Politics

By Muhammad Sulaiman

A social media outcry has erupted in Kebbi State following claims that the Executive Chairman of the state’s Pilgrims Welfare Agency donated 100 cars to support the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s 2027 election campaign.

Bashir Jelani, a Kebbi indigene and scholar based in the United States, raised the issue in a Facebook post, questioning the reported donation amid concerns over poverty, malnutrition and access to clean drinking water in the state.

Jelani drew attention to reports highlighting Kebbi’s development challenges, citing the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), StatiSense, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and UNICEF.

He questioned the reported donation in a state he described as facing severe socioeconomic challenges, asking where the money used to acquire the vehicles came from.

Other Kebbi residents have reportedly expressed similar concerns, with the controversy prompting questions about the source of funding for the vehicles and the priorities of public officials under the administration of Governor Nasir Idris, popularly known as Ƙauran Gwandu.

However, the circumstances surrounding the alleged donation, including the source of funding and the intended recipients of the vehicles, remain unclear. The claims and the statistics cited in the Facebook post could not be independently verified for this report.

The agency chairman and the Kebbi State Government have not been quoted as responding to the allegations.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir


The name of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami has been omitted from the list released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), prompting concerns among his supporters in Gombe State.

In a statement dated October 10, 2026, Professor Suleiman Mohammed Gombe said Pantami’s name was missing from the list following a fresh Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) primary election held on September 29, reportedly ordered by the Federal High Court.

Gombe assured supporters that the omission was a temporary setback, adding that the candidate’s legal and liaison teams were engaging with relevant party organs and INEC to secure a resolution within the period allowed by law.

He urged members of the PDP and the Pantamiyya Movement to remain calm and continue their mobilisation, expressing confidence that the matter would be resolved.

The statement did not specify the reasons for the omission or provide further details of the ongoing legal engagements.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress, David Mark, has said the party will follow electoral rules but will resist any attempt to manipulate the 2027 general elections or prevent it from participating fairly.

Mark spoke on Wednesday in Abuja when he received a delegation from the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development at the ADC national headquarters.

The delegation, led by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, was at the party’s secretariat as part of consultations with political parties and other stakeholders ahead of the 2027 elections.

Mark said the ADC was committed to observing the rules governing the elections as well as its internal code of conduct.

“We hold ourselves to the highest standards of good conduct as a political party. We will play by the rules. But we will not accept rigging or allow ourselves to be rigged out.

“We are committed to playing politics in a manner that promotes public confidence in democracy,” he said.

The ADC chairman said the party would also abide by the guidelines issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission and the provisions of its Orange Book, which outlines the party’s code of conduct and governance principles.

Mark had previously cautioned against the use of state institutions to influence the 2027 electoral process, stressing the importance of protecting the credibility of the elections.

Speaking during the visit, Ariwoola said the Savannah Centre was seeking commitments from political parties and their candidates towards peaceful, free, fair and credible elections.

He urged the ADC leadership to ensure that its candidates and supporters adhered to INEC regulations and avoided actions that could contribute to political violence.

The engagement is part of the ongoing consultations by the centre’s Council of the Wise with political actors and other stakeholders ahead of the 2027 elections.

The council, chaired by Ariwoola, was reconstituted in June with a mandate to promote peaceful and credible elections while engaging political parties, government institutions and other key stakeholders.

Its engagements have included meetings with political candidates and other political actors, with emphasis on compliance with electoral rules, issue-based campaigns and efforts to prevent violence and hate speech.

The delegation to the ADC included members of the Council of the Wise, among them Professors Abdullahi Shehu and Azeez Dankano, Executive Director of the Centre, Ambassador Sani Bala, Tunji Lardner and Ambassador Godswill Ighali.

The centre had earlier disclosed plans for the council to engage President Bola Tinubu, INEC leadership, political parties, security agencies, traditional and religious leaders, civil society organisations and other stakeholders before the 2027 elections.

By Muhammad Sagir Bauchi

It has been three years since I last put pen to paper for public reading. That last article, published in July 2023, examined the new economic policies of the present administration: subsidy removal, exchange rate unification, and student loans, through the lens of Keynes’ warning that “in the long run, we are all dead.” I argued then that these reforms, though painful, could pay off over time, while cautioning that fairness in how the pain and the palliatives were distributed would determine whether Nigerians trusted the process. Three years on, I return to ask the question those reforms were always going to face: has the long run arrived, and for whom?

Six years ago, I wrote an article titled, “Nigeria At 60: A Moment Of Joy Or A Moment Of Sober Reflection?” In it, I reflected on our journey since independence, the challenges we had faced, and the questions surrounding our progress as a country. Six years later, Nigeria is 66, and the question remains almost the same: is this a moment of joy, a moment of sober reflection, or perhaps both?

Since independence, Nigeria has gone through different political administrations, military interventions, democratic transitions, economic reforms, and countless attempts to solve the problems confronting it. We have built universities, colleges, hospitals and roads. Millions of Nigerians have acquired education and gone on to make meaningful contributions to the country and the world. There is certainly a lot to celebrate. But while celebrating our achievements, we must also have the courage to ask where we have failed, where we are today, and where we are heading.

A country can record economic growth while millions of its citizens continue to struggle with the cost of living. Economic reforms may be necessary, but that does not mean we should ignore the short-term hardship they create. Government may point to improving figures, but ordinary Nigerians are equally justified in asking when those improvements will begin to show up in their daily lives. Why celebrate GDP growth or falling inflation on paper while paying little attention to the struggles of the ordinary man whose reality reflects neither? Economic growth should not only be measured by what the figures say; it should be reflected in what people can afford, the jobs they can find, the businesses they can sustain and the quality of life they can provide for their families.

It is no longer news that petrol sells for about ₦1,400 per litre in parts of Lagos and around ₦1,500 in parts of the North. This is no longer a figure in newspapers or a talking point on social media; it is a living reality Nigerians are struggling to adapt to. Today, even people fortunate enough to own a car are becoming careful about where and when they drive. Some now choose the inconvenience of public transport not because they lack a vehicle, but because fuelling it has become too costly. A car that was once a convenience has, for some families, become an expense they must calculate before every journey.

Since the removal of the petrol subsidy, several policies have been introduced to cushion the effects of the reform. Yet from the perspective of the ordinary citizen, it is difficult to point to a corresponding drop in hardship. Nigerians are not asking for suffering to be eradicated overnight; they are asking for a meaningful reduction in the burden they carry daily. The real question is not whether the reforms were necessary, but whether the people bearing their immediate cost are beginning to see the promised benefits. A reform can be economically necessary and still be socially painful, and when that pain continues without improvement in people’s standard of living, government must expect citizens to ask hard questions.

Since independence, Nigeria has also built numerous institutions of learning, and millions of Nigerians have benefited from them. To follow the path of developed nations, the concept of education loans was introduced. In an ideal society, this can be a smart move, shifting the burden of financing higher education from parents to government, with students eventually repaying the cost. But what pushed us here in the first place? The same government policies that have left many parents living hand to mouth, with little or nothing to save for their children’s education. What they earn is often barely enough to cover food, shelter and other basics- things people now struggle to afford rather than plan for.

Can we truly celebrate a policy that pushes parents deeper into poverty while leaving them unable to afford their children’s education? More importantly, how many graduates can be certain there will be jobs waiting for them, jobs that let them repay what they borrowed? What happens when a graduate leaves school with a degree and a loan but no employment opportunities? What happens when companies close because policies make it hard to do business, or when entrepreneurs are forced to shut their doors because of low sales and rising costs?

Education loans may provide access to education, but access alone is not enough. There must also be an economy that gives graduates decent opportunities to work, earn, and repay. Otherwise, are we simply shifting the burden from parents who cannot afford education to graduates who may never find the jobs needed to carry it?

This brings us back to leadership. Six years ago, I argued that one of Nigeria’s major problems was how political leadership was perceived and exercised, a system where public office could become a means of personal advancement rather than service. Six years later, that question remains just as relevant. Leadership is not only about making policy; it is about understanding how policy affects the people who must live with it. The ordinary citizen does not experience an economic reform as a policy document; he experiences it through the price of food, transport, school fees, rent and electricity. Leadership must go beyond celebrating figures and ask whether its policies are producing a society in which ordinary Nigerians can live with dignity.

One issue I raised six years ago was vote buying. It is easy to condemn citizens who accept money during elections, but perhaps we should ask a harder question first. When people who once fought a previous administration on grounds of incompetence are now in government, defending the very policies that have subjected Nigerians to severe hardship, can we genuinely expect citizens to reject ₦5,000 or ₦10,000 when many are struggling to put food on the table? This is not an argument for vote buying; it is a question about the conditions that make it possible. A citizen who cannot afford food, medicine or transport is more vulnerable to financial incentives at the polls. That does not make vote buying right, but it should push us to examine the poverty that allows it to thrive. If we want citizens to make truly independent choices, we must build a society where poverty does not make those choices easier to manipulate.

Corruption remains one of Nigeria’s oldest struggles. We have created institutions, passed laws and established agencies to fight it, yet the perception that public resources are sometimes diverted for personal or political gain continues to shape public trust. What makes this worse is our own double standard: when a politician from the opposing party is accused, we demand accountability; when someone from our own camp faces the same allegation, the conversation quietly changes. We cannot build a strong country by applying different standards to the same behaviour based on political affiliation. Accountability cannot be selective.

Insecurity, too, was already a major concern six years ago, and it remains one today; its nature and location may shift, but the consequences are just as painful. Families are displaced, businesses suffer, farmers cannot operate freely in some areas, and young people grow up with insecurity as part of everyday conversation. A country cannot achieve sustainable development when its citizens constantly worry about their safety; security is directly tied to agriculture, education, business, investment, and general well-being.

Nigeria has one of the largest youth populations in Africa, an enormous potential advantage that becomes a burden when the economy cannot provide enough opportunity. Every year, thousands of graduates leave school hoping to find work, and many spend years searching, turning to entrepreneurship, migration or whatever else they can find. The rising desire among young Nigerians to leave the country, popularly called “Japa”, should make us ask why so many feel their future lies elsewhere. It is not enough to tell them to stay and build the country; we must create conditions that make staying a realistic, attractive choice.

Education remains one of the most important investments any country can make, yet Nigeria continues to face disruptions, prolonged strikes, and other setbacks that affect students and institutions. We cannot claim to be developing while young people spend years moving in and out of classrooms over problems that better planning, funding and dialogue could resolve.

So, are we better off than we were at independence? In some areas, certainly. We have more institutions, more educated Nigerians, greater access to technology, a larger private sector, and Nigerians making remarkable contributions around the world. But progress should not blind us to what remains broken. Nigeria is not a complete failure, just as it is not a complete success story; our story is more complicated than either label. We have achievements worth celebrating and failures that demand honest reflection. We celebrate Nigerians’ resilience, but we should also ask why they need to be so resilient just to survive.

Patriotism doesn’t mean defending every government policy, and criticism doesn’t mean hating one’s country. Sometimes, asking difficult questions is itself an act of patriotism.

As Nigeria marks 66 years of independence, we should celebrate what we have achieved, remember how far we have come, and, most importantly, have the courage to confront what still holds us back. The Nigeria we want will not be built by government alone. It requires responsible leadership, accountable institutions, an active citizenry, and a society that values merit, justice and equal opportunity.

At 66, Nigeria has every reason to celebrate. But it also has every reason to reflect.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the gratuity payments commence, as approved and directed by His Excellency, Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed, some critics of his administration find it difficult to appreciate what they have long asked the governor to do. This is especially true since the beneficiaries have spent their lives serving the state and are in dire need of their hard-earned entitlements.

As much as criticism remains the beauty of democracy, they should be happy that their loud voices were heard, the governor acted, and the retired civil servants will now get paid. Instead, they have resorted to cheap blackmail, arguing that the payment is delayed and that the governor deserves no applause because it’s long overdue, even though he inherited these huge burdens from previous administrations dating back to 2013.

While they have an inalienable right to hold an opinion and express it, anyone who does something worthy of applause deserves commendation and a standing ovation. They should also raise other important aspects of governance that they feel require His Excellency’s attention. By doing so, they will turn into partners in progress rather than mere critics.

This is how criticism works in sane democracies: critics and opposition figures matter, playing a key role in providing checks and balances so government stays on track while earning applause from its supporters. His Excellency’s response to the voices of wisdom suggests our democracy has matured and begun embracing constructive feedback, as shown by the payment of gratuities.

While congratulating our retired civil servants, I also commend His Excellency for making this important day a reality.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi writes from no 555 Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

I have always believed one of the oldest tricks in politics is convincing people that temporary relief is evidence of good governance. It is a carefully managed performance. First, create uncertainty. Allow fear and anxiety to spread. Watch public frustration build. Then step in with what appears to be compassion. The same government that created the tension suddenly presents itself as the rescuer. Many applaud, forgetting who created the problem in the first place.

This is how propaganda works.

Propaganda is not always about telling outright lies. Sometimes it is about controlling public emotions. It is about deciding what people focus on and, more importantly, what they forget. It shifts attention from the real problems to carefully staged moments that create the illusion of responsive leadership.

One technique often seen in politics is card stacking, where only information that benefits those in power is highlighted while inconvenient facts are pushed aside. Another is glittering generalities, where attractive slogans and emotionally appealing catchphrases are repeated so often that they begin to replace serious conversations about policy. 

There is also transfer, where every government action is wrapped in patriotic language, encouraging citizens to equate support for those in power with love for the country. Add to that bandwagon, which creates the impression that everyone supports a particular government or policy, making dissent appear unreasonable or even unpatriotic. When these techniques are combined with carefully timed announcements and an aggressive media campaign, public attention shifts from measurable results to carefully managed political narratives.

Nigerians should understand this strategy because it has become increasingly common. Instead of addressing the structural problems affecting millions of citizens, government communication often focuses on managing public perception. The objective is not necessarily to improve people’s lives but to improve the government’s image.

While citizens celebrate temporary gestures or reassuring announcements, inflation continues to erode purchasing power. Food prices remain beyond the reach of many families. Businesses struggle to survive. Young people face unemployment and uncertainty. Public institutions continue to weaken while public confidence in government steadily declines.

This is why every Nigerian should ask a simple question whenever government suddenly presents itself as the people’s defender. What created the hardship in the first place? What lasting solution has been provided? Has anything fundamentally changed, or has public attention simply been redirected?

A government that genuinely puts citizens first does not depend on carefully timed public relations campaigns to maintain popularity. It develops policies that reduce hardship before people are pushed to the edge. It strengthens institutions instead of relying on media narratives to defend every controversial decision.

Unfortunately, propaganda has become a substitute for performance. Press statements are becoming more frequent than measurable achievements. Political branding is taking precedence over policy outcomes. The goal appears to be shaping perception rather than changing reality.

History teaches us that governments often become more confident when they believe public opinion can be managed rather than earned. Once citizens accept political theatre as leadership, accountability weakens. Leaders no longer feel compelled to deliver meaningful reforms because they discover that effective messaging can sometimes produce the same political reward as effective governance.

From my perspective, it is part of the trick. Once they secure a second term, they may feel less restrained and more willing to pursue policies that place even greater burdens on ordinary Nigerians. Nigerians should carefully examine the APC administration’s record before deciding its future. Those advocating another Tinubu term should also explain why they believe the country’s present direction deserves another mandate.

Tinubu has not demonstrated a convincing plan to rebuild Nigeria or strengthen the country’s institutions. My concern is that a second term could further weaken democratic accountability and concentrate even more power in the presidency. Whether Nigerians agree or disagree with that assessment, they should examine facts, policies and outcomes rather than political slogans and carefully managed publicity.

Democracy survives when citizens question narratives instead of accepting them at face value. Governments should be judged by the condition of the people, not by the quality of their communication strategy. A well-written press release cannot reduce inflation. A polished speech cannot put food on people’s tables. A sophisticated propaganda campaign cannot substitute for sound governance.

The greatest propaganda is not convincing people that everything is fine. It is convincing them that carefully managed political gestures are proof of good leadership.

Nigeria deserves more than slogans.

Nigeria deserves more than political theatre.

Nigeria deserves leaders who solve problems instead of managing perceptions.

Muhammad Umar Shehu wrote from Gombe and can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

During the build-up to the 2019 general elections, former President Muhammadu Buhari’s campaign slogan was “Next Level”—a misleading slogan intended to make people believe that the 2015–2019 administration had anything to write home about.

 Public affairs commentators throughout most of the campaign period cautioned Nigerians not to accept this slogan and to vote the system out. Those who survived Buhari’s second coming have many stories to tell the next generation.

This administration’s re-election campaign slogan, “Renewed Hope,” relies on similar gimmicks. What kind of hope is the Tinubu administration renewing? Is it the hope of addressing lingering insecurity, such as banditry and kidnapping, or the hope of reversing poor economic policies and programmes that have plunged the common man into avoidable hardship?

This administration, deceitfully designed, introduced several palliative programs to cushion the negative effects of subsidy removal, such as promoting compressed natural gas (CNG) and electric vehicles, as well as establishing social safety nets. Tinubu administration halted the N-Power scheme, the National Home-Grown School Feeding Programme, and other social security initiatives without offering any convincing reasons.

The Tinubu administration also established a dedicated agency, the National Credit Guarantee Company Limited (NCGC), as a financial institution designed to expand financial inclusion and drive economic growth across Nigeria and appointed the former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara, as its chairman, backed by a 100 billion Naira budget allocation. 

Three years into this administration, the agency has not yet secured an office building; it is squatting within the Bank of Industries building, and no official records of beneficiaries are available for verification. 

The same administration is currently prosecuting an individual who, according to reports, established a fake agency, received funding, and spent huge amounts of money. This is Nigeria for you.

Dear Nigerians, vote wisely to avoid experiencing a situation similar to, or worse than, Buhari’s second term.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi writes from no 555 Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

I write this as a concerned citizen of Kano who genuinely wants your administration and our state to succeed.

First, I must acknowledge the progress your administration has made. The visible investment in road construction, rehabilitation and urban infrastructure across Kano deserves recognition. Your government has also intervened in education, healthcare, agriculture, and other sectors. These efforts should be sustained regardless of political differences.

However, Your Excellency, I believe Kano can do even more.

The recently concluded mass wedding involving 1,500 couples, reportedly gulping the state more than ₦1.5 billion, has made me reflect on our priorities. 

I am a Muslim, and I respect marriage and the Sunnah of our beloved Prophet Muhammad (SAW). I therefore do not oppose helping genuinely vulnerable people to marry.

My concern is sustainability and priority.

Marriage does not end at the wedding. After the ceremony come food, rent, healthcare, children’s education and other responsibilities. If someone lacks the economic capacity to establish a household, helping him marry does not necessarily solve the problem that made marriage difficult.

We should not only help people get married; we should help them build families that can stand on their own.

This is why I respectfully urge your administration to place greater emphasis on the following:

Education: Kano’s children are our greatest investment. We need stronger public schools, better teacher development, learning materials, technical education, girls’ education and serious programmes to return out-of-school children to classrooms. Questions have already been raised about the relatively small allocation to some out-of-school-girl programmes compared with the mass-wedding expenditure.

Youth employment and skills: Our young people need sustainable opportunities, not only temporary grants. Vocational training, agriculture, ICT, manufacturing, apprenticeships, and affordable business financing can help young people earn and eventually support their own families.

Healthcare and water: Functional primary healthcare, maternal care, essential medicines, clean water and sanitation must reach ordinary citizens, particularly in rural communities.

Agriculture: Kano has enormous agricultural potential. The government should strengthen irrigation, storage, processing and market access so that farming becomes a profitable industry and a source of employment.

There is also the important issue of monitoring government assistance.

I recently saw a large number of mattresses being distributed under the mass-wedding programme, which raised questions for me about what happens to them after distribution. I cannot confirm whether what I observed involved legitimate transfer, resale or something else, and I do not wish to accuse anyone without evidence.

But it highlights an important question:

What mechanism monitors government assistance after it reaches beneficiaries?

I respectfully suggest post-distribution verification, proper documentation and follow-up assessments. The government should know who received assistance, whether they received the full allocation, and whether the intervention actually improved their lives.

Public money deserves public accountability.

Your Excellency, you have shown that your government can build roads.

Please build people too.

You have shown that government can support marriages.

Please build the economic foundation upon which those marriages can stand.

Let us measure Kano’s progress not only by kilometres of roads constructed, but by how many children are in school, how many young people have sustainable jobs, how many families escape poverty, and how many empowerment beneficiaries remain economically active years later.

I do not want a Kano where people continually wait for government assistance.

I want a prosperous Kano where the government creates the opportunities that allow people to become self-reliant.

That is the Kano many of us want.

Umar Abdullahi Huguma writes from Kano State and can be reached at umarhuguma2023@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Felix Morka, has said President Bola Tinubu has performed better than every democratically elected president in Nigeria.

Morka made the claim during an interview with Channels Television on Monday, where he also said Tinubu inherited an economy that was “completely in a mess”.

Asked to identify the indicators that informed his assessment of Tinubu’s performance, the APC spokesperson said the available economic indicators were enough to support the claim.

“President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has outperformed any president in his first term. He has outperformed any democratically elected president in this country in their terms,” he said.

“The indicators are res ipsa loquitur as we say in law; they speak for themselves. This president inherited an economy that was completely in a mess.”

Morka attributed the country’s economic difficulties to what he described as the failures of successive administrations.

He said former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration came after 16 years of what he described as poor governance under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

“Buhari was a stopgap president that really came to keep the country from tipping over the precipice — from 16 years of horrific maladministration of the PDP government,” he added.

“President Buhari served his term, did his job to hold the country still for President Tinubu to enter.”

The APC spokesman also claimed that Tinubu’s administration had introduced changes that had led some of its previous critics to acknowledge its progress.

According to him, Nigeria has “come out of the woods” at the macroeconomic level as a result of policies introduced by the Tinubu administration.

However, Morka did not provide specific details or comparative figures to demonstrate how Tinubu had outperformed previous democratically elected presidents.

The APC controlled the federal government under Buhari from 2015 to 2023 before Tinubu succeeded him as president in 2023 under the same political party.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

There are people who go on leave to escape books, and there are people who go on leave only to escape the office. Then there is Kashim Shettima, for whom a leave without books may be like a library without shelves: technically possible, but fundamentally incomplete.

The two-week leave has awakened the bookism in him. After years of governance, meetings, memos, policy conversations and the endless grammar of public administration, one would imagine that a man might simply surrender himself to sleep, travel with his family to some Shangri-La den in Dubai, or disappear into the soft luxury of doing absolutely nothing. But Shettima has never appeared to be a man who considers idleness a convincing definition of rest. For him, perhaps, rest is simply another opportunity to read.

This is not a new discovery. I wrote in 2022 about Shettima as Nigeria’s Modern Day Philosopher-King, drawing from Plato’s idea that leadership and philosophy ought to meet in the same person. Looking back now, I realise that perhaps I was only describing one half of the equation. The philosopher needs a kingdom, yes, but the philosopher also needs books. And Shettima seems to understand that the quickest way to empty a philosopher is to deprive him of reading.

His relationship with books is almost personal. He does not merely read them; he appears to court them. There have been accounts of him browsing bookstores while travelling, moving from one section to another and recommending books to people around him. He has also been described as someone who would choose books over material prizes.

I once had a conversation about this unusual book obsession with Rukaiya el-Rufai, the National Coordinator of Nigeria’s Human Capital Development Programme. She told me something that stayed with me: when it comes to gifts, what impresses her boss the most is a good book. Her advice was simple: when you travel, buy him high-value books. According to her, such a gift can make him happier than a designer perfume.

That, in itself, is a fascinating portrait of a man. While some people measure affection by the price tag on a gift, the intellectual measures it by the depth of thought behind it. A perfume evaporates. A book lingers. A designer bottle may occupy a shelf, but a good book can occupy the mind. This may explain why Shettima’s leave does not seem to be a vacation from intellectual activity. It is more like an intellectual retreat. The office may have been left behind, but the books followed him. The files may have been closed, but the pages remained open.

And when he finally returns to work, we should perhaps prepare ourselves. The post-leave effect in governance may not simply be a refreshed Vice President. It may be a more heavily footnoted one. Every conversation may come with a reference. Every decision may acquire a historical context. Every policy discussion may suddenly develop a philosophical foundation. A simple question could receive an answer, a counterargument, a historical example and, if one is not careful, a brief literature review.

That is the bookism. But beneath the humour lies something serious. Leaders do not govern only with budgets, files and official briefings. They govern with ideas. And ideas, when properly cultivated, are often born from the discipline of reading.

Shettima’s book habit therefore tells us something beyond the man himself. It reminds us that governance should not be an intellectual desert. Public office should not terminate curiosity. Power should not become an excuse to stop learning. A leader who reads is constantly exposed to worlds beyond his immediate environment. He encounters ideas that challenge him, histories that humble him, failures that warn him and possibilities that expand his imagination.

Perhaps that is why, for Shettima, a two-week leave can still become a classroom. He may have left the office, but he never really left learning. And when he returns, the books will return with him, quietly packed into the vocabulary and ideas that will eventually find their way back into governance.

So, Nigerians, prepare yourselves. The Vice President is coming back from leave. And judging by his relationship with books, he cannot leave without reading. Therefore, he is returning not only refreshed but also armed with refined administrative and policy ideas that can help make Nigeria better.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a media and communications specialist, development advocate, storyteller, and social change driver from Borno State, Nigeria. He can be reached via email at lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.