Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa has defended his decision to leave the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and support President Bola Tinubu, saying the current administration is taking necessary steps to address Nigeria’s longstanding economic problems.

Okowa, who served as the running mate to former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 presidential election, made the remarks on Saturday at the All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign rally in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

The former governor said his assessment of Tinubu’s policies convinced him to abandon his previous political alliance and join the ruling party.

“You all know that in 2023 I was on another ticket, but I have seen the light, and I have seen what Mr president is doing for Nigeria,” Okowa said.

He described the President’s economic decisions as necessary for rebuilding the country, arguing that previous administrations had weakened Nigeria’s economic foundations.

“It is the right thing to be done, and I have long ago crossed to the APC to join hands with Mr president because he is truly building a new Nigeria.

“When the foundation is broken, you cannot do anything. Mr president realises that successive administrations have broken the foundations of Nigeria. And today, we are on the right course because that foundation is being put right.”

Okowa also credited the Federal Government’s fiscal reforms with improving the financial position of state and local governments, particularly through increased allocations.

“Today, our states and local governments are doing so well because Mr president has continued to mobilise resources for various states and our local governments,” Okowa said.

“We no longer talk about people owing salaries; we no longer talk about people owing pensioners. Our local governments are doing projects, our states are doing projects, and we can pay salaries.

“Only a man who understands a nation’s economy can do this. The wonders that were done in Lagos are already being done in our country, Nigeria.”

Okowa’s political shift marks a major departure from his alliance with Atiku during the 2023 presidential election.

Atiku selected him as his running mate in 2022, a decision that generated divisions within the PDP, particularly among members who favoured former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, for the position.

The Atiku-Okowa ticket eventually lost the presidential election to Tinubu and the APC.

In April 2025, Okowa publicly expressed regret over accepting the vice-presidential nomination, arguing that the PDP’s decision to field a northern presidential candidate despite expectations in the South contributed to the party’s poor performance in Delta State during the election.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) vice-presidential candidate, Rotimi Amaechi, has pledged to resign if Nigerians fail to experience noticeable improvements within one year of an Atiku Abubakar-led administration.

Amaechi made the commitment during an interview with NewsCentral TV on Friday, while outlining the party’s proposed economic policies ahead of the 2027 general election.

He said his decision to leave government would depend on his performance and whether the administration delivered meaningful changes to the country.

“I’m sure the president knows my character, the presidential candidate (Atiku Abubakar) knows my character, that if I’m not performing, I may likely leave government,” he said.

When asked whether he would step down as vice-president if he failed to deliver, the former Rivers State governor responded, “Of course. I’m not joking.”

Amaechi expressed confidence that an ADC government would gain widespread public approval within its first year, predicting that Nigerians would appreciate Atiku’s leadership.

“But the way the situation is and the way I know Atiku, our first year in office, he will be hailed as a hero,” he said.

“Atiku will be hailed as a hero. Nigerians will regret not voting for him earlier,” he added.

On the economy, Amaechi said the party planned to introduce a production subsidy to reduce petrol prices by making crude oil available to local refiners below international market rates.

He explained that participating refiners would have to pass the benefits of the arrangement to consumers through lower pump prices or purchase crude oil at the prevailing international rate.

“What we’re introducing is what we’ll call a production subsidy.

“If you don’t bring down the price, because the subsidy is aimed at bringing down the price, if you don’t do that, then you don’t get the subsidy.

“You either get the subsidy and bring down the price, or you buy at the international market rate,” he said.

On agriculture, Amaechi promised a review of existing policies, greater support for local farmers and measures to reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported food.

“We must review the agricultural policy,” he said.

“We must encourage Nigerian farmers. We will not be importing food.”

He argued that expanding agricultural production would generate employment and wealth while helping to tackle insecurity.

“Agriculture will create wealth, will create employment. Employment will reduce insecurity,” he added.

Amaechi also maintained that the party would continue its political activities despite a recent court judgment affecting its leadership structure.

“We are not stopping,” he said, insisting that the ADC would pursue its legal options while continuing its plans for the 2027 elections.

The party’s leadership crisis followed the emergence of former Senate President David Mark as head of its caretaker leadership after the resignation of former National Chairman Ralph Nwosu. However, Nafiu Bala Gombe, a former deputy national chairman of the party, challenged the transition, arguing that he was constitutionally entitled to succeed Nwosu.

In a judgment delivered on Thursday, Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja ruled in Gombe’s favour, declaring the Mark-led caretaker committee illegal and nullifying its decisions, including the process that produced Atiku as the ADC’s presidential candidate for 2027.

The ruling also affected the party’s other nominations for the elections.

The ADC rejected the judgment and announced on Friday that it had filed an appeal alongside an application for a stay of execution. It also asked the Independent National Electoral Commission to refrain from taking further action pending the determination of the appeal.

By Saifullahi Attahir

There was a time when most individuals engaged in either campus or labour association politics harboured the ambition of moving into mainstream politics. But years later, only a few achieved this dream. What went wrong? What is the difference between the two forms of politics, and why does success in one not guarantee success in the other?

Trade unions like the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT), Nigerian Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas (NUPENG), Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Association of Resident Doctors (ARD), Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), National Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO), Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), the umbrella Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), and hundreds of others are examples of trade unions that have a form of politics almost similar to students’ unionism. They address the welfare of their members and are often in constant confrontation with the ‘government’.

Trade unionism and students’ unionism share similar characteristics and differ entirely from mainstream politics — the partisan politics of electing Chairmen, Governors, and Senators. Unionism involves a group of people sharing similar ideologies, mostly young, and is mistakenly believed to necessarily be led by vibrant, idealistic, talkative, and radical individuals.

Of course, a handful of trade union leaders were lucky enough to do well in mainstream politics. Examples include Senator Ibrahim Shekarau (former National President of Secondary School Principals), Senator Adams Oshiomhole (former NLC Chairman), Dr Chris Ngige, Senator Shehu Sani, Senator Dayo Faduyile (former NMA Chairman), and a few more.

But those “born comrades” in mainstream politics are very few compared to the hundreds of politicians who were once averse to joining even school politics but are now full-blown politicians in Nigeria. Ironically, many of those occupying seats in Nigeria are accidental politicians: either a retired civil servant, a retired Army General, a tired oil marketer, a former banker, a university lecturer, or a classroom teacher with no apparent political ambition, only to be dragged in by either their constituency or by influential people in their region. That’s the sheer power of fate!

One of the factors I have curiously come to realise as a roadblock is the inherent attitude in those ‘comrades’ — rebellion, radicalism, idealism, and hot-headedness — that makes it difficult for them to conform with their people; hence, they cannot be easily entrusted to lead others outside campuses. Most of them have fire and fury in their bones, and are men of stone, not easily bent or manipulated.

Most unionists are anti-business, and also suffer from identity problems when it comes to street politics. 

There is also the problem of funding. Party politics rewards money and godfatherism with little regard for grassroots mobilisation.

Some are unfortunately consumed by bitterness. For them, surrender was an unforgivable act. Of course, that does not apply to all. But it is obvious that even those comrades who accidentally find themselves in political seats do not endure long. They are either in constant fight with their colleagues — Shehu Sani, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Nasir El-Rufai, Ali Ndume, Dino Melaye, etc. — or always prefer to rebel — Sowore, Lukman Salihu, Naja’atu Mohammed.

Negotiation is a key tool for success in mainstream politics, especially when dealing with people who have different ideologies and perspectives. Unfortunately, unionists are trained to strike and rebel.

Some have even been tried as leaders but failed. The story of Tai Solarin is an example. He constantly criticised President Ibrahim Babangida. It was said that IBB cunningly entrusted the newly established People’s Bank to Tai Solarin as Chairman, only for the scheme to fail a few years later.

Success in mainstream politics is complex and multifactorial, and carries a good chunk of luck and right timing. It is not purely sagacity or intelligence. It is not purely based on ingenuity either. But there is an obvious Darwinian theory of survival of the fittest.

I have summed up the following as some of the factors that aid seamless transition and success in mainstream politics: flexibility and adaptation, ability to tolerate others and accept their views, bigger ambition, independent source of income, self-knowledge and education, learning when to speak and when to remain silent, mentorship and obedience to those mentors.

Of course, even with the above, it is still not a guarantee of success. Success belongs to God the Almighty.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS). He wrote this piece from Federal University Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.  

By Shamwil Ibrahim (Justice)

Dauda Kahutu Rarara, I have a question for you: after all your years in Kannywood, is Triple R really the best name you could come up with?

Creativity should mean more than having a popular name, a large following, or the ability to attract attention. It should also mean having the imagination to create something distinctive, something people can associate with your vision without immediately conjuring an established historical legacy.

The name Triple R Kannywood for Renewed Hope Initiative merits more than a passing glance. For anyone familiar with Nigeria’s history, the name immediately evokes the Three Rs introduced under General Yakubu Gowon’s government after the Nigerian Civil War: Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction.

Rarara, did no one on your team pause to consider the historical association before settling on this name? Was there no alternative that could give the initiative a more distinctive identity? Or has the standard for creativity in our entertainment industry fallen so low that a name only needs to sound appealing to be accepted?

That is what troubles me.

Kannywood is built on storytelling, music, imagination and expression. Its artists understand the power of words and the importance of creating work that captures people’s attention. Yet the name of this association has left the public asking why a concept so closely associated with an important chapter in Nigeria’s history has resurfaced in this form.

If you want people to take your initiative seriously, give them a reason to see it as something genuinely distinctive. Do not expect applause simply because your name is attached to it.

You have spent years building your reputation, Rarara. One would expect that experience to be reflected in the ideas associated with your name. Instead, the choice of Triple R raises an obvious question: why this name, when so many possibilities are available?

I am not claiming that the resemblance proves deliberate copying. I am questioning why a public figure with your experience would choose a name that immediately invites comparison with an established historical policy. That is a legitimate question, and it deserves a serious answer.

Unfortunately, public discussions in Nigeria sometimes confuse criticism with hatred. When a popular figure is questioned, some supporters rush to defend them without addressing the issue itself. That attitude does little to encourage accountability or improve the quality of ideas in our creative industry.

Popularity is not a substitute for originality. Influence is not proof of creativity. And fame should never put anyone beyond public scrutiny.

Kannywood needs people who can think beyond the familiar. It needs fresh identities, bold ideas, and individuals who understand that influence comes with responsibility. We should challenge our creative people to raise their standards rather than lower our expectations because they have become popular.

So, Rarara, what informed this choice? Was the historical connection considered? What makes Triple R the right identity for your association? And what distinguishes it from the concept Nigerians have known for decades?

These are fair questions. You may disagree with my criticism, but that does not make the questions themselves unreasonable.

My concern is not that you have established an association. My concern is that an opportunity to demonstrate originality has produced a name that invites an immediate comparison with history.

If we cannot question the choices of influential figures in our entertainment industry, then what exactly are we allowed to question?

Kannywood deserves creativity. The public deserves explanations. And those who occupy influential positions should be prepared to defend their decisions.

TRIPLE R. WHY THIS NAME? WHY NOT SOMETHING DISTINCTIVELY YOUR OWN?

Shamwil Ibrahim (Justice) can be reached via Ibrahimshamawilu@gmail.com.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Abba Atiku Abubakar, son of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, has pledged 10 buses to support President Bola Tinubu’s re-election campaign ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Abba made the pledge during a visit to the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Secretariat in Abuja on Friday, where he was received by the party’s Deputy National Chairman (North), Bukar Dalori.

According to a statement by Yusi Buba, an APC aide, Abba expressed support for Tinubu’s administration and announced the donation to boost the party’s mobilisation efforts.

The pledge followed his unveiling of the Haske Bola Tinubu Organisation, a support platform through which he plans to organise a two-million-man mobilisation march across the country’s six geopolitical zones.

Abba defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to the APC in January. His father, Atiku Abubakar, is the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) for the 2027 election.

By Muhammad Muhammad Salisu, Esq.

One of the fundamental differences between Islam and Christianity is the extent to which their revealed texts regulate human life beyond matters of personal faith and morality.

Islam is described as a Deen, a complete way of life. This is not merely a theological slogan. The Qur’an and the Sunnah contain guidance on matters ranging from worship and personal conduct to marriage, divorce, inheritance, contracts, finance, crime, governance, international relations, war and peace.

Christianity, particularly as centred on the New Testament, does not contain a comparable comprehensive legal system for civil, commercial and criminal affairs. This distinction should, however, be stated carefully. It does not mean that Christianity has no law, nor does it mean that Christians have no sophisticated legal or ethical tradition. The Old Testament contains substantial legislation, while Christianity later developed canon law and natural law traditions. The real distinction lies in Christianity’s theological relationship with that earlier law.

1. Sharia and Fiqh

It is important to distinguish between Sharia and Fiqh.

Sharia refers to the divinely revealed path, while Fiqh is the human scholarly effort to understand and apply that revelation to particular circumstances. This explains why different schools of Islamic jurisprudence can arrive at different rulings while relying upon the same revealed sources.

The principal sources of Islamic jurisprudence include the Qur’an, Sunnah, Ijma and Qiyas, supplemented in different schools by principles such as maslahah, istihsan, istishab and urf.

The significance of this is that Islam does not place worship in one compartment and worldly affairs in another. Classical Fiqh deals with both ‘ibadat, such as prayer, fasting, Zakat and Hajj, and mu’amalat, such as contracts, marriage, commerce, crime, governance and war.

2. Marriage, Divorce and Family Law

The Qur’an does not merely tell Muslims to marry and behave morally within marriage. It provides actual rules.

It addresses the mahr, divorce, the waiting period, reconciliation, maintenance, breastfeeding and other family matters. Fiqh subsequently develops detailed rules concerning custody, guardianship and maintenance.

This is a significant distinction. The Qur’an contains legislation which is then developed by jurists into an extensive body of family law.

3. Islamic Inheritance Law

Perhaps nowhere is the legislative character of the Qur’an more obvious than in inheritance.

Qur’an 4:11, 4:12 and 4:176 prescribe specific shares for heirs, including children, parents and spouses. Muslim jurists subsequently developed ‘ilm al-fara’id, the specialised science of inheritance, including detailed mathematical rules for complicated estates.

In other words, inheritance in Islam is not left entirely to personal preference or general moral instruction. There is a revealed framework determining who inherits and in what proportion.

4. Commerce, Contracts and Finance

Islamic revelation also regulates economic activity.

Qur’an 2:282, the longest verse in the Qur’an, deals with the documentation of debts and witnesses. Qur’an 5:1 commands believers to fulfil contracts. The Qur’an also prohibits riba and establishes broader principles governing legitimate commercial transactions.

Islamic jurisprudence consequently developed an extensive law of transactions covering sales, partnerships, uncertainty, debt and other commercial matters. Modern Islamic finance has extended these principles to contemporary instruments through juristic reasoning and ijtihad.

5. Criminal Law

Islamic jurisprudence also contains a developed criminal-law structure.

Hudud concern certain offences for which specified punishments are prescribed. Qisas and diya deal with homicide and bodily injury, while ta’zir covers offences for which punishment is left to judicial or governmental discretion.

The classical law also developed demanding evidential standards, particularly in relation to certain hudud offences.

Whether one agrees with every aspect of classical Islamic criminal jurisprudence is a separate question. The point here is simply that a criminal-law framework exists within the Islamic legal tradition.

6. Governance and Public Affairs

Islamic revelation also addresses governance.

The Qur’an speaks of authority, consultation and justice, while the political experience of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ in Madinah provided an actual historical model of governance.

The Constitution of Madinah, the Prophet’s agreements with different communities and later works of Muslim jurists such as al-Mawardi demonstrate the development of an Islamic political and legal tradition.

7. War, Peace and International Relations

Islamic sources also contain rules concerning armed conflict, treaties and relations with other communities.

The Qur’an prohibits transgression in warfare, encourages peace where the opposing side inclines toward peace, and provides protection for a person seeking safety. The Sunnah and early Muslim practice further developed principles concerning non-combatants, treaties and prisoners.

The classical work of al-Shaybani on siyar is particularly significant in the development of Islamic rules concerning international relations.

What About Christianity?

A fair comparison must begin by acknowledging that the Old Testament contains a substantial body of law.

The Torah contains rules dealing with criminal law, inheritance, divorce, debt, land, kingship, warfare and other matters. In that respect, the Old Testament is considerably closer to the Qur’an in legislative scope than the New Testament is.

The crucial issue, therefore, is not that “the Bible contains no law.” That would be historically inaccurate.

The real issue is Christianity’s relationship with the Mosaic law.

The New Testament presents a different orientation. When Jesus was asked to intervene in an inheritance dispute, he declined to act as an arbiter. When questioned about taxation, he distinguished between obligations to Caesar and obligations to God. He also declared that his kingdom was not of this world.

Paul’s writings further demonstrate the shift in the Christian understanding of Mosaic law. Acts 15 records the early Christian decision that Gentile converts were not required to observe the full Mosaic legal code.

Consequently, while the New Testament contains important moral and ecclesiastical instructions, it does not provide a comprehensive revealed code dealing with inheritance, commercial contracts, criminal procedure, taxation, international treaties and governance in the manner Islamic jurisprudence does.

But Christianity Developed Canon Law

This point must not be ignored.

As Christianity became established within the Roman Empire, the Church developed an extensive legal tradition dealing with marriage, clerical discipline, church property, heresy and other ecclesiastical matters.

Canon law became highly sophisticated, and thinkers such as Augustine and Thomas Aquinas developed major Christian traditions concerning natural law, morality and just war.

But the method is different.

Islamic jurisprudence principally develops its legal framework from the Qur’an and Sunnah through recognised juristic methodologies. Christian natural-law thought, by contrast, relies substantially upon reason and philosophical reflection on general principles, while canon law involves ecclesiastical legislation and historical legal development.

The Real Distinction

Therefore, the strongest argument is not that Christianity has no law.

That would be an oversimplification.

The stronger and more accurate argument is this:

Islam developed as both a religion and a community with a legal and political order, and its revealed sources consequently addressed both man’s relationship with God and his relationships with other human beings.

The Qur’an and Sunnah provide principles and rules concerning worship, family, inheritance, commerce, crime, governance, war and peace. Islamic jurists then developed those principles into an extensive jurisprudential tradition.

Christianity developed under substantially different historical circumstances. Jesus did not establish an independent political state, and the early Christians lived for centuries as a minority within the Roman Empire. The New Testament therefore did not develop into a comprehensive civil and criminal code.

This does not make Christianity morally inferior, nor does it make every aspect of Islamic jurisprudence automatically correct merely because it is Islamic.

It simply means that the two traditions have fundamentally different relationships between revelation, law and society.

Islam presents revelation as guidance for both the mosque and the marketplace, both the family and the courtroom, and both personal morality and public affairs.

That is what Muslims mean when they describe Islam as a complete way of life.

And that claim is not merely theological rhetoric. It is reflected in the structure and content of the Islamic sources themselves.

Muhammad Muhammad Salisu, Esq., wrote via muhammad.writes01@gmail.com.

By Ukasha Sani

As the ruling party, the APC, launches its presidential campaign in a bid to re-elect President Bola Tinubu, the question is no longer whether Nigerians can survive the present hardship, but whether they can survive its continuation.

Based on the last three years’ trajectory, a second victory for President Tinubu will not renew hope, as we have already lost it; it will only deepen hardship. All the tragic events in the country today, from the increase in fuel prices, insecurity, kidnapping and banditry to poor economic policies, are at their worst in the last three years. He has not reformed any sector; rather, they are more like abandoned projects that have worsened under his administration.

What if Tinubu wins? Then the economic hardship we call temporary becomes permanent policy.

They [the government] have comfortably watched the naira lose its dignity, from N460/$1 as of 29th May, 2023 to N1,475/$1 today.

They have watched fuel subsidy removal turn from a textbook reform into a daily punishment, from buying petrol at N200/litre in May 2023 to N1,440/litre today.

They have watched food inflation turn the market into a place of tears, where a bag of rice sells at N65,000 today compared to N30,000 in May, 2023. We are living in an economy where a bag of rice swallows the minimum wage. This government tells us the reforms are painful but necessary. But you should ask: necessary for whom? The hardship is not shared. The political class still convoys in new SUVs, still budgets billions for renovation and entertainment.

A second term means that the model stays. No reversal, no cushion, only more lectures about patience.

And amid this suffocation, they present NELFUND as an achievement to be applauded.

Let us be clear about NELFUND. It is not a grant. It is not a scholarship. It is not free education. It is a LOAN. A debt trap dressed as help. This is the only thing this government is proudly beating its chest about, yet it exposes its entire contradiction.

You cannot deny a man the peace and means to feed his family, deny him security on his farm, deny him a stable economy to run his shop, and then call yourself a saviour because you gave his daughter a loan to pay tuition. What happens after graduation? She graduates into the same jobless economy, into the same insecurity, with a loan on her neck before her first job. This is not empowerment; it is enslaving the future to pay for the present’s failure.

A government that truly wants to educate the poor would have made education affordable, not loanable.

What if Tinubu wins? Then insecurity gets a new uniform.

Banditry is no longer an emergency; it is an industry. Kidnapping has become a multi-million-dollar enterprise.

People are being picked off the streets for ransom, picked from their homes, schools, parks and every other place, without seeing any visible effort by the government to address it. It only amplifies the PR bots that come online and tell us not to “politicise” insecurity. What it means is, if he wins, we will continue to have a government that negotiates from a position of weakness, that condemns attacks today and forgets the victims tomorrow.

Dear PR bots, the insecurity you defend today, because you are paid or promised to be paid to do so, is coming back to haunt you tomorrow. Kidnappers and bandits are not going to spare you because you are a Tinubu supporter.

What if Tinubu wins? Then partisanship becomes the constitution.

Appointments, projects, even palliatives are prioritised through ethnicity and party loyalty. Trying every possible way to conquer all 36 states, leaving no governor in the opposition. The National Assembly has become an extension of Aso Rock. A second Tinubu victory will entrench this winner-takes-all politics. It will be the final burial of independent institutions. Dissent will be called treason, and criticism will be tagged as hate speech. This is where movements like Tinubu Must Go were denied access to exercise their constitutional rights.

And what if Tinubu wins? Then corruption will be legalized by silence.

The subsidy is gone, but where did the subsidy money go? Billions saved, yet borrowing increases. Customs revenue hits record highs, yet hospitals have no drugs. Politicians with existing corruption cases are contesting elections. Under a continued Tinubu administration, accountability will remain selective. The opposition’s corrupt will be prosecuted; the ruling party’s corrupt will be given a chance to govern again.

The government has nothing to show to justify its re-election next year.

After three and a half years of serial governance disasters, it is clear this government has no clue how to tackle the challenges facing this country. They have failed, and perhaps that is why the president himself decided to send his representatives to campaign for him, because he has nothing to show to justify his re-election bid next year. That is also why his PR bots are struggling to explain his failures. This is why some Villa big boys from the North are selling him through the lens of religion and tall tales. Some of them call him “Malam, Al-Sheikh, Muhammad Bola Tinubu,” while others say he is from Kano and that even the name Tinubu is a corruption of Tanimu. It is only your favourite Sheikh who is brazen enough to tell us that the North is well secured, that all those incidents of kidnapping and banditry are mere tales and not what is actually happening. That people can travel freely in all corners of the region at night.

What if Tinubu wins? It means Nigerians must prepare for four more years of explaining to their children why they cannot afford school fees, why the lights are still off, why they must check the road before travelling, why they must take a loan to learn in their own country, and why those who stole yesterday are leading today.

After three and a half years, why do they need more time, given they’ve been the most disastrous government since amalgamation?

Sir, even a bachelor’s degree—which has technically become harder to get than winning a presidential election for some lucky individuals—only gives you a 2-year probation period to meet the required CGPA, and failure to do so will result in you being asked to leave. So why do you need more time?

Unfortunately, despite all these nerve-wracking issues, Tinubu may still win his next election, not because he deserves it, but because the opposition is too sentimental and self-centred to drop their ego for the common man.

May Nigeria prosper

By Muhammad Sulaiman

A social media outcry has erupted in Kebbi State following claims that the Executive Chairman of the state’s Pilgrims Welfare Agency donated 100 cars to support the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s 2027 election campaign.

Bashir Jelani, a Kebbi indigene and scholar based in the United States, raised the issue in a Facebook post, questioning the reported donation amid concerns over poverty, malnutrition and access to clean drinking water in the state.

Jelani drew attention to reports highlighting Kebbi’s development challenges, citing the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), StatiSense, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and UNICEF.

He questioned the reported donation in a state he described as facing severe socioeconomic challenges, asking where the money used to acquire the vehicles came from.

Other Kebbi residents have reportedly expressed similar concerns, with the controversy prompting questions about the source of funding for the vehicles and the priorities of public officials under the administration of Governor Nasir Idris, popularly known as Ƙauran Gwandu.

However, the circumstances surrounding the alleged donation, including the source of funding and the intended recipients of the vehicles, remain unclear. The claims and the statistics cited in the Facebook post could not be independently verified for this report.

The agency chairman and the Kebbi State Government have not been quoted as responding to the allegations.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir


The name of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami has been omitted from the list released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), prompting concerns among his supporters in Gombe State.

In a statement dated October 10, 2026, Professor Suleiman Mohammed Gombe said Pantami’s name was missing from the list following a fresh Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) primary election held on September 29, reportedly ordered by the Federal High Court.

Gombe assured supporters that the omission was a temporary setback, adding that the candidate’s legal and liaison teams were engaging with relevant party organs and INEC to secure a resolution within the period allowed by law.

He urged members of the PDP and the Pantamiyya Movement to remain calm and continue their mobilisation, expressing confidence that the matter would be resolved.

The statement did not specify the reasons for the omission or provide further details of the ongoing legal engagements.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress, David Mark, has said the party will follow electoral rules but will resist any attempt to manipulate the 2027 general elections or prevent it from participating fairly.

Mark spoke on Wednesday in Abuja when he received a delegation from the Savannah Centre for Diplomacy, Democracy and Development at the ADC national headquarters.

The delegation, led by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, was at the party’s secretariat as part of consultations with political parties and other stakeholders ahead of the 2027 elections.

Mark said the ADC was committed to observing the rules governing the elections as well as its internal code of conduct.

“We hold ourselves to the highest standards of good conduct as a political party. We will play by the rules. But we will not accept rigging or allow ourselves to be rigged out.

“We are committed to playing politics in a manner that promotes public confidence in democracy,” he said.

The ADC chairman said the party would also abide by the guidelines issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission and the provisions of its Orange Book, which outlines the party’s code of conduct and governance principles.

Mark had previously cautioned against the use of state institutions to influence the 2027 electoral process, stressing the importance of protecting the credibility of the elections.

Speaking during the visit, Ariwoola said the Savannah Centre was seeking commitments from political parties and their candidates towards peaceful, free, fair and credible elections.

He urged the ADC leadership to ensure that its candidates and supporters adhered to INEC regulations and avoided actions that could contribute to political violence.

The engagement is part of the ongoing consultations by the centre’s Council of the Wise with political actors and other stakeholders ahead of the 2027 elections.

The council, chaired by Ariwoola, was reconstituted in June with a mandate to promote peaceful and credible elections while engaging political parties, government institutions and other key stakeholders.

Its engagements have included meetings with political candidates and other political actors, with emphasis on compliance with electoral rules, issue-based campaigns and efforts to prevent violence and hate speech.

The delegation to the ADC included members of the Council of the Wise, among them Professors Abdullahi Shehu and Azeez Dankano, Executive Director of the Centre, Ambassador Sani Bala, Tunji Lardner and Ambassador Godswill Ighali.

The centre had earlier disclosed plans for the council to engage President Bola Tinubu, INEC leadership, political parties, security agencies, traditional and religious leaders, civil society organisations and other stakeholders before the 2027 elections.