Politics

By Abubakar I. Hamisu

There is a peculiar cruelty in self-inflicted wounds. The African Democratic Congress entered the 2026 political season as perhaps the most consequential opposition force Nigeria has seen in years. Buoyed by the defection of high-profile figures, widespread disillusionment with the ruling establishment, and a genuine public appetite for an alternative, the party had accumulated a reservoir of goodwill that most Nigerian political parties can only dream of. Then came the primaries.

What unfolded in Kaduna State on 25th May 2026 — and in the disputed conduct surrounding it — offers a sobering case study in how a political party can, in a single act of institutional recklessness, begin to squander the very things that made it credible. The ADC must reckon with this honestly, because the consequences of continued evasion are not merely uncomfortable — they are potentially catastrophic.

I.  The Weight of Expectations

To appreciate the gravity of what is at stake, one must first understand what the ADC represented to millions of Nigerians before these primaries. Here was a party that loudly and repeatedly distinguished itself from the culture of impunity that has long characterised Nigerian party politics. Its guidelines for the conduct of primaries — detailed, comprehensive, and impressively structured — reflected an institutional seriousness rarely seen. Its rhetoric promised transparency where there had been opacity, fairness where there had been manipulation, and internal democracy where there had been imposition. Nigerians, understandably exhausted by the status quo, believed it.

That belief is now under acute stress. And the stress was entirely preventable.

II.  What Went Wrong in Kaduna

The documented record is damning. A formal petition filed by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello, a cleared governorship aspirant, alleges the deployment of armed thugs at voting centres, systematic compromise of accreditation procedures, multiple voting by the same individuals, deliberate delays that disenfranchised legitimate party members, and partisan conduct by electoral officials. These are not vague grievances — they are specific, numbered allegations supported by agents’ reports, documentary evidence, and video recordings.

More significantly, none of this was unforeseeable. Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the Kaduna State ADC leader, wrote an urgent letter to the party’s national leadership five days before the election, specifically warning that the composition of the Electoral Committee was compromised, that it included individuals aligned with particular interests, and that proceeding on that basis would produce rejection, division, and avoidable conflict. He recommended a restructured committee with equal representation of all aspirants and a neutral chairman. The party leadership ignored him.

This is not a mere procedural lapse. It is an institutional failure of the highest order — the failure to heed a timely, well-reasoned, written warning from a senior leader. When the predicted crisis materialised, the party had no defence of ignorance to fall back on.

III.  The Structural Contradictions

Beyond the specific allegations, the post-primary period has revealed structural contradictions that compound the problem. The ADC’s own Guidelines, issued under document reference ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026, prescribe a five-member Governorship Election Appeal Committee. The committee actually constituted for Kaduna State has only three members. This means the very body now tasked with adjudicating the petition may itself be improperly constituted under the party’s rules — a fact that could render any decision it makes susceptible to further challenge.

The Guidelines also specify that the Appeal Committee chairman must be a legal practitioner. Whether this requirement was met is a matter that deserves scrutiny. And critically, the Electoral Committee, whose conduct is under challenge, and the Appeal Committee now hearing the challenge, were both appointed by the same National Working Committee whose judgment El-Rufai had already called into question. The structural independence that credible adjudication requires is, at minimum, compromised in appearance, even if not in fact.

These are not technicalities. In a party whose entire brand proposition rests on institutional integrity, such contradictions between prescribed standards and actual practice are deeply corrosive.

IV.  The Broader Danger: Goodwill Is Not Infinite

Political goodwill operates on a logic similar to financial credit — it takes considerable time and consistent behaviour to build, and can be destroyed with alarming speed. The ADC’s current wave of support is real, but it is also fragile, because it is largely aspirational. People have not yet seen the ADC govern; they have invested hope in what it promises to be. That makes its conduct of internal processes not less important but more so, because right now, how the party treats its own members and aspirants is the only tangible evidence voters have of how it will treat citizens if it wins power.

A party that deploys thugs at its own primaries, that ignores the warnings of its own leaders, that constitutes committees in violation of its own guidelines, and that then routes complaints through an Appeal Committee of questionable constitution — that party is not offering voters an alternative to what they already know. It is offering them a more eloquently packaged version of the same thing.

If this perception takes hold, and it is already forming, the consequences will be severe. The ADC’s most valuable assets — the defectors from other parties, the civil society goodwill, the international attention, the young voters mobilising for the first time — are all conditional on the party remaining what it claims to be. Many of these stakeholders have alternatives. They can return to where they came from, or simply disengage entirely. A mass exodus triggered by disillusionment is not a dramatic possibility; it is a rational response to evidence.

V.  The Kaduna Dimension

Kaduna State deserves particular emphasis because it is not simply one state among many. It is a bellwether. It carries the political profile of El-Rufai, whose national name recognition and credibility were among the factors that drew attention to the ADC in the first place. A perception that his influence was marginalised — or worse, that the primary was conducted in a manner designed to sideline his preferred candidates — goes far beyond Kaduna. It sends a signal nationally about who actually controls the ADC’s machinery and whose interests it truly serves.

Kaduna is also a fiercely contested political environment where the ADC had genuine prospects for 2027. Those prospects depend entirely on the party presenting a united, credible front. Disputed primaries, unresolved grievances, and aspirants who feel wronged do not produce united fronts. They produce parallel campaigns, strategic withdrawals of support, and the kind of internal sabotage that Nigerian political parties know all too well.

VI.  The Legal Quagmire

If the internal appeals process fails to deliver justice — either because the Appeal Committee is improperly constituted, or because its decisions lack credibility, or because aggrieved parties escalate externally — the ADC risks entering a web of litigation that will dominate its pre-election period. Court injunctions against the use of a candidate’s name, challenges to the validity of the primary itself, and INEC-related complications arising from disputed results could paralyse the party’s 2027 campaign machinery at the state and national level simultaneously. Nigerian political litigation moves slowly enough that cases filed today can remain unresolved on election day — and an unresolved cloud over a governorship candidate is a gift to opponents.

The ADC’s own Guidelines warn against this explicitly, noting that internal disputes that escalate to court will distract from the electoral mission. That warning is now prophetic.

VII.  What the ADC Must Do

The path forward is not mysterious. The Appeal Committee must act with courage and genuine independence, not as an instrument of ratification for a flawed outcome. If the evidence supports the allegations — and the documented record suggests it substantially does — the committee must say so, clearly and without equivocation. A fresh, properly supervised primary must be ordered.

Beyond Kaduna, the NWC must conduct an honest national audit of how primaries were conducted across other states, and address systemic lapses before they become the subject of additional petitions, legal challenges, and media narratives. The party’s monitoring teams, whose reports must exist, should be scrutinised to understand how these irregularities were either missed or not acted upon.

Most fundamentally, the party must demonstrate — through action, not rhetoric — that its institutional promises are real. Every grievance left unaddressed, every irregular committee decision left standing, every warning from senior leaders left unheeded, chips away at the one thing that no political party can afford to lose and easily regain: the presumption that it is different.

Conclusion

The ADC is at a crossroads that is more consequential than it may yet fully appreciate. The 2027 general elections represent a genuine opportunity to reshape Nigerian politics in ways that matter. But opportunities of this kind are not permanent. They expire. They expire when the public concludes that a party promising change is, in its internal conduct, indistinguishable from what came before.

The clumsy handling of the Kaduna gubernatorial primary is not merely an administrative embarrassment. It is a test of institutional character. Nigerians are watching — not just the outcome of the petition, but how the party responds to it. The ADC still has time to show that its guidelines are not decorative documents, that its leaders’ warnings are not ignored, and that its members’ votes are not disposable commodities. But that time is not unlimited, and it is running.

Sources & References

This essay is an independent commentary based on the following documents: ADC Guidelines for the Conduct of Primary Elections (April 2026, Ref: ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026); Petition by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello against the conduct of the Kaduna State Governorship Primary Election (27th May 2026); Urgent Message to ADC National Leadership by Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (20th May 2026, ICPC Detention Day 94); ADC Process and Procedure Guide to Electoral Committee Members issued by the National Organising Secretary; State Electoral and Appeal Committees for Kaduna State issued by the ADC National Publicity Secretary.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

Amidst scarcity, poverty, and hunger, there are ironically unharvested fruits in abundance. We gazed up while ripe fruits flooded our soil. This is similar to the literary work of American poet Robert Frost, the author of the poem “Unharvested.” The great writer penned this poem to draw attention to the fact that some good things remain outside our systems of use, ownership, and planning, so that simply encountering them can be innocent again.

One of Frost’s most popular poems is “The Road Not Taken,” a work that conveys the feeling of trying new things, of stepping outside the status quo.

This is relatable to the just-concluded primaries of different political parties, particularly in Bauchi State. It came with opportunities but, sadly, represented a missed opportunity to harvest the prosperity it offered. As a citizen of this great state, I felt a missed opportunity in selecting flag bearers for the parties.

Bauchi has Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti, who occupies a significant conversational space—not politically, but for his selfless impact over the years. He provides assistance that offers direct relief.

‘Technocrat with Compassion’

His professional grounding is firmly within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company system, where he spent over three decades in a demanding technical environment defined by discipline, precision, and accountability. Yet that institutional record, while significant, does not fully explain how his name moved beyond the corporate space into everyday social memory.

That movement happened through lived encounters that people still recall: a school fee quietly settled at a critical moment, a medical situation resolved when options had run out, a household supported through difficult times without the experience ever becoming a public display.

What makes Bala Wunti different from many other public figures from this corridor in Bauchi is not merely what he did, but how he carries himself while doing it. He is not a man who raises his voice to make a point. He does not need to announce his presence before entering a room.

Those who have worked closely with him describe a person who listens more than he speaks, who waits for others to finish before offering his own view, and who treats a person with nothing the same way he treats a person with everything. That is not performance; that is simply who he has been for as long as anyone can remember.

His humility is not the rehearsed kind that politicians put on during campaign seasons. It shows itself in small, unguarded moments that people notice without being told. He does not interrupt. He does not belittle. He does not make anyone feel small for not knowing what he knows.

He has a way of making you feel that your question is intelligent, your concern is valid, and your presence is welcome. In a society where power is often displayed through intimidation and loudness, his quiet dignity stands out like a calm person in a noisy room. You do not notice it at first, but after a while, you realise it is the only thing worth paying attention to.

His patience has been tested many times, especially during moments of political disappointment, and in every instance, he has refused to let frustration turn into rash action. He does not rush people. He does not force decisions before their time. He waits. He watches. He acts only when the time is right. That is the mark of a man who has nothing to prove and everything to protect.

His integrity is equally defining. Bala Wunti does not say one thing in private and another thing in public. What you see is what you get. He does not make promises he cannot keep, and he would rather lose an opportunity than lose his honour. In environments where verbal commitments are often discarded the moment they become inconvenient, that consistency has become legendary among those who have dealt with him.

His generosity is well known, but what is less discussed is the manner of it. He gives without making the recipient feel indebted. He helps without being reminded. He supports without keeping score. There are people in Bauchi today who have received life-changing assistance from him and have never once been made to feel like beggars.

Words of Robert Frost, in “Unharvested”: ‘As complete as the apple had given man.’ This depicts the abundance nature offers to man. This is what Bala Wunti has been offering on all fronts.

His composure through adversity is a quality that has earned him the deepest loyalty. When he was set aside by the political machinery, when the system pushed him out of consideration despite people’s desire for him, he did not rage. He did not threaten. He did not use his supporters to fight battles he could have easily started.

He simply returned to his foundation. He returned to the work he had been doing before ambition entered the picture. He accepted the outcome not with the weakness of resignation but with the strength of a man who knows that his worth is not tied to a title. That kind of self-control is extremely rare. It is the kind of thing people remember long after they have forgotten who won the election.

His supporters do not follow him because of what he promised them. They follow him because of what they have seen him do when no one was watching. They follow him because he has never made them feel like tools to be used and discarded.

They follow him because when they speak, he actually listens—not with the impatience of a man waiting for his turn to talk, but with the full attention of someone who believes that what they have to say matters. That is not leadership taught in any school. That is leadership that comes from a place deeper than training. It comes from a heart that has not been hardened by ambition.

History has a way of remembering men like this. In old emirates, before colonialism restructured everything, there were figures who never held official titles but remained in the memory of their communities for generations. They were the ones people turned to when formal authority was too distant or too compromised. They gave without keeping accounts.

They served without demanding recognition. They died, and people buried them with their own hands, and then they told stories about them for decades afterwards. A figure like that has not appeared in Bauchi for a very long time. Bala Wunti is that figure. It will be said that the fruits of abundance were unharvested.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com. 

By Uzair Adam

Senator representing Kano Central, Rufa’i Sani Hanga, has explained that he voluntarily relinquished his Senate ticket to former Kano State Deputy Governor, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, in the interest of unity and success within the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Kwankwasiyya Movement.

Speaking during an interview with DC Hausa, Hanga said the decision followed extensive consultations among party stakeholders aimed at strengthening the party ahead of future elections.

According to him, Gawuna’s political influence, widespread support base, and contributions to the movement made him a strong candidate for the Kano Central Senate seat.

“Gawuna joined us and expressed his desire to be part of the movement. We understand his political strength, his supporters, and the role he has played over the years.

If our objective is victory, it would not be right to insist that only one person must get the ticket.

After consultations, it was agreed that he should fly the party’s flag for Kano Central, and he accepted,” Hanga said.

The senator noted that members of the movement have always sought candidates capable of securing electoral victories and advancing their political objectives.

He expressed optimism that the movement’s national leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, would continue to achieve political success in Kano and eventually attain higher national leadership positions.

Hanga also dismissed claims of unfairness in the party’s nomination process, insisting that all aspirants and interest groups were carried along before decisions were made.

“Anyone familiar with our structure knows that a fair arrangement was reached. Consultations were held with all concerned groups, everyone’s interests were considered, and no one was sidelined,” he stated.

Reaffirming his loyalty to Kwankwaso, the senator pledged to remain steadfast in his support for the former Kano governor.

“I will continue to stand with Kwankwaso in every circumstance because I believe in his commitment to improving the lives of ordinary people,” he said.

Hanga further revealed that party leaders, including himself, participated in discussions leading to all major nominations, stressing that Gawuna’s emergence as the Kano Central candidate occurred with his full consent and support.

He added that members of the movement would continue to work collectively towards electoral success and the development of Kano State.

By Uzair Adam 

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has responded to recent remarks by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, saying the former Kano governor was also once under his political mentorship.

Ganduje, who is currently in Saudi Arabia performing the Hajj pilgrimage, made the response in a statement released on Friday through his Chief of Staff, Comrade Muhammad Garba.

The statement followed comments credited to Kwankwaso in which he reportedly said, “Even Ganduje was once my boy.”

Reacting to the remark, Ganduje said politics thrives on mentorship, sacrifice, support and long-standing relationships, noting that no politician attains prominence without assistance from others along the way.

According to the statement, Ganduje recalled playing a significant role in Kwankwaso’s early political journey, especially during the National Assembly election that led to his emergence as Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives.

“At that period, Ganduje could comfortably have described Kwankwaso as his political boy, considering the moral and financial support he offered him,” the statement read.

The former APC chairman further recalled that during his time as a senior civil servant in the Federal Capital Territory and later as Kano State Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport, Kwankwaso frequently visited him in both Abuja and Kano.

Ganduje said reviving “boy-master” narratives in present-day politics was unnecessary at a time citizens expect leaders to focus on governance, peace and development.

He also revisited the 1998 Kano governorship primaries, claiming that many party stakeholders believed he won the contest but that senior political figures persuaded him to accept the deputy governorship position alongside Kwankwaso in the interest of party unity.

Despite their political disagreements over the years, Ganduje noted that he and Kwankwaso worked together successfully as governor and deputy governor between 1999 and 2003, and again from 2011 to 2015.

He added that political relationships naturally evolve, citing the example of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, who once served as Kwankwaso’s Personal Assistant but later rose to become governor of the state.

“Politics should not be reduced to who is superior to the other. A father can nurture a child who eventually surpasses him in influence and status,” Ganduje stated.

He urged political leaders and supporters in Kano State to avoid divisive comments and instead concentrate on promoting unity, peace and development across the state.

By Ukasha Kofarnassarawa 

Like almost everyone, I saw that Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami is now PDP’s gubernatorial flag bearer for Gombe State. Congratulations to him. Pantami is now everything he once criticised. But that’s not my focus here; the internet has receipts for anyone interested in digging.

The real calculation:

Amid all the “consensus-coronation” drama unfolding nationwide, many observers expected Sheikh to defect to either ADC or the NDC, which are seen as the strongest opposition blocs. But Abuja is playing a different game. This looks calculated.

Right now, the entire core North — both North-West and North-East — is held by APC governors, except Bauchi, which lately switched to APM. The party’s structure and acceptability are widely seen as weak, and the state is likely to return to APC in the next election, given its current flag bearer, the former governor of the state.

For the President’s party, having zero opposition across the whole core north would be a dangerous optics problem. It would look like a monopoly. To avoid that, Abuja needs to “sacrifice” 2  core northern states to the opposition, just to create balance. One in the northwest and the other in the northeast.

And among all opposition parties, PDP is the “lesser evil” from Abuja’s view because one of its sons controls a major faction there. So Pantami decamped to the PDP, which functions as an extension of the APC. The plan: he gets “appointed” governor to create the illusion of balance, then switches to the main APC immediately after winning.

Abuja’s handwriting is not hard to understand.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via Ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

A major crisis has erupted within the Peoples Democratic Party in Gombe State following the emergence of former minister Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami as the party’s governorship candidate ahead of the 2027 election.

One of the aspirants, Alhaji Abdulkadir Hamma Saleh, alongside other contenders including Khamisu Ahmed Mailantarki, Usman Aliyu Garry, and Monica Kaltho, rejected the outcome of the PDP primary held on Tuesday. Pantami was declared winner through a voice vote after delegates affirmed him as the party’s sole candidate.

The aggrieved aspirants argued that Pantami was ineligible to contest the PDP primary because he had only recently left the ruling All Progressives Congress after participating in its internal political process. They claimed electoral laws do not permit a politician to contest in two different party primaries within the same election cycle.

Saleh also questioned the sudden postponement of the PDP primary from Sunday to Tuesday, describing the process as unfair and unlawful. He confirmed that his legal team had begun preparations to challenge Pantami’s emergence in court and urged his supporters across Gombe State to remain peaceful while the matter is resolved legally.

Pantami, who recently defected from the APC after criticising the party’s consensus arrangement that produced Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna as a candidate, said his decision to join the PDP was driven by a desire to tackle poverty and improve governance in Gombe State.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Yusuf Tuggar, former minister of foreign affairs, has failed in his bid to secure the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship ticket for the 2027 general election in Bauchi State.

The primary election, held on Saturday, produced Mohammed Abubakar, a former governor of the state, as the party’s candidate after he defeated Tuggar and five other aspirants.

John Abang, who chaired the APC governorship and house of assembly primary committee in Bauchi, announced that Abubakar emerged winner with a total of 57,517 votes.

Tuggar came second with 26,001 votes. Nura Manu Soro polled 13,638 votes, while Bala Wunti scored 13,648 votes. Kabir Ma’aji recorded 8,157 votes.

Abang said the votes were collated after the exercise conducted across the state and confirmed Abubakar as the party’s flagbearer for the 2027 election.

On March 30, Tuggar stepped down from his ministerial position following a directive from President Bola Tinubu, which required political appointees seeking elective offices in 2027 to resign.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) of blocking access to former Kaduna State Governor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, following the denial of a party delegation to visit him at the Commission’s headquarters in Abuja.

A delegation comprising the ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi; and Salihu Lukman, Secretary of the ADC Policy and Manifesto Committee, was refused entry to see El-Rufai, who remains in ICPC custody.

According to the party, the situation escalated when at least three truckloads of armed police officers arrived at the facility, creating a tense atmosphere. The ADC described the heavy security deployment as disproportionate and unnecessary, given the peaceful nature of the delegation.

“The heavy deployment… created the unmistakable impression that the authorities feared that the mere presence of opposition leaders at the Commission could trigger public outrage,” the party said in a statement signed by Abdullahi.

The ADC noted that it had previously written to the ICPC Chairman, Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, requesting visitation rights for El-Rufai amid concerns raised by his family over alleged denial of access to doctors and food. The party recalled that Hajiya Asia El-Rufai had publicly alleged that her husband was refused access to his doctor and that she was prevented from delivering food to him.

While acknowledging that the ICPC has denied these allegations, the ADC insisted that the continued refusal to allow party leaders to see El-Rufai deepens suspicions about the nature of his detention.

“Mallam Nasir El-Rufai is not a fugitive. He voluntarily submitted himself to the authorities. Under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he is entitled to dignity, medical care, family access, and fair treatment under the law,” the statement read.

The ADC warned that “Nigeria and the world are watching” and demanded that the ICPC immediately grant unrestricted access to El-Rufai by his family, doctors, lawyers, and party leaders, threatening to mobilise party members nationwide if access continues to be denied.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami, has pulled out of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election in Gombe State.

Pantami announced his withdrawal on Tuesday through a statement issued by Barrister Ibrahim M. Attahir on behalf of the Pantamiyya Movement.

The former minister said his decision followed alleged violations of the Electoral Act 2026 and what he described as the APC leadership’s failure to provide information needed for a transparent and credible primary election.

According to the statement, Pantami joined the race after pressure from political leaders, women, youths and other stakeholders in the state. It added that he complied with the party’s guidelines and fulfilled all requirements expected of aspirants.

The statement also noted that Pantami was the only APC governorship aspirant who sent a representative to the Peace Accord meeting organised by the Nigeria Police Force, Gombe State Command, on May 14, 2026. It said his representative was also the only one who signed the agreement during the meeting.

Pantami, however, accused the party of denying him access to important details concerning the conduct of the direct primaries.

The statement said letters written by his solicitors to party officials over concerns surrounding the exercise were neither acknowledged nor answered.

“In a democracy, the law must guide the process. Non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2026 and the party guidelines renders the exercise unsafe and illegitimate,” the statement said.

It further alleged that irregularities marred the APC National Assembly direct primaries conducted in the state on May 16 and 18.

“The people of Gombe State witnessed what transpired during the direct primary ‘elections’ for the National Assembly held on 16 and 18 May 2026,” the statement added.

Pantami maintained that many grassroots party members, especially women and youths who form the bulk of his support base, were excluded from the process.

The statement said the former minister decided to withdraw after consultations with stakeholders across the state.

“After extensive consultations with stakeholders and careful reflection on the developments in Gombe State, Prof. Pantami has taken the difficult decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primary election scheduled for 21 May 2026, under protest. Peaceful protest is a fundamental pillar of democracy,” it stated.

The movement also accused party leaders of ignoring directives by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the need for free and credible direct primaries.

According to the statement, details relating to accreditation of agents and observers, voting procedures and collation centres were not provided to aspirants before the exercise.

“Even though President Bola Ahmed Tinubu insisted on the necessity of free, fair, and credible direct primaries, his directives were, unfortunately, not implemented,” the statement said.

Pantami also expressed appreciation to supporters who contributed money for the purchase of his nomination and expression of interest forms through crowdfunding.

The statement disclosed that donations ranged from ₦5,000 to ₦4 million and were publicly acknowledged online.

He thanked youths, women, campaign coordinators, elders and members of his media and campaign teams for their support.

Pantami urged his supporters to remain peaceful and law-abiding despite the development.

“Democracy rests on the rule of law, peace, and security,” the statement added.

The Pantamiyya Movement said it would announce its next political steps in due course.

A response to Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk.

My dear learned brother, Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk, as I pledged to respond to your post, let me briefly add a few lines, as my learned friend, Barr Hassan Saraki, has already engaged you on the other issues you raised, which I think makes my work easier. 

According to the Nigerian Constitution, any Nigerian aged 35 years and above can contest the senatorial seat. This legal provision makes Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed fully qualified to run for the Bauchi South Senatorial District seat in the 2027 general elections. 

As a retired director from the federal service, a senator for about 3 years, a minister for more than 5 years, and currently a sitting governor serving a 2nd 4-year term, these alone are exceptional qualities that make Senator Bala Abdulkadir the best choice for the Bauchi South senatorial district. Could this ring a bell for you?

His contributions to the Senate gave him an edge over all the contestants across all political parties. His brief sojourn in the red chamber was notable for his active legislative role and key administrative positions within the Senate. His contributions during this period primarily focused on committee leadership, advocacy for reform, and a landmark constitutional motion. 

Key among his legislative contributions was the Doctrine of Necessity Motion during the political uncertainty of late 2009. He courageously moved the motion that empowered then-Vice President Goodluck Jonathan as acting president during President Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s illness, effectively resolving a looming constitutional crisis. 

Senator Bala Mohammed was recognised as one of the most outspoken and vibrant legislators during plenary sessions. He championed bills focused on public service reform and anti-corruption, advocating for greater transparency in governance. During his two years in the Senate, Senator Bala Mohammed tackled essential social issues by providing water and sanitation infrastructure, improving health facilities, and addressing youth unemployment and other social challenges, among other initiatives. 

Senator Mohammed served as a member of several committees and held strategic leadership positions, including Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Aviation, Secretary of the Northern Senators Forum, and member of the Committees on Communication, Finance and Public Accounts, Rules and Business, Environment, Labour and Productivity, and Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Jos Crisis. 

As Governor for seven years, Bala Mohammed has implemented a series of reforms and projects aimed at transforming Bauchi State. His administration focuses on a blueprint designed to revitalise critical sectors of the economy. His achievements in health, education, and infrastructural development are clear examples of a representative and responsible government. 

This piece has done justice to the four items you presented as the reasons why Governor Bala Mohammed is the least suited to represent the Bauchi South senatorial district in the red chamber. 

Governor Bala Mohammed is contesting the Senate position not as a retirement home but to continue with the good works he started between 2007 and 2010. Don’t forget that His Excellency defeated a sitting governor, Dr Ahmad Adamu Mu’azu, with a landslide victory to win the Bauchi South senatorial seat in 2007. 

With these few paragraphs, I hope my learned brother can see the differences between His Excellency Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed and the other contestants, which are far below his pedigree, given his educational qualifications and requisite experience in governance and national assignments.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.