significant attention. On paper, it looks like a powerful partnership. Kwankwasiyya has a strong following in Kano and much of the North, while the Obidient movement enjoys significant support among young people and urban voters, especially in the South.

Together, they could become a formidable political force. But there is a problem.

Both movements have increasingly developed a reputation for attacking critics, insulting opponents, and treating disagreement as betrayal. Politics is a game of persuasion, not intimidation. A movement that insults everyone outside its camp may excite its loyal supporters, but it will struggle to attract the undecided voters needed to win national elections.

The situation worsened when some Kwankwasiyya supporters recently made comments perceived as disrespectful toward the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto. For many Northerners, the Sardauna is not just a historical figure. He is regarded as one of the architects of modern Northern Nigeria, a leader who championed education, institution building, economic development, and regional unity.

Attacking such a widely respected figure is politically damaging. It alienates many Northerners who might otherwise be sympathetic to the movement and raises questions about the judgment of those involved.

This is why Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso needs to clearly distance himself from such attacks. In politics, silence is often interpreted as approval. A simple and firm defence of the Sardauna’s legacy would reassure many people that the movement respects Northern history and values.

The larger lesson is straightforward. No political movement can build a successful national coalition through insults, bullying, hostility, or attacks on respected historical figures. Winning elections requires discipline, maturity, tolerance, and respect for people who hold different opinions.

The Kwankwasiyya-Obidient alliance has the potential to become a serious national alternative. But potential alone is not enough. If both movements continue down the path of intolerance and political hostility, they risk pushing away the very voters they need.

The choice before Kwankwasiyya is simple: either grow into a movement capable of governing Nigeria or remain trapped in a cycle of unnecessary controversies and self-inflicted political wounds.

In the end, political movements are remembered not for how loudly their supporters shout, but for the wisdom, discipline, and judgment they display when it matters most.

Muhammad Muhammad Salisu Esq. wrote via muhammad.writes01@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

Effective representation in the House of Representatives is measured not by a lackadaisical approach and empty promises, but by tangible results delivered to the people. 

Unfortunately, Hon. Garba Diso, the current Gwale Member of the House of Representatives, has fallen short of expectations, particularly in the critical areas of sponsoring bills, raising motions, and youth development, educational support, and economic empowerment. That’s why Gwale youths rally for a vibrant young Dr Shu’aibu Abdul, urging him to contest for the Gwale House of Representatives in the National Assembly during the forthcoming 2027 general elections. 

Over the years, Gwale constituents have witnessed limited investment in the future of young people. There have been few visible scholarship opportunities, job opportunities, and inadequate empowerment initiatives for both young men and women. Unemployment and lack of access to higher education remain pressing challenges; this absence of proactive representation has left many youths without direction or meaningful support.

In contrast, Dr Shu’aibu, the aspirant currently vying for the seat, represents a refreshing shift toward people-centred leadership. Known for sponsoring youth to pursue tertiary education, he has demonstrated a clear commitment to education as a pathway to development.

 Dr Shu’aibu Abdul, a senior lecturer at Maryam Abacha American University and President of the Nigerian Youth Progressive Movement (NYPM), has been recognised in community circles for initiatives supporting young people, including sponsorship programs that help students pursue tertiary education. 

Beyond education, Dr Shu’aibu has also prioritised empowerment programs that benefit both men and women. Through skills acquisition initiatives, small business support, and mentorship opportunities, youths are being equipped with the tools needed to achieve financial independence and community growth.

Abbas Datti writes from Gwale L. G. A of Kano State, via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.

By Dr. Saifullahi Shehu Imam

As Kano State marks the third anniversary of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, the evidence of purposeful leadership is visible across every corner of the state from the bustling metropolitan center to the remotest rural communities. Today, the popular expression #ABBAISWORKING is no longer a mere political slogan; it has become a verified reality, supported by over 1,000 major achievements that have fundamentally reshaped the developmental trajectory of Nigeria’s most populous state.

Perhaps no sector reflects Governor Yusuf’s vision for human capital development more than education. His administration has fundamentally transformed education in Kano by declaring a State of Emergency and allocating an unprecedented 30–31% of the annual budget, the highest in the nation. This historic fiscal commitment was sustained through the subsequent fiscal cycles, securing education as the primary pillar of governance. Across all 44 Local Government Areas, the administration has directed over ₦1.9 billion through the Community Re-orientation Committee (CRC) to renovate thousands of primary classrooms, plus an additional ₦2.9 billion to build new classroom complexes, decongesting urban schools and constructing modern administrative offices. Over 80,000 sets of three-seater desks have been supplied, rescuing more than 240,000 students from learning on bare floors. The government has hired and integrated over 14,000 permanent, pensionable teachers, including thousands of former BESDA volunteers.

Financial barriers have been lowered by providing free textbooks and uniforms for primary students, slashing tertiary registration and tuition fees by 50% at state-owned institutions, and funding examination fees for hundreds of thousands of secondary candidates. The state’s strict targeted funding model has borne immediate fruit, propelling Kano to the top of the national performance chart in the 2025 NECO exams. Furthermore, the revival of the 1,001 Foreign and Domestic Postgraduate Scholarship Scheme has cleared multibillion-naira arrears for stranded medical and engineering scholars in Cyprus and sponsored new cohorts to India and across Nigeria. This holistic investment in infrastructure, teacher welfare, and global scholarships represents the largest commitment to public education in Kano’s recent history, ensuring today’s students become tomorrow’s leaders.
In healthcare, the administration has achieved monumental, system-wide progress by matching robust institutional investment with deeply compassionate public policy.

This vision is explicitly backed by an aggressive fiscal strategy; for the 2025 fiscal year, over ₦90 billion amounting to an impressive 16.5 percent of the state’s total budget has been earmarked for healthcare development. This substantial investment underscores the administration’s unwavering commitment to making healthcare a cornerstone of its governance, moving far beyond basic audits and surveys into real, well-funded structural transformation. A landmark triumph of this commitment is the recovery, comprehensive modernization, and recommissioning of the Hasiya Bayero Pediatric Hospital, a vital 86-bed facility that had been controversially sold, now restored to provide specialized care for Kano’s children. In tandem, the administration has completely remodeled and equipped the critical accident and emergency section of the Murtala Muhammad Specialist Hospital (MMSH) and extensively renovated the Bamalli Nuhu Maternity Hospital to drastically combat maternal and infant mortality rates. To institutionalize these health safeguards, the Governor signed the pioneering Kano State Centre for Disease Control and Prevention Law alongside a mandatory Premarital Health Screening Law to shield future generations from preventable illnesses. These structural transformations ensure that high-quality healthcare is no longer a luxury reserved for a privileged few, but an accessible, everyday right for all Kano citizens.

In the realm of agricultural transformation and food security, the administration has shifted Kano from a reliance on subsistence farming to a powerhouse of agribusiness. Championing a multi-billion naira input initiative, Governor Yusuf flagged off the historic distribution of 79,200 bags (132 trucks) of highly subsidized fertilizers from the Al-Yuma Fertilizer plant in Madobi Local Government, slashing procurement costs by a massive 50% for local farmers across all 44 LGAs. This was bolstered by an additional ₦1 billion worth of free NPK fertilizers distributed via the Kano Agricultural Supply Company (KASCO) specifically targeting smallholder, female, and disabled farmers.

To expand year-round farming capacity, the administration has expanded farmlands and successfully rehabilitated major irrigation schemes across 11 Local Governments, bringing over 1,250 hectares under active development. A crown jewel of this infrastructural strategy is the approval of ₦6.8 billion for the massive Dansoshiya Dam and Irrigation Infrastructure Project in Kiru LGA, designed with a projected storage capacity of 3.1 billion liters of water to empower up to 3,000 farmers in its initial phases alone. These deliberate investments have reduced cultivation overheads, multiplied crop yields, and fortified the regional food supply chain.

Youth empowerment and self-reliance form another vibrant pillar of the Kano Renaissance. Rejecting the old paradigms of political exploitation, Governor Yusuf launched a comprehensive master plan to empower 50,000 young people. The administration began by systematically reviving eight specialized entrepreneurship and vocational institutes that had been abandoned by the previous administration. Highlighting this return to functional capacity, a single cohort of 2,260 graduates recently completed training across these institutes including the Informatics Institute, the Horticultural Institute, the Driving Institute, and the Poultry Institute. These youths left the Government House not just with certificates, but with critical operational assets ranging from laptops, tablets, and toolkits, to livestock and feed, alongside financial seed capital to seamlessly launch their commercial journeys.

On the security front, proactive, intelligence-driven governance has kept Kano State remarkably peaceful and stable despite intense national security challenges. Governor Yusuf has aggressively reinforced the state’s security architecture by assenting to the law establishing the state’s independent Kano State Security Neighborhood Watch, bringing community policing directly to the grassroots. To maximize operational efficiency and response times, the administration recently boosted the Joint Task Force (JTF) operations by distributing dozens of new vehicles and motorcycles across frontline Local Government Areas.

This sustained tranquility stands as an absolute testament to a leadership that deeply understands that the first, most non-negotiable duty of government is the absolute security and welfare of its people.

As the people of Kano celebrate these remarkable achievements, there is a growing consensus that continuity will be essential to consolidate the gains already recorded. The transformation witnessed across the state has inspired renewed confidence in leadership and strengthened public optimism about the future. It is therefore understandable that many citizens, stakeholders, professionals, traditional institutions, and community leaders increasingly look toward 2027 with the hope that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf will be granted another mandate to deepen ongoing reforms and complete the noble work he has begun.

May Almighty Allah continue to grant His Excellency wisdom, strength, good health, and divine guidance in the service of Kano State. And may the overwhelming achievements of the past three years pave the way for a successful re-election in 2027, ensuring that the Kano Renaissance continues uninterrupted for the benefit of present and future generations.

By Ismail Bello Darazo 

Competence has become a problem in the Nigerian political system. It is quite unfortunate to witness how political office-holders are replaced by incompetent politicians, all in the guise of loyalty, who cover their records while in office without any consequences and who also have the ability to influence policymaking even after leaving office. However, the successor would remain dependent, and his deliberations would be centred on serving his Godfather’s interests rather than providing better representation and good governance to his people, should this happen. He would end up dancing to the puppet masters’ orders, godfathers.

Nevertheless, good representation can be achieved when the right people hold political office, but this practice has become a thing of the past, especially during the consensus period being postulated by the ruling APC. The best leadership that tremendously transformed Nigeria occurred in the past, and it was not achieved through consensus; rather, it enabled people to produce those who could wake up to their collective development.

You’ll see an outgoing governor vouching for someone who lacks the credibility and qualifications to deliver good governance, yet he imposes that candidate on his people despite having better options among the contestants.

One million dollar questions are: When handpicking the competent candidates for any elective positions, why consider less competent aspirants that would make it difficult for the party to win an election? Or why are better options ignored? Lo and behold! Is the handpicking in the interest of the generality? Or is competence no longer a priority, or who, after all, benefits from the selection? These questions, nevertheless, have kept ringing in my mind.

My submission to power shapers or moulders is: always do your best, and it will come back in an unexpected way. Give your people the leadership they deserve, not your personal interest. In my undergraduate days, I learnt from the qualities of a good leader that “Public interest supersedes personal interest.” Give good people the opportunity to change the narrative, not those who will drag us backwards.

Ismail Bello Darazo writes from Bauchi State via Ismailbello054@gmail.com.

By Abubakar I. Hamisu

There is a peculiar cruelty in self-inflicted wounds. The African Democratic Congress entered the 2026 political season as perhaps the most consequential opposition force Nigeria has seen in years. Buoyed by the defection of high-profile figures, widespread disillusionment with the ruling establishment, and a genuine public appetite for an alternative, the party had accumulated a reservoir of goodwill that most Nigerian political parties can only dream of. Then came the primaries.

What unfolded in Kaduna State on 25th May 2026 — and in the disputed conduct surrounding it — offers a sobering case study in how a political party can, in a single act of institutional recklessness, begin to squander the very things that made it credible. The ADC must reckon with this honestly, because the consequences of continued evasion are not merely uncomfortable — they are potentially catastrophic.

I.  The Weight of Expectations

To appreciate the gravity of what is at stake, one must first understand what the ADC represented to millions of Nigerians before these primaries. Here was a party that loudly and repeatedly distinguished itself from the culture of impunity that has long characterised Nigerian party politics. Its guidelines for the conduct of primaries — detailed, comprehensive, and impressively structured — reflected an institutional seriousness rarely seen. Its rhetoric promised transparency where there had been opacity, fairness where there had been manipulation, and internal democracy where there had been imposition. Nigerians, understandably exhausted by the status quo, believed it.

That belief is now under acute stress. And the stress was entirely preventable.

II.  What Went Wrong in Kaduna

The documented record is damning. A formal petition filed by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello, a cleared governorship aspirant, alleges the deployment of armed thugs at voting centres, systematic compromise of accreditation procedures, multiple voting by the same individuals, deliberate delays that disenfranchised legitimate party members, and partisan conduct by electoral officials. These are not vague grievances — they are specific, numbered allegations supported by agents’ reports, documentary evidence, and video recordings.

More significantly, none of this was unforeseeable. Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the Kaduna State ADC leader, wrote an urgent letter to the party’s national leadership five days before the election, specifically warning that the composition of the Electoral Committee was compromised, that it included individuals aligned with particular interests, and that proceeding on that basis would produce rejection, division, and avoidable conflict. He recommended a restructured committee with equal representation of all aspirants and a neutral chairman. The party leadership ignored him.

This is not a mere procedural lapse. It is an institutional failure of the highest order — the failure to heed a timely, well-reasoned, written warning from a senior leader. When the predicted crisis materialised, the party had no defence of ignorance to fall back on.

III.  The Structural Contradictions

Beyond the specific allegations, the post-primary period has revealed structural contradictions that compound the problem. The ADC’s own Guidelines, issued under document reference ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026, prescribe a five-member Governorship Election Appeal Committee. The committee actually constituted for Kaduna State has only three members. This means the very body now tasked with adjudicating the petition may itself be improperly constituted under the party’s rules — a fact that could render any decision it makes susceptible to further challenge.

The Guidelines also specify that the Appeal Committee chairman must be a legal practitioner. Whether this requirement was met is a matter that deserves scrutiny. And critically, the Electoral Committee, whose conduct is under challenge, and the Appeal Committee now hearing the challenge, were both appointed by the same National Working Committee whose judgment El-Rufai had already called into question. The structural independence that credible adjudication requires is, at minimum, compromised in appearance, even if not in fact.

These are not technicalities. In a party whose entire brand proposition rests on institutional integrity, such contradictions between prescribed standards and actual practice are deeply corrosive.

IV.  The Broader Danger: Goodwill Is Not Infinite

Political goodwill operates on a logic similar to financial credit — it takes considerable time and consistent behaviour to build, and can be destroyed with alarming speed. The ADC’s current wave of support is real, but it is also fragile, because it is largely aspirational. People have not yet seen the ADC govern; they have invested hope in what it promises to be. That makes its conduct of internal processes not less important but more so, because right now, how the party treats its own members and aspirants is the only tangible evidence voters have of how it will treat citizens if it wins power.

A party that deploys thugs at its own primaries, that ignores the warnings of its own leaders, that constitutes committees in violation of its own guidelines, and that then routes complaints through an Appeal Committee of questionable constitution — that party is not offering voters an alternative to what they already know. It is offering them a more eloquently packaged version of the same thing.

If this perception takes hold, and it is already forming, the consequences will be severe. The ADC’s most valuable assets — the defectors from other parties, the civil society goodwill, the international attention, the young voters mobilising for the first time — are all conditional on the party remaining what it claims to be. Many of these stakeholders have alternatives. They can return to where they came from, or simply disengage entirely. A mass exodus triggered by disillusionment is not a dramatic possibility; it is a rational response to evidence.

V.  The Kaduna Dimension

Kaduna State deserves particular emphasis because it is not simply one state among many. It is a bellwether. It carries the political profile of El-Rufai, whose national name recognition and credibility were among the factors that drew attention to the ADC in the first place. A perception that his influence was marginalised — or worse, that the primary was conducted in a manner designed to sideline his preferred candidates — goes far beyond Kaduna. It sends a signal nationally about who actually controls the ADC’s machinery and whose interests it truly serves.

Kaduna is also a fiercely contested political environment where the ADC had genuine prospects for 2027. Those prospects depend entirely on the party presenting a united, credible front. Disputed primaries, unresolved grievances, and aspirants who feel wronged do not produce united fronts. They produce parallel campaigns, strategic withdrawals of support, and the kind of internal sabotage that Nigerian political parties know all too well.

VI.  The Legal Quagmire

If the internal appeals process fails to deliver justice — either because the Appeal Committee is improperly constituted, or because its decisions lack credibility, or because aggrieved parties escalate externally — the ADC risks entering a web of litigation that will dominate its pre-election period. Court injunctions against the use of a candidate’s name, challenges to the validity of the primary itself, and INEC-related complications arising from disputed results could paralyse the party’s 2027 campaign machinery at the state and national level simultaneously. Nigerian political litigation moves slowly enough that cases filed today can remain unresolved on election day — and an unresolved cloud over a governorship candidate is a gift to opponents.

The ADC’s own Guidelines warn against this explicitly, noting that internal disputes that escalate to court will distract from the electoral mission. That warning is now prophetic.

VII.  What the ADC Must Do

The path forward is not mysterious. The Appeal Committee must act with courage and genuine independence, not as an instrument of ratification for a flawed outcome. If the evidence supports the allegations — and the documented record suggests it substantially does — the committee must say so, clearly and without equivocation. A fresh, properly supervised primary must be ordered.

Beyond Kaduna, the NWC must conduct an honest national audit of how primaries were conducted across other states, and address systemic lapses before they become the subject of additional petitions, legal challenges, and media narratives. The party’s monitoring teams, whose reports must exist, should be scrutinised to understand how these irregularities were either missed or not acted upon.

Most fundamentally, the party must demonstrate — through action, not rhetoric — that its institutional promises are real. Every grievance left unaddressed, every irregular committee decision left standing, every warning from senior leaders left unheeded, chips away at the one thing that no political party can afford to lose and easily regain: the presumption that it is different.

Conclusion

The ADC is at a crossroads that is more consequential than it may yet fully appreciate. The 2027 general elections represent a genuine opportunity to reshape Nigerian politics in ways that matter. But opportunities of this kind are not permanent. They expire. They expire when the public concludes that a party promising change is, in its internal conduct, indistinguishable from what came before.

The clumsy handling of the Kaduna gubernatorial primary is not merely an administrative embarrassment. It is a test of institutional character. Nigerians are watching — not just the outcome of the petition, but how the party responds to it. The ADC still has time to show that its guidelines are not decorative documents, that its leaders’ warnings are not ignored, and that its members’ votes are not disposable commodities. But that time is not unlimited, and it is running.

Sources & References

This essay is an independent commentary based on the following documents: ADC Guidelines for the Conduct of Primary Elections (April 2026, Ref: ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026); Petition by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello against the conduct of the Kaduna State Governorship Primary Election (27th May 2026); Urgent Message to ADC National Leadership by Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (20th May 2026, ICPC Detention Day 94); ADC Process and Procedure Guide to Electoral Committee Members issued by the National Organising Secretary; State Electoral and Appeal Committees for Kaduna State issued by the ADC National Publicity Secretary.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

Amidst scarcity, poverty, and hunger, there are ironically unharvested fruits in abundance. We gazed up while ripe fruits flooded our soil. This is similar to the literary work of American poet Robert Frost, the author of the poem “Unharvested.” The great writer penned this poem to draw attention to the fact that some good things remain outside our systems of use, ownership, and planning, so that simply encountering them can be innocent again.

One of Frost’s most popular poems is “The Road Not Taken,” a work that conveys the feeling of trying new things, of stepping outside the status quo.

This is relatable to the just-concluded primaries of different political parties, particularly in Bauchi State. It came with opportunities but, sadly, represented a missed opportunity to harvest the prosperity it offered. As a citizen of this great state, I felt a missed opportunity in selecting flag bearers for the parties.

Bauchi has Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti, who occupies a significant conversational space—not politically, but for his selfless impact over the years. He provides assistance that offers direct relief.

‘Technocrat with Compassion’

His professional grounding is firmly within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company system, where he spent over three decades in a demanding technical environment defined by discipline, precision, and accountability. Yet that institutional record, while significant, does not fully explain how his name moved beyond the corporate space into everyday social memory.

That movement happened through lived encounters that people still recall: a school fee quietly settled at a critical moment, a medical situation resolved when options had run out, a household supported through difficult times without the experience ever becoming a public display.

What makes Bala Wunti different from many other public figures from this corridor in Bauchi is not merely what he did, but how he carries himself while doing it. He is not a man who raises his voice to make a point. He does not need to announce his presence before entering a room.

Those who have worked closely with him describe a person who listens more than he speaks, who waits for others to finish before offering his own view, and who treats a person with nothing the same way he treats a person with everything. That is not performance; that is simply who he has been for as long as anyone can remember.

His humility is not the rehearsed kind that politicians put on during campaign seasons. It shows itself in small, unguarded moments that people notice without being told. He does not interrupt. He does not belittle. He does not make anyone feel small for not knowing what he knows.

He has a way of making you feel that your question is intelligent, your concern is valid, and your presence is welcome. In a society where power is often displayed through intimidation and loudness, his quiet dignity stands out like a calm person in a noisy room. You do not notice it at first, but after a while, you realise it is the only thing worth paying attention to.

His patience has been tested many times, especially during moments of political disappointment, and in every instance, he has refused to let frustration turn into rash action. He does not rush people. He does not force decisions before their time. He waits. He watches. He acts only when the time is right. That is the mark of a man who has nothing to prove and everything to protect.

His integrity is equally defining. Bala Wunti does not say one thing in private and another thing in public. What you see is what you get. He does not make promises he cannot keep, and he would rather lose an opportunity than lose his honour. In environments where verbal commitments are often discarded the moment they become inconvenient, that consistency has become legendary among those who have dealt with him.

His generosity is well known, but what is less discussed is the manner of it. He gives without making the recipient feel indebted. He helps without being reminded. He supports without keeping score. There are people in Bauchi today who have received life-changing assistance from him and have never once been made to feel like beggars.

Words of Robert Frost, in “Unharvested”: ‘As complete as the apple had given man.’ This depicts the abundance nature offers to man. This is what Bala Wunti has been offering on all fronts.

His composure through adversity is a quality that has earned him the deepest loyalty. When he was set aside by the political machinery, when the system pushed him out of consideration despite people’s desire for him, he did not rage. He did not threaten. He did not use his supporters to fight battles he could have easily started.

He simply returned to his foundation. He returned to the work he had been doing before ambition entered the picture. He accepted the outcome not with the weakness of resignation but with the strength of a man who knows that his worth is not tied to a title. That kind of self-control is extremely rare. It is the kind of thing people remember long after they have forgotten who won the election.

His supporters do not follow him because of what he promised them. They follow him because of what they have seen him do when no one was watching. They follow him because he has never made them feel like tools to be used and discarded.

They follow him because when they speak, he actually listens—not with the impatience of a man waiting for his turn to talk, but with the full attention of someone who believes that what they have to say matters. That is not leadership taught in any school. That is leadership that comes from a place deeper than training. It comes from a heart that has not been hardened by ambition.

History has a way of remembering men like this. In old emirates, before colonialism restructured everything, there were figures who never held official titles but remained in the memory of their communities for generations. They were the ones people turned to when formal authority was too distant or too compromised. They gave without keeping accounts.

They served without demanding recognition. They died, and people buried them with their own hands, and then they told stories about them for decades afterwards. A figure like that has not appeared in Bauchi for a very long time. Bala Wunti is that figure. It will be said that the fruits of abundance were unharvested.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com. 

By Uzair Adam

Senator representing Kano Central, Rufa’i Sani Hanga, has explained that he voluntarily relinquished his Senate ticket to former Kano State Deputy Governor, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, in the interest of unity and success within the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Kwankwasiyya Movement.

Speaking during an interview with DC Hausa, Hanga said the decision followed extensive consultations among party stakeholders aimed at strengthening the party ahead of future elections.

According to him, Gawuna’s political influence, widespread support base, and contributions to the movement made him a strong candidate for the Kano Central Senate seat.

“Gawuna joined us and expressed his desire to be part of the movement. We understand his political strength, his supporters, and the role he has played over the years.

If our objective is victory, it would not be right to insist that only one person must get the ticket.

After consultations, it was agreed that he should fly the party’s flag for Kano Central, and he accepted,” Hanga said.

The senator noted that members of the movement have always sought candidates capable of securing electoral victories and advancing their political objectives.

He expressed optimism that the movement’s national leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, would continue to achieve political success in Kano and eventually attain higher national leadership positions.

Hanga also dismissed claims of unfairness in the party’s nomination process, insisting that all aspirants and interest groups were carried along before decisions were made.

“Anyone familiar with our structure knows that a fair arrangement was reached. Consultations were held with all concerned groups, everyone’s interests were considered, and no one was sidelined,” he stated.

Reaffirming his loyalty to Kwankwaso, the senator pledged to remain steadfast in his support for the former Kano governor.

“I will continue to stand with Kwankwaso in every circumstance because I believe in his commitment to improving the lives of ordinary people,” he said.

Hanga further revealed that party leaders, including himself, participated in discussions leading to all major nominations, stressing that Gawuna’s emergence as the Kano Central candidate occurred with his full consent and support.

He added that members of the movement would continue to work collectively towards electoral success and the development of Kano State.

By Uzair Adam 

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has responded to recent remarks by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, saying the former Kano governor was also once under his political mentorship.

Ganduje, who is currently in Saudi Arabia performing the Hajj pilgrimage, made the response in a statement released on Friday through his Chief of Staff, Comrade Muhammad Garba.

The statement followed comments credited to Kwankwaso in which he reportedly said, “Even Ganduje was once my boy.”

Reacting to the remark, Ganduje said politics thrives on mentorship, sacrifice, support and long-standing relationships, noting that no politician attains prominence without assistance from others along the way.

According to the statement, Ganduje recalled playing a significant role in Kwankwaso’s early political journey, especially during the National Assembly election that led to his emergence as Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives.

“At that period, Ganduje could comfortably have described Kwankwaso as his political boy, considering the moral and financial support he offered him,” the statement read.

The former APC chairman further recalled that during his time as a senior civil servant in the Federal Capital Territory and later as Kano State Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport, Kwankwaso frequently visited him in both Abuja and Kano.

Ganduje said reviving “boy-master” narratives in present-day politics was unnecessary at a time citizens expect leaders to focus on governance, peace and development.

He also revisited the 1998 Kano governorship primaries, claiming that many party stakeholders believed he won the contest but that senior political figures persuaded him to accept the deputy governorship position alongside Kwankwaso in the interest of party unity.

Despite their political disagreements over the years, Ganduje noted that he and Kwankwaso worked together successfully as governor and deputy governor between 1999 and 2003, and again from 2011 to 2015.

He added that political relationships naturally evolve, citing the example of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, who once served as Kwankwaso’s Personal Assistant but later rose to become governor of the state.

“Politics should not be reduced to who is superior to the other. A father can nurture a child who eventually surpasses him in influence and status,” Ganduje stated.

He urged political leaders and supporters in Kano State to avoid divisive comments and instead concentrate on promoting unity, peace and development across the state.

By Ukasha Kofarnassarawa 

Like almost everyone, I saw that Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami is now PDP’s gubernatorial flag bearer for Gombe State. Congratulations to him. Pantami is now everything he once criticised. But that’s not my focus here; the internet has receipts for anyone interested in digging.

The real calculation:

Amid all the “consensus-coronation” drama unfolding nationwide, many observers expected Sheikh to defect to either ADC or the NDC, which are seen as the strongest opposition blocs. But Abuja is playing a different game. This looks calculated.

Right now, the entire core North — both North-West and North-East — is held by APC governors, except Bauchi, which lately switched to APM. The party’s structure and acceptability are widely seen as weak, and the state is likely to return to APC in the next election, given its current flag bearer, the former governor of the state.

For the President’s party, having zero opposition across the whole core north would be a dangerous optics problem. It would look like a monopoly. To avoid that, Abuja needs to “sacrifice” 2  core northern states to the opposition, just to create balance. One in the northwest and the other in the northeast.

And among all opposition parties, PDP is the “lesser evil” from Abuja’s view because one of its sons controls a major faction there. So Pantami decamped to the PDP, which functions as an extension of the APC. The plan: he gets “appointed” governor to create the illusion of balance, then switches to the main APC immediately after winning.

Abuja’s handwriting is not hard to understand.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via Ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.