Politics

In governance, performance should naturally translate into greater responsibilities. Since his appointment as Special Adviser on Youth and Sports, Hon. Sani Musa Danja has demonstrated capacity, commitment, and a people-oriented approach that has delivered visible impacts on youth development and sports advancement in Kano State.

Within his first month in office, over 3,000 youths were empowered through food-related initiatives such as Nija Food. This early intervention reflected responsiveness to the economic realities facing young people and set the tone for a tenure driven by action rather than mere rhetoric.

One of Hon. Danja’s most commendable achievements is his grassroots engagement across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State. Through open consultations with the youths, he listened to concerns on welfare, unemployment, insecurity, and inclusion. This initiative brought governance closer to the people and helped rebuild trust between the government and youth.

To strengthen coordination and sustainability, he worked closely with Senior Special Assistants on Youth across the 44 LGAs, fostering cohesive leadership and unified strategies for youth development across the state.

Understanding the strong link between unemployment and insecurity, Hon. Danja adopted a preventive empowerment approach. Over 300 youths previously involved in thuggery and phone snatching were redirected into productive ventures, including popcorn-gurguru production, fast-food services, shawarma preparation, and baking. This intervention not only provided livelihoods but also contributed to crime reduction and social reintegration.

His tenure also saw institutional support for voluntary youth and security organisations, including the Nigerian Boy Scouts and other community-based groups such as the Civilian JTF Kano. Through the provision of working materials and encouragement, discipline, and volunteerism, community service among young people was strengthened.

In addition, a statewide Youth Symposium Day was organised to promote dialogue, leadership, and civic engagement, involving participants from all 44 LGAs. Hon. Danja also paid visits to youth training and skills acquisition centres across the state, encouraging trainees and reassuring them that government support remains within reach (kusa da gwamnati).

Beyond programs, compassion has remained a defining feature of his leadership. Financial assistance was extended to youths facing serious health challenges, including those with spinal cord-related disabilities, demonstrating an inclusive and humane approach to governance.

In sports development, Hon. Danja contributed to the revival of neglected sports such as volleyball, encouraging youth participation and talent development. Administratively, he reorganised and strengthened his office to ensure efficiency, transparency, and effective service delivery.

Currently, his office is coordinating a large-scale youth empowerment initiative under YEIDEP, targeting over 1.2 million youth participants in skills acquisition and entrepreneurship, reflecting executive-level vision and readiness.

Given his performance, statewide reach, and ability to connect with young people, Hon. Sani Musa Danja is well-positioned to deliver even greater impact.

A passionate appeal is therefore made to His Excellency, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, to consider appointing Hon. Sani Musa Danja as the Commissioner for Youth and Sports and nominate him to the Kano State Executive Council. Such a decision would ensure continuity, consolidate gains, and further strengthen Kano State’s youth and sports development agenda.

Shamsuddeen Muazu (AbuMuhd) wrote from Kano State. He can be reached via abumuhdpress@gmail.com.

By: Malam Khalid Imam

The appointment of Hajiya Bilkisu Maimaita, undoubtedly one of the finest Kano female technocrats, as the Acting Head of Service, by His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Kano State, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, on 10th March, 2026, is both historic and a strategic move in the right direction.

The esteemed Hajiya Bilkisu Maimaita, who hails from Yakasai Quarters in Kano Municipal LGA, is a true doyenne of public service, an astute policy maker, a seasoned public administrator, and a well-trained personnel who has been in active public service for over three decades, and now serving as the Permanent Secretary.

She is quite famed as a respected, tested, and trusted administrator. Maimaita is well known as one of the reliable wheels moving the vehicle of seamless public service sector, having served in different capacities over the decades. Her new appointment as the Acting Head of Service by His Excellency, Governor Yusuf, is indeed a strategic move to entrust the daunting task of ensuring the continuous function of the heart of Kano’s public service to the right hands.

Her trademarks in the service are trust, resilience, assiduity, capability, and reliability. Before her new role as the female Acting Head of Service, she has been serving as the Permanent Secretary, Administration and General Services (AGS) in the Cabinet Office.

No doubt, Hajiya Bilkisu Maimota’s appointment is a confirmation to her unwavering commitment to duty, unmatched experience and exemplary service. Sure, her wealth of experience and proven track record make her an ideal fit for this role.

In another light, Maimota’s appointment is a bold testament to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s commitment to empowering more Kano professional women and recognizing their invaluable contributions to Kano State’s development. And without emphasizing, this shows that the governor values the impact of women in leadership positions and is willing to give them the platform to shine as he dedicates energy in pursuing the realization of his government’s Kano First Agenda.

A big kudos to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for this right move, which, without denying, is an astounding milestone, showcasing the government’s unwavering dedication to inclusivity and gender equality. Counting on her fabulous experience, Bilkisu Maimota’s leadership in this new role will undoubtedly inspire more women to take on key roles in the state.

Once more, kudos to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for this strategic move of entrusting in Maimota this task as well as opening windows to Kano professional women to serve their state with distinction. Indeed, Hajiya Bilkisu Maimota’s leadership is sure to propel Kano State’s public service to greater heights.

At this juncture, on behalf of the Yakasai Community, where she hails, I wish her Allah’s continued guidance and success in the service of our dear state. Wishing our Acting Head of Service sound health and prosperity in all her personal endeavours.
Congratulations to our very own reverential Hajiya Bilkisu Maimota, a true doyenne of Kano public service.

Khalid Imam is a Kano-based bilingual writer, educator and a Deputy Director at the Monitoring and Evaluation Unit, Science and Technical Schools Board, Kano, who also serves as the President of Kano Literary Space. He can be reached via: 07075403774 or khalidimam2002@gmail.com

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which commenced in 1999, introduced a distinctive political culture that has since become entrenched in the nation’s democratic practice. Governors automatically emerge as leaders of their political parties in their respective states.

Although this arrangement is not expressly written into the 1999 Constitution or party constitutions as a rigid rule, it has evolved into an accepted political convention. In practical terms, once a governor belongs to a political party, he becomes the undisputed leader of that party in the state.

This “default” leadership status flows from the enormous constitutional powers, financial control, and political influence vested in state governors. Under the 1999 Constitution, governors are the chief executives of their states, control significant public resources, influence appointments, and play central roles in policy direction. These powers naturally position them as dominant actors within the political structure of their states. Political parties, being vehicles for acquiring and exercising power, inevitably gravitate toward the governor as their rallying point.

Critics often argue that this arrangement departs from earlier republican experiences. During Nigeria’s First, Second, and even Third Republics, governors and presidents were not automatically regarded as the formal leaders of their parties at the state or national levels. Party structures were often more independent, with clearer institutional separation between party leadership and executive office holders. However, Nigeria’s political system has evolved significantly since then. The current democratic framework places far greater burden, administrative authority, fiscal control, and political leverage in the hands of governors than was previously the case. It’s about the position!

The emergence of governors as de facto party leaders is not accidental but a result of political evolution shaped by key realities. The 1999 Constitution centralises executive authority in governors, making them the most powerful figures in their states. They also control critical political resources, finances, networks, appointments, and patronage, which are essential for party survival and electoral success. In a competitive electoral environment, incumbency provides structure, visibility, and mobilisation strength that few others can match.

Above all, political parties require unified command; without clear leadership at the state level, factionalism and instability can easily arise.

Imagine the chaos and unhealthy rivalry that could engulf a political party if a sitting governor chose to remain indifferent to party affairs. Competing factions would struggle for supremacy. Conflicting directives could weaken party cohesion. Such fragmentation could easily cost the party elections and governance effectiveness.

Furthermore, when it comes to interfacing between the executive arm at the federal level and party structures within the states, particularly in matters relating to appointments, political negotiations, federal-state collaboration, and reward systems, the governor’s role becomes indispensable. Governors serve as the bridge between national party leadership and grassroots political actors. In fact, Presidents often rely on Governors to win a state 

Just as the President functions as the leader of his party at the national level, governors serving as party leaders in their states create symmetry within the political order. This structure promotes stability, clarity of authority, strategic coordination, and internal discipline.

It is therefore not surprising that across Nigeria’s 21 registered political parties, this practice is widely accepted. Once a governor joins a party, he naturally assumes leadership of that party in the state, not necessarily by proclamation, but by political reality.

While debates may continue about whether this system strengthens internal party democracy or concentrates excessive influence in one individual, its practical utility in maintaining order, direction, and electoral viability cannot be ignored.

The emergence of governors as party leaders in their states reflects the reality on the ground, political necessity, and democratic evolution in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

The Alumni of the Kashim Ibrahim Fellowship have called for the immediate release of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, describing his continued detention as unlawful and a violation of his fundamental human rights.

In a press statement issued on Monday, the group expressed “deep concern” over what it termed the illegal detention of El-Rufai, arguing that it contravenes constitutional guarantees of personal liberty, dignity and due process under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The alumni further criticised the Department of State Services (DSS) for failing to produce the former governor before the Federal High Court on February 25, 2026, stating that this action infringes his right to a fair hearing within a reasonable time as provided under Section 36 of the Constitution.

According to the statement, the right to be brought promptly before a court is “not discretionary but an essential safeguard of personal liberty and justice.” The group urged all relevant authorities to ensure strict adherence to constitutional provisions and uphold the rule of law.

The fellowship alumni also highlighted El-Rufai’s record in public service, particularly his tenure as governor of Kaduna State, where they said he implemented institutional reforms and socio-economic development programmes with measurable impact. They noted that the establishment of the Kashim Ibrahim Fellowship was among his initiatives to encourage youth participation in governance and leadership.

Reaffirming their solidarity, the group called on well-meaning Nigerians to support their demand for justice and due process. They insisted that every citizen is entitled to protection from unlawful detention and urged authorities to grant El-Rufai full rights to defend himself without prejudice.

The statement concluded with a renewed demand for his immediate release, emphasising that adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law is critical to strengthening public trust in national institutions.

By Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba)

The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, has exposed more than a political shift. It has laid bare the fragility of slogans elevated above reason and the contradictions within Kano’s dominant political movement.

For years, the phrase “Mayiyan Kano” was used by followers of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso whenever events did not go their way. It served as a blanket response to court rulings, electoral outcomes, and opposing views. What began as a casual expression gradually hardened into a political shield used to dismiss criticism rather than engage it.

Ironically, Governor Yusuf was once celebrated as the ultimate proof of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya structure. A report by The Daily Reality during the early phase of his administration went to remarkable lengths to present him as a devoted disciple of his mentor and political godfather. His actions, his rhetoric, and even his body language were framed as evidence of unquestionable allegiance. At the time, loyalty was portrayed as a virtue, and Yusuf was held up as its finest example.

That narrative has now collapsed under the weight of political reality. Following his defection, the same voices that once applauded his loyalty have rushed to brand him disloyal. The sudden moral outrage is striking not because politicians change camps but because of the selective memory at play. If loyalty were absolute, then it should have been defined beyond convenience. If it were conditional, then honesty demands admitting that politics is transactional, not sentimental.

The revival of Makiyan Kano, that’s “The enemy of Kano” or “One who works against the interests of Kano”. In this context reveals its emptiness. Rather than interrogate why a sitting governor would abandon the platform that brought him to power, some loyalists have retreated to slogans. It is easier to chant than to reflect. Easier to accuse than to accept that political authority ultimately rests with individuals, not movements.

What this moment exposes is a deeper problem within Kano politics: the attempt to freeze loyalty in time while ignoring changing realities. Governance is not sustained by personal allegiance to a mentor but by navigating power structures, resources, and national relevance. To pretend otherwise is to confuse political romance with political responsibility.

Supporters of the governor argue that his decision was informed by pragmatism and the pursuit of Kano’s broader interests. Whether one agrees or not, it is a position that deserves debate, not dismissal. Slogans do not govern states. Decisions do.

Makiyan Kano has returned to public discourse, but its meaning has shifted. It no longer signals confidence. It now sounds like frustration. In the end, movements that rely on chants instead of ideas often struggle when reality refuses to cooperate. Kano politics appears to be learning that lesson the hard way.

Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba) wrote via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

The Peoples Democratic Party has criticised Governor Ahmadu Fintiri’s defection to the All Progressives Congress, describing his exit as an act of cowardice that undermines the principles of multi-party system of government in Nigeria.

Tanimu Turaki (SAN)-led PDP National Working Committee, through its National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, on Friday reminded Fintiri that history and posterity serve as the ultimate and impartial judges of human actions, constantly recording both deeds and omissions.

After weeks of speculation, Fintiri formally left the PDP and joined the ruling All Progressives Congress on Friday.

In response, the Peoples Democratic Party stated that Fintiri’s decision to leave a platform that supported his political journey through multiple election cycles over minor inconveniences clearly shows unrestrained cowardice rather than the conduct of a principled politician.

The party stated that “We are aware of the official announcement of the long-speculated defection of His Excellency, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri, from our party to the All Progressives Congress, today via a broadcast in Adamawa State.

“This move, though long speculated, had attracted several rebuttals from the governor himself, even as recently as last week, after the presidential visit to Adamawa. By this announcement, the governor himself has confirmed what hitherto was a rumour, by aligning with the ruling party, a move he says is in the developmental interest of his state.

“While we acknowledge that this move is well within Fintiri’s legal rights, it is clearly against political principles and morality, a challenge to multi-party democracy and democratic consolidation.

The PDP urged its members in Adamawa State to accept what it described as a sad reality with composure.

The party further reiterated that “They should remain resolute in the hope that the rebirth movement of our party is on course and will certainly reposition our party back to winning ways”.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Out of the estimated 1.68 million registered voters in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), only about 239,210 turned out to vote, representing roughly 14–15% voter participation. This figure is not only worrisome but also indicative of a deeper democratic challenge that cannot be ignored.

The 2026 FCT Area Councils elections, therefore, require a thorough post-mortem, an autopsy, so to speak, to uncover the root causes of this low turnout. Was it voter fatigue, dissatisfaction with political actors, lack of awareness, logistical shortcomings, security concerns, or a general loss of confidence in the electoral process? These questions must be carefully examined through data-driven analysis and stakeholder engagement.

Some observers believed the imposed restriction on movement contributed significantly to the low turnout, as it may have discouraged or inconvenienced many eligible voters. Others pointed to what they described as the ruling APC’s overwhelming posture, which some voters perceived as so dominant that their participation would not alter the outcome. In their view, even if they turned out to vote, the APC was certain to win, and their individual votes would not make a meaningful difference.

Addressing this level of voter apathy is critical, especially with the 2027 general elections approaching. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), political parties, civil society organisations, and other relevant authorities, including students of politics, must take proactive steps to rebuild public trust, strengthen voter education, review election-day policies such as movement restrictions, improve logistics, and enhance transparency, as well as conduct an academic analysis of ‘Why’.

A democracy thrives on active citizen participation. If such low turnout persists, it risks weakening the legitimacy of elected officials and undermining public confidence in the democratic system. The lessons from the FCT elections should therefore serve as an urgent call to action to ensure broader voter mobilisation and participation in future electoral cycles.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Kamal Alkasim

The PDP candidate’s manifesto during his campaign focused on community welfare, women’s empowerment, improved healthcare services, and enhanced education opportunities for children.

The Premium Times reported that the PDP defeated its contender from the All Progressives Congress (APC), Yahaya Shehu, who scored 17,788 votes.

Declaring Mr Kasim as the winner, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Returning Officer, Philip Akpen, said the election was peaceful and smooth.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Mohammed Kasim, has won the Gwagwalada Area Council chairmanship in the local government elections held across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on Sunday.

Mr Kashim polled 22,165 votes to defeat his rivals in the election.

Mr Kasim’s manifesto during his campaign focused on community welfare, women’s empowerment, improved healthcare services, and enhanced education opportunities for children.

The elections were in two categories: the chairmanship and the councillorship.

PDP pulled through in the election at a time it is facing its most devastating crisis, which has led to division in its national leadership and loss of governors and lawmakers elected on its platform to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its top figures, such as the former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

Although the outcome of the local election does not necessarily mirror the PDP’s popularity at the national level, it is a significant victory for the party in a section of Nigeria’s capital, reflecting the country’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious composition.

It may also point to the fact that APC’s enhanced dominance, driven by high-profile defections from opposition parties to its fold in the last year, may not have taken strong hold in many local areas of the country.

INEC conducted the local elections across the six council areas of the FCT, including Gwagwalada, on Saturday. The rest are the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), Abaji, Kwali, Abaji and Kuje.

Kamal Alkasim

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declared two All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates as winners of Saturday’s by-elections in Rivers state.

TheCable reported that the by-elections were conducted to fill vacant seats in the state house of assembly — Ahoada East constituency II and Khana constituency II.

Napoleon Ukalikpe of APC was declared the winner of Ahoada East constituency II with 3,980 votes, while his closest challenger, Godstime Egor of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM), scored 38 votes.

For the Khana constituency II seat, Bulabari Henrietta Loolo of APC won the poll with 7,647 votes, while Anthony Ndor of Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) garnered 47 votes.

Ahoada East constituency II seat became vacant following the resignation of Ehie Edison, who is now the chief of staff (CoS) to Siminalayi Fubara, governor of Rivers state.

Dinebari Loolo’s death in September 2023 created the vacancy for the Khana constituency II seat in the Rivers House of Assembly.

TheCable observed that the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the Labour Party (LP) were absent from the ballot sheets for the by-elections.