Northern Nigeria

By Ibrahim Aliyu

Over the past few decades, Kannywood has grown into one of the most influential cultural industries in Northern Nigeria. Rooted in the Hausa language, Islamic values, and local traditions, it has shaped entertainment, storytelling, and public discourse across millions of homes. For many families, Kannywood was never merely cinema; it became a reflection of identity, morality, family structure, and social values.

Yet despite its cultural importance, Kannywood continues to attract criticism from various sections of society. Some believe the industry has drifted from the moral and religious principles it once claimed to uphold. Others argue that society itself has become increasingly harsh, suspicious, and contradictory in its judgments of public morality.

Perhaps the deeper issue is not merely “bad behaviour” in the industry, but the growing tension among public morality, private intentions, and shifting social perceptions.

In Islam, unnecessary physical intimacy between non-Mahram men and women is generally discouraged, and Hausa society has historically taken such boundaries seriously and with respect. However, there was also a period in Northern Nigeria when families could sit together and watch classic Kannywood comedy scenes featuring actors such as Ibro and Tsigai without automatically interpreting every interaction through a sexual lens.

Parents watched alongside their children. Grandparents watched with their grandchildren. Communities laughed together. At the time, many viewers saw those scenes primarily as comedy, storytelling, and harmless entertainment within a familiar cultural context.

This raises an important question: What changed?

Part of the answer may lie in how modern society increasingly interprets many human interactions through suspicion and moral anxiety. The rapid expansion of social media, unrestricted internet access, celebrity culture, and exposure to explicit online content have reshaped how people perceive entertainment, gender interactions, and morality itself.

As a result, public discussions about morality sometimes become less about intentions, discipline, and character, and more about appearances and public performance. In such an environment, accusations of immorality can spread quickly, even when the cultural context or the intention is more complex.

Hausa society contains longstanding cultural traditions that show how social interaction has historically been understood within context and boundaries. Practices such as “wasan kanin miji” and “wasan kaka da jika” reflect playful social interactions that coexisted with strong family values and respect for marriage institutions. These interactions were not automatically deemed immoral because society recognised the importance of trust, intention, and communal understanding.

This does not mean boundaries should disappear, nor does it suggest that moral principles are unimportant. Rather, it highlights the need for balance, sincerity, and self-awareness when discussing morality in public life.

The danger arises when society becomes more concerned with appearing morally superior than with cultivating genuine ethical discipline. Excessive suspicion, constant public outrage, and the tendency to sexualise ordinary human behaviour can deepen social tension rather than achieve genuine moral reform.

In this sense, Kannywood is more than a film industry. It has become a mirror reflecting the wider struggles within Northern society — the struggle between tradition and modernity, religious values and entertainment culture, public expectations and private realities.

The debate surrounding Kannywood is therefore not only about actors, actresses, or films. It is also about how society defines morality, how communities respond to cultural change, and whether public conversations about ethics are guided by wisdom, balance, and sincerity rather than by fear, projection, or moral performance.

As Northern Nigeria continues to evolve socially and culturally, perhaps the challenge is not to destroy cultural institutions out of anxiety, but to engage them thoughtfully, critically, and honestly — while preserving the values that truly strengthen society.

Ibrahim Aliyu wrote via khalilnuradeen@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Happiness

‎Every year from April 24 to 30, the world marks World Immunisation Week, a global campaign coordinated by the World Health Organisation (WHO) to highlight one of the most effective public health tools ever developed: vaccines. In 2026, the campaign comes with renewed urgency as countries work to close immunity gaps, restore routine vaccination disrupted in recent years, and protect millions of children and adults from preventable diseases.

‎‎This year’s theme, “For every generation, vaccines work,” underscores a simple but powerful reality: immunisation is not only for infants. Vaccines protect people throughout life, from newborn babies receiving their first doses, to adolescents, pregnant women, healthcare workers, and older adults needing booster or age-specific protection. It is a reminder that vaccines have served families for generations and remain central to a healthier future.

‎Globally, vaccines have transformed human survival. WHO estimates that immunisation has saved more than 150 million lives over the last 50 years, with most of those lives saved being those of infants. Vaccination has reduced deaths from diseases such as measles, polio, tetanus, diphtheria and whooping cough, while preventing lifelong disabilities and severe complications that once devastated communities. Public health experts note that vaccines are among the most cost-effective investments any nation can make because they prevent illness before it starts, reduce pressure on hospitals, and strengthen productivity.

‎Yet despite this progress, millions of children worldwide still miss out on essential vaccines each year. The reasons vary by country: poverty, insecurity, displacement, weak health systems, long travel times to clinics, shortages of trained health workers, and the spread of misinformation. When vaccination rates decline, diseases quickly return. Recent outbreaks of measles and other vaccine-preventable illnesses in several parts of the world have shown how fragile progress can be.

‎In Nigeria, World Immunisation Week is particularly significant. Africa’s most populous country has made progress in expanding routine immunisation through the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), state governments, donor partners, and frontline health workers. Vaccines for children are provided free through public health facilities, and campaigns against polio, measles, yellow fever and meningitis have helped protect millions.

‎However, challenges remain substantial. Many rural and hard-to-reach communities still struggle with access to health centres. Insecurity in parts of the country continues to disrupt outreach services. Urban slums also face low coverage due to population movement and poor health infrastructure. In some communities, false claims about vaccine safety continue to create hesitation among parents.

‎Nigeria’s Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Muhammad Ali Pate, has repeatedly stressed in 2026 that strengthening primary healthcare and expanding routine immunisation are key pillars of the federal government’s health reform agenda. He has called for stronger state-level accountability, improved cold-chain systems, and deeper community engagement to ensure that no child is left behind. According to the minister, immunisation is not merely a health intervention but an investment in national development, because healthy children are more likely to learn, grow, and contribute productively to society.

‎The Executive Director of the National Primary Health Care Development Agency, Muyi Aina, has also emphasised the importance of reaching zero-dose children, those who have never received a single routine vaccine. He noted that Nigeria’s progress will depend on better data systems, mobile outreach teams, local partnerships, and trust-building with communities.

‎International partners have echoed similar concerns. UNICEF and World Health Organisation officials in Nigeria have warned that preventable diseases can spread rapidly when immunisation services are missed, especially among vulnerable children. They continue to urge governments and families to prioritise vaccination and routine health checks.

‎‎World Immunisation Week, therefore, is more than a symbolic observance. It is a timely reminder that progress in health must be protected. Vaccines only work when they reach people. A child in a remote village deserves the same protection as a child in a city hospital. A mother deserves accurate information, not fear-driven rumours. Health workers deserve the support and tools needed to save lives.

‎For Nigeria, the path forward is clear: sustained political commitment, increased domestic funding, stronger local healthcare systems, and public trust. Communities, religious leaders, schools, media organisations and civil society all have a role to play in promoting accurate information and encouraging uptake.

‎As the world marks World Immunisation Week 2026, the message remains straightforward and timeless: vaccines work, they save lives, and they must reach every generation.

‎Ibrahim Happiness is a 300-level Strategic Communication student at the University of Abuja and an intern with IMPR. She can be reached at: happinessibrahim11@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar Tahir

Across many communities in northern Nigeria, malnutrition remains a quiet but devastating reality. In rural homes and crowded settlements alike, countless children grow up without the essential nutrients required for healthy development.

The signs are often visible, including stunted growth, frequent illness, low energy levels, and poor cognitive development—but the deeper consequences are far more profound. Malnutrition weakens family foundations, strains healthcare systems, and ultimately undermines society’s long-term development.

Jigawa State is not immune to this silent crisis. Despite various public health interventions over the years, malnutrition continues to affect children and vulnerable populations across the state. Poverty, food insecurity, low dietary diversity, and limited public awareness about proper nutrition all contribute to the persistence of the problem.

At this critical moment, one practical and impactful step the Jigawa State Government can take is to urgently recruit and deploy professional nutritionists across the state’s healthcare system.

Nutrition is the cornerstone of human development. A balanced diet supports healthy physical growth, strengthens the immune system, enhances brain development, and improves overall well-being.

When nutrition is inadequate, the consequences can be severe and long-lasting. Conditions such as stunting, wasting, undernutrition, and micronutrient deficiencies continue to affect many children and women in Jigawa State, undermining not only their health but also the social and economic future of the state.

Health experts emphasise that the first 1,000 days of a child’s life—from conception to the age of two are the most critical for physical and cognitive development. Poor nutrition during this period can lead to irreversible damage, including impaired learning ability, weakened immunity, and increased vulnerability to disease throughout life. Ensuring proper nutrition during this early stage, therefore, requires professional guidance and sustained community engagement.

Unfortunately, Jigawa State is currently facing a growing shortage of professional nutritionists within its healthcare system. Many nutrition officers who previously served in hospitals and public health facilities have recently retired, leaving a significant gap that remains unfilled. As a result, several health facilities now operate without functional nutrition units, while in others, the departments have become largely inactive due to the absence of trained personnel.

This situation is both concerning and avoidable. Across Nigeria, universities and colleges continue to graduate qualified nutritionists every year. Yet many of these professionals remain unemployed or underutilised due to limited opportunities within the public health sector. Jigawa State, therefore, has an opportunity to strengthen its healthcare delivery system by recruiting these young professionals and deploying them to general hospitals, primary healthcare centres, and community health programmes.

Professional nutritionists play a critical role in disease prevention and health promotion. They guide families on proper dietary practices, support maternal and child nutrition, and educate communities on healthy eating habits using locally available foods. Their interventions can significantly reduce cases of malnutrition, improve patient recovery, and enhance the overall health profile of the population.

Beyond hospitals, nutritionists also play an essential role in schools. With the expansion of school feeding programmes in Nigeria, ensuring the nutritional quality of meals provided to pupils has become increasingly important. Qualified nutritionists can design balanced meal plans, monitor food preparation standards, and ensure that these programmes genuinely contribute to children’s physical and cognitive development.

Community-based nutrition education is another area where these professionals are urgently needed. Through outreach programmes, health campaigns, and grassroots engagement, nutritionists can educate rural families on the importance of balanced diets, food safety, proper infant feeding practices, and hygiene.

Crucially, they can also demonstrate how affordable, locally available foods—such as grains, legumes, vegetables, and animal products—can be combined to meet nutritional needs.

Given Jigawa State’s predominantly agrarian economy, nutritionists can also collaborate with agricultural extension services to promote nutrition-sensitive agriculture. Encouraging households to cultivate diverse crops, improve food storage, and adopt better food preparation practices can significantly improve household nutrition and reduce dependency on expensive food items.

Meanwhile, a couple of visits to several hospitals across Jigawa State reveal a worrying reality. Many facilities operate without nutrition officers, leaving nurses and other health workers to manage cases that require specialised dietary expertise. In some institutions, nutrition departments have virtually ceased to function due to staff shortages. This weakens the health system’s ability to effectively address malnutrition and diet-related illnesses.

Equally concerning is the situation in higher institutions offering nutrition and dietetics programmes, where departments sometimes struggle with limited staffing and resources to train future professionals. Strengthening the nutrition workforce will therefore require both recruitment into the healthcare system and sustained support for training institutions.

It is important to acknowledge that the Jigawa State Government has made commendable progress in improving healthcare infrastructure and expanding primary healthcare services across the state. Investments in health facilities, maternal healthcare programmes, and immunisation services have improved health outcomes in many communities.

However, strengthening the nutrition workforce must become an essential component of these broader health reforms. Without trained professionals to address nutrition-related challenges, efforts to combat maternal and child mortality, infectious diseases, and poor health outcomes will remain incomplete.

Recruiting and deploying professional nutritionists is not merely a staffing decision—it is a strategic investment in public health, human capital development, and the long-term prosperity of Jigawa State. A healthier and well-nourished population is more productive, better educated, and more capable of contributing meaningfully to economic and social development.

Jigawa State, therefore, stands at an important crossroads. By prioritising the employment of nutritionists in hospitals, primary healthcare centres, schools, and community health programmes, the government can take a decisive step toward reducing malnutrition and improving the well-being of its citizens.

The fight against malnutrition requires commitment, expertise, and timely action. The time to act is now.

Muhammad Abubakar Tahir, a concerned citizen, writes from Hadejia, Jigawa State.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

In Nigerian politics, defections are no longer surprising. What is surprising now is how quickly they happen and how easily political actors move from one platform to another.

The recent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) is not just another political adjustment. It is a bold move. But bold does not always mean safe.

At first glance, the decision appears strategic. Internal crises within the ADC, legal uncertainties, and the pressure of electoral timelines make stability a priority. From that angle, shifting to a new platform may seem like a necessary step, an attempt to secure political ground ahead of a highly competitive 2027.

There is also strength in the alliance itself. The coming together of Obi and Kwankwaso brings national attention, regional balance, and an existing base of supporters. On paper, that is not just movement; it is potential consolidation.

But politics is not played on paper. It is played among the people. And this is where the real challenge begins.

The Nigeria Democratic Congress is still largely unfamiliar to many Nigerians. Beyond political circles and elite discussions, its presence at the grassroots remains limited. For a significant number of voters, especially at the lower levels, NDC is not yet a known political identity.

And in Nigerian elections, familiarity matters. Voters do not just choose candidates. They choose what they recognise. They choose what they trust. They choose what they understand. That is the gap this move must overcome.

Beyond visibility, there are emerging concerns about the platform’s stability. Reports suggest that the Nigerian Democratic Congress may be grappling with internal legal disputes. If proven true, this introduces an even more delicate risk. Moving from one troubled platform to another does not resolve instability; it simply transfers it. And in politics, uncertainty is a cost few can afford at this level.

Because this is no longer just about transferring political influence, it is about building voter awareness from the ground up within a limited time frame. That is not a small task. It is one thing to move with loyalists. It is another thing to move with the electorate. And history has shown that the two do not always align.

There is also a deeper concern. Frequent political movement, no matter how strategic, raises questions of consistency. When platforms change too often, voters begin to look beyond the movement itself and ask a more difficult question: What exactly is constant? Is it ideology? Is it vision? Or is it simply positioning?

These questions matter because today’s voter is less passive than before. There is growing awareness, scrutiny, and an expectation for clarity. So while this move may be necessary from a political standpoint, it is also risky from a public perception angle.

Because speed in politics can be a double-edged sword. Move too slowly, and you lose relevance. Move too quickly, and you lose trust. And right now, this move feels fast. Perhaps calculated. Perhaps unavoidable. But still fast.

So, is this a strategy or a survival tactic? It is arguably both. Strategy, because the timing aligns with political realities. Survival, because unstable platforms leave little room for hesitation.

From another angle, this move is not just a strategy or a matter of survival; it is a gamble. A calculated one, no doubt, but a gamble, nonetheless. It rests on the assumption that political influence can be transferred faster than voter trust can be built. And in a system where recognition often shapes voting decisions, that assumption may prove too optimistic.

But beyond both lies a more uncomfortable possibility: That this could be a leap into a platform that has yet to fully exist in the minds of the people. Because, in the end, political strength is not measured by alliances alone, but by acceptance. And acceptance cannot be transferred overnight.

So, while the move may look bold in Abuja, its real test will come far away from strategy rooms, in markets, in villages, and at the polling units. Where names are remembered, where symbols are recognised, and where unfamiliar platforms are often rejected.

And if that gap is not closed in time, what appears today as a strategy may tomorrow be seen as a miscalculation. Because in Nigerian politics, you can move ahead of the system, but you cannot move ahead of the people. And when that gap exists, even the most calculated move can quickly turn into a costly gamble.

Ultimately, this move will be judged by one metric: conversion rate. How many Obidients and Kwankwasiyya become NDC members, not just in spirit but on the ballot? If the answer is “most,” then history will call it strategy. If the answer is “some,” then it was survival. If the answer is “few,” then it was a miscalculation dressed as ambition. The voters are watching, and their silence right now is louder than any endorsement. For Obi and Kwankwaso, the real campaign did not start in Abuja. It starts the day a trader in Aba and a farmer in Gaya can point to the NDC logo and say, “That is us.”

Usman Muhammad Salihu was among the pioneer fellows of PRNigeria and writes from Jos.

muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Ahmed Usman

In the years following independence, Northern Nigeria stood at the forefront of the country’s economic progress. The region’s agricultural output, symbolised by the famous groundnut pyramids of Kano and by thriving cotton production across the savannah belt, powered employment, export earnings, and real-sector development. For a time, Northern Nigeria was not only a major driver of Nigeria’s economy but also one of the most economically vibrant regions on the African continent. Today, however, the region finds itself at a critical crossroads.

Over the past two decades, Northern Nigeria has faced a combination of security, economic, and structural challenges that have slowed its development trajectory. The rise of insurgency in the North-East, banditry and cattle rustling in parts of the North-West, and persistent farmers–herders conflicts have disrupted livelihoods, weakened agricultural production, and discouraged investment. These crises have inflicted enormous human and economic costs not only on the region but also on the Nigerian economy as a whole.

Yet security challenges alone do not explain the region’s economic difficulties. The deeper problem lies in the failure to convert the region’s extraordinary demographic and natural advantages into sustained economic growth.

Northern Nigeria possesses some of the most significant development assets in the country. The region accounts for more than 60 per cent of Nigeria’s population and contains over 80 per cent of the country’s arable land. It also receives abundant sunlight, suitable for solar power generation, and hosts numerous dams capable of supporting large-scale irrigation and energy production.

Despite these advantages, the region continues to record some of Nigeria’s most troubling development indicators. Poverty levels remain among the highest in the country. Youth unemployment is widespread. The region also accounts for about 20 million out-of-school children, one of the highest figures worldwide. Internally generated revenue in many northern states remains low, limiting the fiscal capacity needed to finance development.

This paradox of abundant resources alongside persistent poverty highlights the urgency of a new development strategy to transform its demographic advantages into a true demographic dividend.

At the heart of the solution lies the revival of the real sector. For too long, Nigeria’s growth model has leaned heavily on the service sector and oil revenues, sectors that generate limited employment relative to the country’s rapidly expanding workforce. Each year, millions of young Nigerians enter the labour market, yet the economy struggles to create sufficient productive jobs. Sustainable and inclusive growth will require renewed investment in sectors capable of generating large-scale employment. Agriculture, agro-processing, manufacturing, and renewable energy stand out as areas where Northern Nigeria holds a natural comparative advantage.

Agriculture in particular offers a powerful pathway for economic transformation. With vast fertile land and favourable climatic conditions, the region has the potential to become Nigeria’s primary agricultural hub once again. Expanding irrigation farming, adopting modern agricultural technologies, improving access to inputs, and strengthening agricultural value chains could dramatically increase productivity while generating millions of rural jobs. But agriculture alone will not be enough. The next stage of development must focus on building strong agro-industrial linkages. Processing agricultural products locally rather than exporting raw commodities can significantly increase value addition, stimulate rural industries, and expand export opportunities.

Infrastructure will be critical to unlocking these opportunities. Reliable electricity, modern road networks, efficient storage systems, and improved logistics are essential for connecting farmers, manufacturers, and entrepreneurs to national and global markets. The region’s extensive dam infrastructure already provides enormous potential for irrigation agriculture and renewable energy if properly utilised.

Equally important is the need to invest in human capital. Northern Nigeria’s youthful population represents one of the region’s greatest assets, but only if young people are equipped with the education, skills, and opportunities needed to participate in a modern economy. Expanding access to quality education, strengthening vocational training, and promoting the development of technical skills must become central pillars of the region’s development strategy.

Yet economic progress ultimately depends on the strength of institutions. Transparent governance, accountable public institutions, and a regulatory environment that encourages private investment are essential for sustainable development. Reducing bureaucratic barriers, strengthening property rights, and improving the ease of doing business will be critical for attracting both domestic and foreign investment.

History shows that development trajectories can change when policy direction aligns with economic potential. Northern Nigeria once played a central role in powering Nigeria’s economic progress. There is no reason it cannot do so again.

The challenges facing the region are significant, but they are not insurmountable. With strategic investments, stronger institutions, and a renewed focus on the real sector, Northern Nigeria can unlock the immense potential of its land, its resources, and most importantly, its people. The region’s future should not be determined by the weight of its challenges but by the boldness of its choices. If those choices are made wisely, Northern Nigeria could once again emerge as one of the most powerful engines of economic growth in the country and perhaps on the continent.

By Grey Akans 

In the lush, undulating hills and valleys of Southern Kaduna, a quiet crisis is unfolding. It is not the kind that makes headlines with sudden violence, but one that works its way silently through generations, eroding the very bedrock of our identity. Our languages, the ancient vessels of our wisdom, history, and worldview, are gradually going extinct.

Each of the dozens of languages spoken here—Gbagyi, Bajju, Atyap, Kataf, Jaba, Fantswam, and many more—is a unique universe. They are not mere collections of words but intricate systems of knowledge. Our languages carry the names of medicinal plants known only to our ancestors, the proverbs that distilled centuries of wisdom, and the folktales told under the moonlight that taught us morality and courage. They hold the specific terms for the textures of soil, the phases of the moon for farming, and the subtle behaviours of animals. When a language dies, it is not just words that are lost; it is an entire library of human experience and ecological understanding that burns down, leaving no ashes behind.

The forces behind this silent extinction are complex and powerful. The dominance of Hausa as the lingua franca of commerce, administration, and social interaction in Northern Nigeria is a primary factor. For our children to thrive in markets and schools outside our communities, fluency in Hausa becomes a necessity, often at the expense of their mother tongue. Adding to this is the overwhelming influence of English, the official language of education and modernity. From nursery school to university, success is measured in one’s command of English. Our native tongues are increasingly confined to the homesteads, and even there, their territory is shrinking.

Perhaps the most painful agent of this loss is our own shift in attitude. A dangerous narrative has taken root, subtly branding our languages as “local” or “vernacular”—synonyms for backwardness in the minds of many. Parents, with the best intentions for their children’s future, now speak to them only in Hausa or English, believing they are giving them a head start in life. Unwittingly, they are severing the deepest root connecting their children to their heritage. The younger generation, fluent in the languages of the wider world, now stumbles over the proverbs of their grandparents. The rich, melodic tones of our ancestors are becoming unfamiliar, replaced by the utilitarian cadence of global tongues.

The consequences are profound. When a people lose their language, they experience a form of cultural amnesia. The unique songs sung during harvest, the playful riddles that sharpened our wits—all these fade into silence. We risk becoming a people without a past, adrift in a homogenised global culture, our distinct identity diluted into a vague, generic label.

But the whisper is not yet silent. There is still time to act. The fight for linguistic survival must begin at home. We must consciously choose to speak our languages to our children, making them the language of love, play, and storytelling. Our community leaders and cultural associations must take the lead by documenting these languages, producing written literature, and organising festivals that celebrate them. We can lobby for the inclusion of our native tongues in the early school curriculum, not to replace English or Hausa, but to stand proudly beside them.

Our languages are more than just a means of communication; they are the soul of Southern Kaduna. They are the breath of our ancestors and the birthright of our children. To let them die is to surrender a part of ourselves we can never recover. We must listen to the fading whisper and raise our voices to sing our songs, tell our stories, and speak our names once more, loudly and proudly, before they are lost to the wind forever.

Grey Akans can be contacted via his Facebook account: Grey Akans.

By Mohammed Bello Doka 

History is a stubborn thing. It does not bend to the whims of revisionists, nor does it dissolve under the weight of repeated falsehoods. For some time now, a particular narrative has been carefully cultivated and spread across social media platforms and traditional dinner tables. This narrative suggests that during the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, the North maintained a conspiratorial silence, shielding itself while the country drifted. It paints an entire region as a monolith of blind loyalty. But as the saying goes, a lie can travel halfway around the world while the truth is still putting on its shoes. Today, the truth is fully dressed and ready to walk.

If the people making these claims are truly ignorant of the facts, this record will serve as a much-needed education. If they are speaking from a place of hypocrisy, then this record will serve as a mirror to their own intellectual dishonesty. To suggest the North was silent is to erase some of the most daring, scathing, and consequential political and intellectual battles fought against the Buhari administration from within its own base.

Let us begin with the most intimate of critics. On October 14, 2016, through the BBC Hausa Service, the First Lady of Nigeria, Aisha Buhari, stunned the world. She did not just offer a mild critique; she declared that her husband’s government had been hijacked by a few people who did not even know the party’s vision. She stated plainly that out of fifty people the President had appointed, he probably didn’t know forty-five of them. 

This was not a Southern critic or an opposition politician speaking; this was the President’s own wife. She followed up on December 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, during a leadership summit in Abuja, where she challenged Nigerian men to stand up to two or three people dominating the government. On May 25, 2019, as reported by Channels TV and Daily Trust, she attacked the administration’s Social Investment Programme, labelling it a failure in the North and questioning the procurement of mosquito nets. If the North was silent, was the First Lady’s voice not Northern enough?

The intellectual and traditional pushback was equally fierce. As the Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi used his platform to deliver economic lectures that the presidency found deeply uncomfortable. On August 24, 2016, during the 15th meeting of the Joint Planning Board in Kano, as reported by Punch Newspapers, he warned that the Buhari administration was on the path of the Jonathan government if it did not end its flawed foreign exchange policies. Years later, as reported by Vanguard on August 20, 2023, he provided a post-mortem, stating that the administration had decimated the economy and left a thirty trillion naira debt through illegal central bank borrowing.

Then there is the Northern Elders Forum. For years, this group acted as a stern watchdog. On June 14, 2020, as reported by The Guardian and The Cable, the Chairman of the forum, Professor Ango Abdullahi, issued a statement titled Life has lost its value under Buhari. He described the administration as a total failure in the face of escalating banditry and insurgency. He noted that the North was completely at the mercy of armed gangs. 

This sentiment was echoed repeatedly by the forum’s spokesperson, Doctor Hakeem Baba Ahmed. In April 2022, following the Zabarmari massacre, Baba Ahmed appeared on Channels TV and was quoted in Daily Trust stating that in any civilised nation, a leader who failed so spectacularly to provide security would have resigned. He was one of the most consistent voices debunking the myth that the North was satisfied with the status quo.

Even the clergy did not stay silent. Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, once considered a supporter of the President’s integrity, became a vocal opponent. In an interview with Punch on July 7, 2018, Gumi stated that he knew Buhari would make Nigeria worse than it was when Jonathan left. He accused the administration of being worse than its predecessor and criticised what he called the deification of the President.

When we turn to the political theatre, the evidence of Northern opposition is even more undeniable. Consider Buba Galadima, one of the original signatories to the formation of the APC. On July 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, Galadima led a faction to form the Reformed APC. He held a press conference in Abuja where he described the party’s leadership as a charade and the government as a disappointment. In an exclusive interview with Premium Times on July 22, 2018, he accused Buhari of betraying the loyalists who built his political career to empower a clannish inner circle.

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano, also broke ranks early. On July 24, 2018, he was among the senators whose defection was reported by Punch and Premium Times as part of a mass exodus from the APC to the PDP. Throughout 2018 and into the 2023 election cycle, Kwankwaso was a relentless critic. 

On August 27, 2018, as reported by Punch, he stated in Owerri that Buhari lacked the capacity to improve the economy. Later, on April 15, 2022, as reported by Channels TV, he expressed deep worry that a retired General could allow insecurity to reach such levels, calling the administration’s second term a missed opportunity.

The most dramatic phase of Northern criticism occurred in the build-up to the 2023 general elections. 

This was not just rhetoric; it was a legal and constitutional war. Nasir El-Rufai, the then Governor of Kaduna State, became the face of internal resistance. Long before the currency crisis, El-Rufai’s critical stance was documented in a 30-page memo dated September 22, 2016, which was eventually leaked by Sahara Reporters on March 16, 2017. In that memo, he warned the President that the APC was losing its supporters’ trust and that the government was adrift. 

By 2023, the tension culminated in a Supreme Court lawsuit. On February 3, 2023, as reported by Channels TV and The Punch, El-Rufai, along with Governors Yahaya Bello and Bello Matawalle, sued the Federal Government over the naira redesign policy. On February 16, 2023, after Buhari’s national broadcast, El-Rufai issued a counter-broadcast in Kaduna, which was transcribed by Vanguard and The Cable, where he told his citizens to continue using the old notes, effectively challenging the President’s authority in a way no Southern governor dared at the time.

Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the then Governor of Kano, was equally confrontational. On January 28, 2023, as reported by The Niche and Daily Post, Ganduje officially asked the President to postpone a visit to Kano because the people were too angry over the currency policy to guarantee a peaceful reception. 

In early February 2023, a viral video reported by Daily Trust and Sahara Reporters showed Ganduje mocking the President’s political history, noting that Buhari only won after a merger was formed for him and was now trying to destroy the party on his way out. On February 14, 2023, as reported by The Cable, Ganduje threatened to demolish any bank in Kano that refused to accept the old notes, promising to replace such banks with schools.

How then can any honest person say the North was silent? We have the names, the dates, and the publications. From the First Lady’s BBC interview in 2016 to the Supreme Court case in 2023, from the intellectual rebukes of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to the scathing memos of Nasir El-Rufai, and the open defiance of Abdullahi Ganduje, the North was a hotbed of criticism. Those who claim otherwise are either victims of a deep ignorance or are intentionally peddling a hypocritical double standard.

The North is not a monolithic political entity that blindly follows a leader. It is a region with a rich tradition of debate, dissent, and internal correction. When the Buhari administration faltered, it was the Northern elders who first called for his resignation. When the economy drifted, it was Northern intellectuals who provided the most data-driven critiques. When the currency policy threatened to trigger a social crisis, it was Northern governors who took the President to the Supreme Court.

To repeat the lie that the North never criticised Buhari is an insult to the courage of those who risked their political standing to speak truth to power. It is an attempt to rewrite history to fuel division and promote a false narrative of regional complicity. But the records are in the archives of Daily Trust, Punch, Vanguard, Premium Times, and Sahara Reporters. 

The records are in the transcripts of the BBC and Channels TV.

Let this be a final answer to those who peddle this falsehood. The facts do not just speak; they shout. The North did not just criticise Buhari; it provided some of the most formidable and effective opposition his administration ever faced. Whether it was on the pages of newspapers, in the chambers of the Supreme Court, or from the pulpits and palaces of its traditional leaders, the North spoke up. To ignore this is to choose a lie over the truth, and to repeat it after reading these facts is to move from the camp of the ignorant to the camp of the hypocritical. The truth has been told, the evidence has been presented, and the myth of Northern silence is hereby destroyed.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via bellodoka82@gmail.com.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

After nearly half a century of dedicated service, Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu has formally announced his retirement from Bayero University Kano, marking the end of an extraordinary academic journey defined by intellectual curiosity, resilience, and lasting impact. 

Born in Kano in 1956, Adamu began his studies in education sciences before shifting to media and communication, where he made his greatest impact. This change was key, forging a career linking pedagogy, culture, and media scholarship. Over time, he became a leading figure in Hausa media, popular culture, and communication with a unique interdisciplinary voice.

He joined the university system on 24 July 1980 as a young Graduate Assistant, rose through the ranks with distinction, and, in 2014, contributed to the conceptualisation of the Faculty of Communication. 

Prof. Adamu’s career, spanning forty-six uninterrupted years, reflects a rare blend of dedication and innovation. From the Department of Education to the Department of Information and Media Studies, his trajectory mirrors the evolution of media scholarship itself.

Beyond the classroom and research, Prof. Adamu has been a consistent voice in public discourse, including his longstanding contributions to The Daily Reality, a platform he has not only enriched intellectually but also supported materially. 

Prof. Adamu’s reflections on retirement, posted on Facebook, capture a life lived with purpose. Yet, true to form, he makes it clear that this is no final bow. With ongoing research and forthcoming book projects, the scholar remains as intellectually vibrant as ever.

Jamilu Uba Adamu 

A man of strong character and unwavering principle, Ibrahim Galadima, MFR, traversed every level of football and sports administration in Nigeria. He served as Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association (NFA) for four transformative years.

His journey began as Chairman of the Kano State Football Association from 1977 to 1979, a period marked by the rapid development of football across the state.  

An accomplished community leader and administrator, Galadima served as Executive Chairman of the old Kano State Sports Council from 1981 to 1983. 

Honourable and diligent beyond compare, he was elected 1st Vice President of the Nigeria Olympic Committee in 1985, serving until 1987 before returning as Chairman of the Kano State Sports Council. He excelled once more, leading the Kano State Government to appoint him Commissioner for Social Welfare, Youth and Sports in 1989. By 1990, he became Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport, with sports placed under the Governor’s Office.

In 1999, he chaired the Kano Sub-seat of the Nigeria team at the 1999 FIFA World Youth Championship. Under his leadership, Kano recorded the highest match attendances of the tournament.  

Three years later, with an unblemished reputation for honesty and accountability, he was elected Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association. During his tenure, the NFA proposed its working Statutes to FIFA. FIFA ratified them, and the 2006 Executive Committee elections were conducted under those Statutes, which still guide the Federation today.  

Ibrahim Galadima, MFR, also served as Member, Presidential Committee on Vision 2010 (Sports); Member, National Commission on Problems of Sports Development in Nigeria (2001); Vice Patron, Nigeria Olympic Committee; Member, Board of Trustees, Nigeria Sports Hall of Fame; Vice Chairman, Presidential Advisory Committee on Vision 20:2020; and Member, CAF Standing Committee on Legal Affairs and Players’ Status.  

In 2019, he chaired a special committee set up by the Kano State Government to guide Kano Pillars FC in their maiden CAF Champions League campaign. The debutants stunned Africa by eliminating Al-Ahly of Egypt, Africa’s Club of the Century, to reach the semi-finals.  

When the former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje administration created the Kano State Sports Commission in 2016, he was appointed its pioneer Executive Chairman.

He was elevated to the position of Patron of the Nigeria Olympic Committee and served as Chairman of the Governing Council of the National Institute of Sports from 2018 to 2022.  

His most recent national assignments included serving as Chairman of the 10-Year Presidential Football Master Plan Committee and as Acting Chairman of Kano Pillars FC.  

The memory of the late Ibrahim Galadima will endure in the hearts of all who encountered him, especially for those of us who regarded him not only as a father figure but as a true role model. I remain deeply grateful for the encouragement he gave me when I approached him to write the introduction to my book, Takaitaccen Tarihin Asalin Wasan Kwallon Kafa a Kano.  

A stickler for rules, regulations, and transparency. His legacy of integrity, service, and excellence in Nigerian sports will never be forgotten. Allah ubangiji ya gafarta masa, amin.

Adamu wrote from Kano via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

History has repeatedly shown us that when rulers or elites indulge in throwing ultimate parties, they are usually sealing their fate. This universal rule is applied not only to dictators but also to empires, organisations, business leaders, athletes, celebrities, and even individuals who reach a climax in their trajectories without the ever-useful self-restraint.

Examples of these parables can be found even in the holy scriptures. Qarun is a brother of Prophet Moses, whom God blessed with so much worldly endowment that people living around him watch in awe. It was reported that many of his kinsmen were openly praying to be blessed as Qarun was. To them, Qarun was a role model, a success, and someone to emulate. 

Qarun’s story was a typical grass-to-grace story we often hear. At the beginning, a humble soul, spendthrift, calculative, hungry and ambitious for success. He left no stone unturned, had no time to even count his fortune, and was always on the lookout for more until he later ‘made it’.

He later started throwing lavish parties, erecting large buildings with so many rooms that he wouldn’t occupy, and amassing fleets of beautiful horses not for war, domestic use or trade. It was reported that the keys alone to Qarun’s treasury were so many that people couldn’t even carry them!

And what of the things inside those stores, of gold, ornaments, and precious metals? Qarun was admonished by his people to express gratitude for the benevolence through giving alms to the less privileged. He famously stated that it was his handiwork, his tactics, and his spendthrift ways (in today’s world, his financial intelligence) that helped him become wealthy. Qarun sealed his fatal fate with those words; he drowned!

Founders of any kingdom or empire usually begin as brave warriors or loyal servants who earn the respect and love of their masters, then become part of the empire and, within a few centuries, become kings themselves. Throughout these transformative years, you would find them humble, hardworking, disciplined, and considerate, until the hard-worn ancestors passed away and the bounty passed to their progeny, who were neither aware of nor shared in the initial struggles, thinking they deserved it. It was those later kings who would build extravagant palaces with magnificent walls, not as protection but for the sake of beauty and elegance.

The early pharaohs of Egypt were not as haughty and arrogant as the pharaoh whom the prophet Moses fought. The last pharaoh feels so high of himself that he declared himself the sovereign being worthy of worship in the land. The magnificent pyramids built in Egypt alone could signify the level of cruelty slaves were subjected to and the grand mania behind erecting them. That was their ultimate party.

The sixteenth-century Brits (Englishmen) were so brave, energetic, curious, prodigious, and ambitious that they set out to conquer almost half of the world, from Asia to Africa to India to the Americas. They spread their influence, civilisation, and language to every nook and cranny of the world. Astonishingly, several decades of the British Empire were led by women like Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria. It was during the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria that Britain reached its peak.

At the beginning of their campaigns, they were just merchants, explorers, and missionaries. They were later partners before transforming into cruel colonial rulers, subjugating human beings into serfdom and slavery. It was during the early 19th century that Queen Victoria decided to host a lavish party in India, inviting delegates from every colony: Asians, Africans, Arabs, Indians, and Caucasians. The Durbar was so magnificent that only watching the video (on YouTube) could give you a sense of the congregation. Every culture was represented, and performances were made. 

What was wasted during these festivities was enough to ruin the economy of a continent. Those extravaganzas, the subjugation of people into labour, and unnecessary wars were later to seal the fate of the British Empire. The colonists were dismantled into sovereign nations, and finally, the sun set for Britain.

Before the 1979 Islamic revolution, Iran was under a monarchy led by Shah Reza Pahlavi, who inherited the throne from his father in the 1920s. Between those years, thanks to the discovery of oil and his alliance with Western countries, the Shah transformed himself into a world-class political figure and a strong voice in the Middle East. Although a Muslim, he became so delusional that he dreamt of converting Iran into its former Persian Empire with all its anti-Islamic elegance. 

This automatically put him in constant conflict with the religious establishment of Iran, especially the Islamic clerics led by the pious, ascetic, and reserved Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The level of enmity was so high that neither side was willing to give way until, finally, Khomeini fled to France as an exile. Despite Khomeini’s absence, he continued to preach to the Iranians, especially the youth, university students, and the less privileged masses who became his adherents.

In the 1970s, the Shah decided to throw a grand party in Iran to commemorate not only his anniversary but also the 2000-year anniversary of the Persian Pagan Empire. He coronated himself as ‘Shah of Shahs’ (King of Kings). The party was attended by thousands, including kings, prime ministers, presidents, heads of state, mistresses, business moguls and technocrats. Later analysis shows how that singular event almost threw Iran into debt despite its oil endowment.

That sealed the fate of Shah Reza Pahlavi, for a few months later, Iranian youths staged an uprising, culminating in the Islamic Revolution that brought Ayatollah Khomeini (the very person Pahlavi had sent into exile) to power.

 Similar stories can be narrated of Adolf Hitler’s rise to power and his expansionist, megalomaniac agenda, seeing himself as the Führer and Saviour of the German Reich, until he sealed his fate by mistakenly invading Russia and Poland and at the same time fighting several forces of France and the United Kingdom. The allied forces were rescued by the rising superpower of that time, the United States of America.

General Yakubu Gowon was in power from 1966 to 1975, the longest-serving military head of state. His period witnessed a surge in oil income never seen before in Nigeria, and even the government doesn’t know what to do with the sweet oil money. The Federal Government undertakes unnecessary construction and white-elephant projects just to get rid of the irritating money. 

Workers get unnecessary pay rises (Udoji salary award) without additional productivity. The General Yakubu Gowon government decided to sponsor a FESTAC celebration event in 1975, which cost a huge sum of money, throwing Nigeria into debt despite oil income. We didn’t wisely invest and save for the rainy days.

That sealed the fate of innocent and peace-loving General Yakubu Gowon. He was overthrown in a palace coup led by young officers, introducing the no-nonsense, disciplinarian Murtala Ramat. The rest was history….So watch out when you are sealing your fate by throwing the ultimate party!

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.