Northern Nigeria

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Screenings of the documentary Uromi-16: The Story, scheduled for Abuja, Kaduna, and Kano, have been postponed indefinitely due to what the producers described as “credible security concerns.”

In a statement dated April 22, 2026, legal representatives for the producer, A.A. Mustapha & Co., said the decision was taken after a reassessment of the immediate environment for the film’s release. “The safety of all stakeholders, particularly viewers, remains paramount,” the statement said.

The documentary by Sa’id Sa’ad Abubakar details the killing of 16 Kano travellers-hunters in Uromi, Edo State, seen as jungle justice. The victims, reportedly en route, were attacked and killed by a mob after suspicion and community outrage. It also seeks to correct what its makers call widespread misinformation while promoting accountability and justice.

The firm stressed that the postponement does not signal a withdrawal from the project but is a precautionary measure in the public interest. It added that consultations are ongoing with authorities and other stakeholders to address concerns around safety and rights.

Ticket holders will receive refunds within three weeks through the ticketing platform, the statement said, while new dates or alternative release plans will be announced later.

The producers also urged the public to remain calm and law-abiding as efforts continue to ensure the film’s safe rollout.

By Saifullahi Attahir

The desperation to fail President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by some politicians and their consistent attempt to recruit others into believing their rhetoric will always be an anticipated issue in the realm of politics, but whenever myopic outlooks like sectarianism, blame games, and regionalism are used, that’s what irritates my conscience into responding at the expense of whatever others may label me. What I believe is to stand for what I think is right, even if I have to stand alone.

The level of those campaigns was to the extent that you can’t say anything good about the Tinubu government without being portrayed as anti-North or even a heretic. This is preposterous!

Politics should not be built on emotions, and governance should not be like inheritance, where no matter who it is, if they’re not your kinsmen, all is not well. This is not the original personality of a typical Northerner. 

I’m not a party card-carrying member but an ordinary student, so I have the liberty to express my views based on my limited understanding. I would like to address the issue of labelling every project undertaken by President Tinubu as nepotistic, especially when it is situated in the South-West. 

Let me give an example with the recent trip President Tinubu led to the United Kingdom, where he secured a deal to revamp the Tin Can and Apapa ports in Lagos. Sealing a deal to revamp Tin Can and Apapa ports should be viewed with such an open mind as a national investment. Lagos would remain the economic bloodline of this country for the time being, hence supporting its economic growth. 

Among the notable achievements of even the most pro-Arewa leaders, like the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Muhammad, during his short stint, was the decongestion of the Lagos Apapa port led by the famous brig. Benjamin Adekunle (The Scorpion).  

I’m not promoting the idea of continuing channelling of funds to develop Lagos at the expense of other regions, but it would be absurd when overnight we heard the FG seal a deal to start importing goods through Niger-Maradi or the Lake Chad basin or create artificial ports in the North linking us to the transatlantic trade (it’s possible, but not overnight like in Libya or the UAE).

The North should have focused more on ensuring that fighting illiteracy included at least a mandatory universal secondary school education with skills. The ‘right education’ would solve 60% of all this menace. 

An enlightened self would not be used as a tool to create and perpetuate insecurity in the form of banditry and suicide bombings. An ignited mind wouldn’t be fertile ground for sectarian conflicts. You can’t woo an educated person into choosing a leader whose focus is to distribute spaghetti.

We should accept the fact that the North is a landlocked region. We are surrounded by Niger, Cameroon, and Chad. We have our own priorities that, if well executed, can boost the regional economy. Comparing ourselves to Lagos wouldn’t help matters. Lagos was an island inhabited by whites centuries ago. It was the former national capital for almost thirty years and home to almost all the country’s major industries. 

As to the second part of the rhetoric, which was also the ultimate agenda, to wrest power from President Tinubu and hand it over to another ‘Arewa politician’. Governance returning to Arewa would never be our solution. This was tried in 2015 by removing Jonathan through every possible means, only to regret a similar decision less than 4 years later.

A bitter truth to swallow was that, since our return to democracy in 1999, leaders from the South-West have proved to contribute more to issues of national development. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 8 years would always be remembered for bringing a near-normal political stability to the country, improved national security, an improved economy, the cancellation of national debt, improved foreign relationships, the introduction of several empowerment programmes, the introduction/subsidisation of telecommunications, and a decisive leadership unparalleled when compared to late President Buhari’s 8 years of bewilderment.

It’s not about Tinubu prioritising Lagos and intentionally killing Arewa. The seed of sustainable national development was sown long ago, when Awolowo’s Action Group was fighting for universal education and ideological politics in their region, while our NPC was busy seeking alliances to dominate the Parliament. It’s better to hold our governors more responsible instead of the federal government.

Between 2007 and 2015, the Southwest Governors (Aregbesola, Fashola, Mimiko, Adams Oshiomhole, etc.) used their opposition to create massive developmental programmes for their region, consolidate power around the leading opposition figure, Tinubu, and enhance their regional security, while we were busy trying to wrest power from Jonathan.

To the question of ‘Arewa-2027′, who should be the candidate? The inconsistent Baba Atiku, or politicians renowned for vengeance politics, or those lacking an accommodating mind for others to win national elections, or politicians without international exposure? Tinubu is not the ideal for Nigeria, but the aforementioned politicians are no match for his governance track record as governor and, 2 years into the presidency, as president.

The current insecurity menace is a testament to how one man is incapable of addressing it. Many among the top security brass are from the North: the NSA, the Federal and State Ministers of Defence. In a region with the highest illiteracy rate, things worse than this could happen. Spaghetti and religious affiliation can woo the masses to vote for a candidate.

We should focus better on finding the RIGHT MAN rather than on which part of the country he came from.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

At a time when many are engulfed with fear of impending internal rancour that is probably capable of causing disunity and despair among key players, a time of reorganisation of the political landscape at both the national and subnational levels, comes a unifying figure who brings solutions to the upheaval experienced, particularly in the recent electoral outing.

The political atmosphere, particularly in Bauchi State, is known for turbulence and vested interests. As the state faces numerous challenges that demand more urgent structural readjustment, this is pertinent, and it raises the question of who can deliver these set goals. That is why Bala Wunti matters.

Among the political players who roll up their sleeves in aspiration to win elections, one critical issue is the unity of purpose. Unity against the monster of poverty, insecurity, hunger, unemployment, and others that are clogging the wheel of our development.

There are individuals whose presence answers questions that institutions struggle with and whose conduct reassures even the most cynical that character still matters in public life. Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti belongs to that rare category. His story is not merely one of rise, but of formation. It is a journey shaped by early trials, sharpened by discipline, and guided by a clarity of purpose that has endured across decades.

Born into circumstances that offered little advantage, early life required resilience and self-reliance. Throughout his life, it has been punctuated by uncertainty. Yet, instead of breeding bitterness, these experiences shaped restraint, empathy, and a steady internal discipline that would later guide his every choice. Where others might have faltered, he remained composed. Where others might have hardened, he stayed measured.

Profile, professional and industry roles

His pursuit of education must be seen in that light. It was not a smooth path through institutions, but a determined journey through obstacles. From his studies in Chemistry at Ahmadu Bello University to advanced training in management at Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University and beyond, each step reflected commitment, not convenience. What emerged was not simply an educated man, but a prepared mind, one that understands complexity, respects structure, and values clarity over noise. In a world that often rewards speed, he chose depth. In a system that often tolerates shortcuts, he insisted on process.

When he joined the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited in 1994, he entered one of the most demanding environments in the country. He did not arrive at prominence; he earned it. From his early role as the Production Programming Officer to his eventual position as Chief Upstream Investment Officer, his trajectory shows a rare pattern in public service: steady progress built on competence rather than visibility. He learned the system from within, understood its contradictions, and positioned himself not as a spectator but as a contributor to its reform. While others chased recognition, he built relevance. While others pursued titles, he mastered responsibility.

His contributions to the oil and gas sector are best measured through results. He was part of efforts that strengthened investment frameworks, restored operational discipline, and brought structure to systems long plagued by inconsistency. Initiatives such as Operation White did more than fix technical inefficiencies. They proved that accountability was possible, even in the most complex spaces. In a sector where decisions carry national consequences, his approach has always been cautious, forward-thinking, and committed to long-term value over short-term applause. That distinction separates those who merely manage systems from those who shape them.

Yet reducing his life to professional milestones would miss the larger picture. What distinguishes Bala Wunti is not only what he has done within institutions, but what he has done beyond them. The memory of hardship has stayed with him, not as a weight, but as a compass. It informs his giving, shapes his interactions, and explains the consistency of his interventions in others’ lives. His philanthropy is not occasional; it is part of who he is. Students have been supported, communities uplifted, and individuals in distress assisted through actions that are rarely announced but widely felt. The recent support for students across tertiary institutions is not a single act; it is part of a pattern that reflects a deep conviction: opportunity should not be determined by circumstance alone. Many give when it is convenient. He gives because it is necessary.

There is also a discipline in his personal conduct that deserves attention. He does not champion causes he does not believe in. He does not bend for advantage. In a political and professional culture where flexibility is often mistaken for wisdom, this restraint is rare and powerful. It gives his actions credibility and his decisions weight. His faith, central to his life, reinforces this clarity. It is visible not only in words, but also in choices that remain steady under pressure.

When he stepped out of public service on May 30, 2025, he did so quietly. There was no spectacle, no fanfare. The moment felt calm but confident, the kind of confidence that comes from knowing your work speaks for itself. Influence does not depend on the office, and in his case, it had already moved beyond it. What he carries into the next phase is not a title, but a reservoir of experience, credibility, and trust. These qualities are far more valuable than any position could ever be.

The emerging political conversation around Bauchi State must be seen through this lens. The state is no longer at a point where familiar patterns can be recycled without consequence. The challenges are deeper, expectations sharper, and the margin for error thinner. This is not a time for comfort; it is a time for deliberate choice. What is required is not just political skill, but administrative depth, economic understanding, and the ability to translate intention into results.

Bala Wunti presents a compelling case, not because he seeks attention, but because his life commands consideration. He understands systems at a level that allows him to engage governance beyond slogans. He has managed scale and complexity in ways that meet the demands of statecraft. He carries a social awareness rooted in lived experience rather than abstract empathy. Most importantly, he stands outside the entrenched rivalries that have defined political competition in the state. That distance is not detachment; it is clarity. It allows him to be seen not as a continuation of old conflicts, but as a bridge beyond them.

The argument for his consideration is therefore not emotional, even though his story moves the heart. It is rational, grounded, and difficult to dismiss. It rests on capacity, consistency, and a record that proves he can think, act, and deliver. In a context where trust is scarce, his credibility becomes stabilising. In a climate where division is costly, his neutrality is strategic. At a time that demands both firmness and thoughtfulness, his temperament aligns perfectly with the responsibility ahead.

This is not to suggest perfection. Leadership is not shown by ambition; it is revealed by preparation. In his case, the evidence is alive. From a childhood shaped by absence to a career defined by impact, his path is intentional, tested, refined, and sustained.

Bauchi faces a choice deeper than personalities. It is a choice between repetition and recalibration, between what is familiar and what is necessary. If the state is to move toward a future defined by stability, competence, and inclusive progress, it must recognise preparation when it sees it.

In Bala Wunti, experience, character, and capacity converge in a rare combination. He does not need to declare his worth. It is evident in the systems he has strengthened, the lives he has impacted, and the consistency he has maintained. The question, therefore, is not whether he has something to offer. The question is whether Bauchi is ready to choose what it truly needs.

If so, the answer is already in front of it.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com. 

By Khalid Imam 

Arguably, in Kano and beyond, if one is searching for one of the most consistent and dominant pioneering female Hausa Muslim broadcasters—whose eloquent voice has shaped and continues to shape generations through a myriad of captivating radio and TV programs—there is no doubt that such a singular, towering presence belongs to the revered and tireless Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi. She is an iconic, multi-talented veteran journalist who is retired but not tired. Hajiya Galadanchi, who spent six decades as a powerful influence and household name synonymous with Radio Kano, a station popularly known as Gidan Bello Dandago, is a popular figure known for her uncommon courage and unshakable faith in God.

An all-round journalist whose foray spans both print and broadcast media, the legendary Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi, popularly known as an anchor of Filin Zaɓi Son Ka, among other programs, began her career as a health worker. Out of a deep passion for the media, she metamorphosed into one of the most dedicated and accomplished radio and television personalities. A skilled radio dramatist, she began her journey into journalism by writing life-transformative articles, mostly addressing issues related to women and children, over half a dozen decades now in the pages of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. Hajiya Galadanchi ventured into public service in 1964 as a health worker at Marmara Hospital and was later posted to several other hospitals within the old Kano City, where she served with remarkable zeal and dedication.

After joining Radio Kano at the age of 35, initially not as a full-time staff member, she handled women’s programs on Thursdays and children’s programs on Fridays as her first assignments. Thereafter, she went on to anchor and contribute to several notable programs, including Ruguntsumin Salla. Through Zaɓen Sada Zumunci, she mentored many female broadcasters, including Mariya Ummakati. Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi is undoubtedly one of the pioneering Hausa Muslim female broadcasters and can rightly be described as a glass-ceiling breaker, having opened the floodgates for the rise and dominance of women in radio and TV broadcasting in Kano today, many of whom now occupy enviable positions as directors within the public and private media ecosystem in Kano and beyond.

No doubt, her persistent voice is a testimony to a living era, one well-defined by knowledge, brilliance, advocacy, and deep love for culture and the uniqueness of Kano’s traditional ways of life. She mentors the womenfolk on the complexities of managing the home: living with a husband and his relatives, navigating life with co-wives, and raising a successful family. She constantly discusses topics such as pregnancy, childcare, and parenting, while teaching women, especially the young, the best of Hausa traditional cookery, including dishes served during festive seasons and ceremonies.

Acknowledged for her honesty, courage, faith, patience, loyalty, dedication, and respect for time, she was also famously known as one of the first women to ride a bicycle and drive a car in Kano City, being among the few female pioneers to be educated in Western schools in the old Kano City. Hajiya Mariya was born at Kankarofi Ward 97 years ago, in Kano Municipal LGA.

Among the dignitaries who graced the special celebration of the life and times of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi were the Honourable Commissioner of Information, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya; Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu, former Vice-Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria; Prof. Abdulrashid Garba, Vice-Chancellor of Khalifa Isyaku Rabi’u University, Kano (KHAIRUN); and Malam Ibrahim Khalil, among other seasoned and distinguished media practitioners too numerous to mention.

During the event professionally curated by an erudite academic, seasoned broadcaster and popular columnist, Malam Bala Muhammad as a Master of the Ceremony, there was a special appeal to the Kano State Government to name the road between Diso and the junction of Hasiya Bayero—or any other notable monument in Kano—after the veteran broadcaster, Hajiya Mariya. Again, Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu also called on the organisers to establish a fellowship in her name to promote young female journalists in Kano.

Alhaji Dr Aminu Ladan Abubakar (Alan Waƙa), Sarkin Adabin Harshen Hausa; Mudassir Ƙassim; and Hajiya Fati Nijer thrilled the audience with scintillating songs. Hajiya Rabi Tanko Yakasai, a close associate of the celebrant, also spoke on Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi’s political activism through Jam’iyyar Matan Arewa, urging young females from the North to emulate her.

The Commissioner of Information, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi as a shining example of a female journalist of great substance and announced the Kano State Government’s donation of ₦10 million as a take-off fund for the proposed Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi Young Female Journalist Fellowship Fund.

The Kano community celebration of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi at 97, which was attended in large numbers by media practitioners, academics, the ulama, the celebrant’s family and friends, and people from all walks of life, could best be described as a huge success. Dozens of goodwill messages were received, especially from notable female broadcasters in Kano, who expressed deep appreciation for the pioneering mentorship role Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi has tirelessly played.

Some of the major highlights among the series of fascinating activities that made the event memorably captivating were the keynote speech presented by Hajiya A’isha Sule; two separate audio and audiovisual documentaries were presented to the patient audience on the life and times of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi; and special tributes from both senior and young female broadcasters by Hajiya Hafsah Iliyasu and Hajiya Zainab Sherif, respectively. 

There was also a stimulating panel discussion featuring Maryam Babayaro, Dr Fatima Damagun, A’isha Bello Mahmud, A’isha Sule, and A’isha Usman, moderated by Hajiya Mariya Bakori from Katsina State. To allow feedback from the massive audience, there was a Q&A session, the presentation of awards, and a plaque to the celebrant, led by Malam Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil and Malam Abubakar Darma. The event ended with an exhibition of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi’s memorabilia, which included her photos, sound bites, broadcast archives, and merit awards.

Khalid Imam is a Kano-based writer, educator and President of Kano Literary Space. He can be reached via email: khalidimam2002@gmail.com.

–A costly decision demanding accountability, public scrutiny, trust, leadership priorities, and responsibility

By Nura Jibo MRICS, MNIQS, PQS, RQS, UN-DCP

If Muhammad Badaru’s eight-year stewardship as Jigawa State’s governor could not provoke his conscience to reflect on the abandonment of the N11.5 billion Dutse International Airport, from which Jigawa State’s public money was taken and used by Governor Sule Lamido, nothing will! 

If Governor Umar Namadi’s one-year display of overt leadership anger, just to play to the gallery while inspecting projects at Dutse General Hospital and Rasheed Shekoni, is any indication of god-fearing, at this point, he should be seeking Allah’s repentance and forgiveness for neglecting the Dutse International Airport that Governor Sule Lamido spent N11.5 billion to construct.

The issue is: It is not just about campaigning and winning public office. It is not about aspiring to be a governor, senator, minister, or president while relegating public responsibility. Indeed, it is about taking a substantial amount of Jigawa State’s money to build an airport that its ordinary citizens (Talakawa) have never benefited from. It is about earning public trust, accountability, responsibility, and excellence by safeguarding public funds and ensuring that the people of Jigawa State receive value for their money.

Anything short of this, one would inevitably appear before Allah SWT and answer for all misdeeds, inactions, and karmic retribution.

It is very painful to witness a project one participated in constructing being abandoned by Governors Badaru and Namadi after an enormous sum of N11.5 billion was spent on it. And the governors who do this are sleeping with both eyes closed! They forget that a day of reckoning is coming when they must appear before their Creator and answer the most difficult questions of their lives. 

The engineers from Jigawa State’s Due Process involved in this airport project are also unhappy with the abandonment of the Dutse International Airport.

The person who hired this writer as a supervising consultant for Dutse International Airport in 2013, Mallam Rabi’u Shuaibu Kazaure, then director of building at Jigawa State’s Due Process and Project Monitoring Bureau, has passed away. He was a man of integrity, sincerity, and honesty who diligently discharged his duties. May Allah bless him with Jannah and continue to reward his efforts in the airport project. 

Therefore, the deliberate killing and systemic lack of foresight and vision by the two governors regarding the Dutse Airport is not only negligent but also significantly affects the weak, crushing the innocent’s opportunity cost and marginal propensity to invest their billions in agribusiness and other Jigawa State science and technology developments.

Indeed, airport construction and management are not for everyone! It is not merely a governor’s affair! It is not a long-standing academic practice in which a governor would recruit or “shop” lecturers from universities and give them “lucrative” positions in Jigawa State, expecting them to perform miracles, while their true expertise lies in marking students’ scripts for years. They know nothing about industry knowledge beyond their rules of engagement as academics and their involvement in academic staff unionism, which they spent decades pursuing with little success! 

Managing Jigawa State’s departments and agencies is certainly beyond a mere academic exercise. It requires industry knowledge, not academic learning. It does not require mastery of the English language, where certain DGs in Governor Namadi’s cabinet, for example, could deceive the governor with all sorts of English grammar or polemics in the name of “fetching” Jigawa State government investors from abroad.

This could be elaborated more succinctly in a subsequent discussion on the mismanagement of Jigawa State’s funds by Governor Namadi and his DGs on foreign trips under the pretext of seeking investors for Jigawa State. If time permits, photos and videos could be released to substantiate this point!

Now back to the wasteful venture of the Dutse International Airport.

Governor Sule Lamido’s efforts must be acknowledged and appreciated for the construction of the Dutse International Airport. He single-handedly started this project in February 2013 and completed it in 18 months! This is certainly commendable for a governor who is primarily an administrator and a lifelong politician rather than a technical expert.

However, even Governor Lamido’s vision and mission for the airport could be faulted for his limited understanding of how airports are managed globally, particularly when the client (owner) lacks the resources to manage it. This writer has repeatedly communicated with Governor Lamido about the importance of handing over the entire airport to a reputable airline to operate it on behalf of the Jigawa State government. This is akin to an agreement reached with Captain Edward Boyo, the CEO of Overland Airways, who scheduled a three-day flight connecting Abuja, Dutse, and Bauchi. Unfortunately, the memorandum of understanding agreed upon with Overland was not honoured by Governor Badaru and his entire cabinet. Neither was it honoured by Governor Namadi, courtesy of political disputes arising from party differences, which ultimately led to the waste of Jigawa State’s people’s money and resources in perpetuity.

Very recently, in a conversation with top political office-holders in the state, they recounted their ordeals over their inability to make the airport functional and useful.

An investigation revealed that a South African company interested in the Dutse International Airport came and went without arriving at a common standpoint. Ethiopian Airlines was also revealed to have an interest in turning it into a cargo airport, but Governor Badaru and Governor Namadi’s lack of interest has hindered this line of business.

It is, therefore, foolhardy to talk about or dream of good governance when these two governors came and found a functional airport and, provocatively, made it dysfunctional for political reasons and personal interests best known to them, which are diametrically opposed to public interests. With this kind of behaviour alone, Allah SWT will, insha’ Allah, never allow them to go scot-free, given their lack of responsibility and public trust in sustaining the airport for well over 10 years now! The airport could have at least covered its full construction cost by now! 

For instance, the Murtala Mohammed International Airport in Ikeja, Lagos, is a federal asset managed by the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) and the Nigerian Customs Service (NCS). Its Customs revenue alone as of 2025 was reported at N202.9 billion! The airport’s FAAN revenue in 2024 was the highest in Nigeria, accounting for an average of 67% of its total revenue of N256 billion.

Malam Aminu Kano International Airport in Kano generated N20.2 billion in revenue, accounting for 5.3% of FAAN’s total revenue in 2024!

Therefore, the Dutse International Airport could have generated at least N50 billion in 10 years (2015-2025) if it had not been left idle or used solely for Hajj ceremonial shuttling by Governor Badaru and Governor Namadi.

Though the revenue from the Ikeja and Kano airports goes to the federal government of Nigeria, by comparison, Lagos State and Kano benefit from increased economic activity due to the presence of NAHCO and SAHCO, as well as from personal income taxes paid by workers and businesses operating in the airports’ vicinity.

This is what the people of Jigawa lost due to Governor Badaru and Namadi’s neglect of the Dutse International Airport for well over 10 years! 

Indeed, on a daily basis, Ikeja airport’s customs could generate an average of N555 million in import/customs duties if its reported 2024/2025 revenue of N256 billion is anything to go by. 

Governors Badaru and Namadi’s avoidance of this airport responsibility since 2015, by portraying it as a ceremonial airport for commuting Hajj pilgrims, is not only detrimental but also exposes the political leaders’ lack of foresight and mismanagement of public funds. 

The indecision regarding the Dutse International Airport by Governor Badaru and Governor Namadi contravenes FAAN’s three measurable KPIs, which include on-time operations, revenue growth, and passenger satisfaction.

Solutions 

Globally, airports are assessed against standards and quality. Dutse International Airport was built to standard. Its runway is 3 kilometres long, and the airport’s width is 60 metres. It is, by all standards, suitable for large aircraft such as the Boeing 747 to land on its runway, with an average concrete and asphalt thickness of seven meters! This does not fall short of the global requirements for the longest runways at the world’s biggest and top 10 airports, with an average length of three to five kilometres.

The financial and economic losses at Dutse International Airport are significant due to the Jigawa state government’s lack of leadership priorities, as evidenced by the management of international airports in Rwanda, Addis Ababa, Qatar, Gatwick, and Heathrow, among others. Taking time, for example, by Governor Namadi to go to the Qatari Embassy in Abuja with a very junior high school colleague to meet with the Qatari Ambassador or inviting him to see the airport, is not the way to woo partners or encourage Qatar Airways to partner with Dutse International Airport. The ambassador’s duty is certainly diplomatic, not technical; he is not in any way going to help the Jigawa state government, technically speaking, make its airport useful. The Qatari people are law-abiding individuals known worldwide for their uprightness and accountability. They mostly engage in charitable and educational programs for deprived communities, as witnessed in Gaza, Palestine, Syria, and in Dutse and Hadejia, Nigeria.

To make Dutse International Airport useful, one must look beyond the banal and quibbling issues of political sentiments and personal interests.

The airport could have been taken in partnership with Qatar Airways if the proper partnership channels had been communicated to Qatar Airways’ commercial department in Doha. It could have been salvaged if, for example, direct contact had been established with Rwandan Airlines rather than Ethiopian Airlines. It could have doubled its construction cost in revenue if the two governors had done their homework very well through Jigawa State’s international partnerships and linkages. This department could have liaised with Gatwick or London Heathrow Airports, for example, in the United Kingdom, or even with Frankfurt Airport in Germany, to take over the management of Dutse International Airport and enter an agreement, inter alia and ab initio, at a 50-50 business fee. 

Lufthansa, for example, offers extensive partnerships and connections linking East and North Africa. There is no harm whatsoever in giving the Dutse International Airport management to Frankfurt’s Lufthansa as an up-taker, or to Madrid Barajas Airport (MAD), which is currently interested in African partnerships by shuttling its flights to connect to various African geographical locations such as Chad, Niger Republic, Rwanda, Ghana, Cameroon, Kenya, Uganda, Senegal, and Mali, to mention but a few. 

Royal Air Maroc could also have been a strong partner to the Jigawa State government and to Dutse International Airport, beyond the Overland domestic partnership that was caught up in Badaru’s and Namadi’s political acrobatics. Indeed, Dutse International Airport, within this 10-12-year period of neglect by the two governors, could have been used to provide serious dollars to the Jigawa State government from abroad and a couple of billions of naira on domestic flight arrangements and agreements, because it would have certainly offered the highest frequency of flight influx and a “buffer” zone from Europe to the west and Sahelian Africa, allowing easy accessibility to passengers and cargo into major African airports like Cape Town, Casablanca, and Addis Ababa etc.

Unfortunately, the current governor is busy shuttling between China and India to invite investors to invest in Jigawa State, with minimal progress that is often overamplified by his new media aides.

Therefore, what is wrong, useless, and should be avoided is what an academic once described as hot-air jargon, popularly known as Dogon Turanci. The Jigawa State government should take the management of its international airport seriously by inviting up-takers to handle the airport for a couple of years, with its staff and technical personnel. No Nigerian or Jigawa indigene should be employed to work at the check-in and check-out counters or security points to avoid passengers begging for money (dollars), which is typical of Nigerian-trained and employed airport staff and has caused significant damage to Nigeria’s integrity and national image. 

Nura Jibo writes for the West African Research Association (WARA) and the African Studies Centre at Boston University, United States.

Rebuttals to this piece are welcome and healthy. They can be submitted to jibonura@yahoo.com.

By Ismail Bello Darazo 

Nigeria is a country known for its diverse ethnic groups, rich cultures, and traditions. There is also a strong history of peaceful coexistence among these groups. This harmony was more evident when traditional leaders were in control of societal affairs. All these things have faded away. Why?

Everything is better than before the marginalisation of the traditional leadership system, despite the democratic rule in various aspects of the sphere, but this particular issue of insecurity, especially the one between ethnicities, is not well addressed by the system. We still have time to make things better and manage.

The truth that we don’t want to say out has to be told in the sense that we would keep our eyes off the sad event masterminded by those we share the same tribe or religion with. This is what happens, and it is what fuels the escalating insecurity in the whole country. Political leadership was largely in the hands of traditional institutions, which formed a vital part of Nigeria’s governance structure before being marginalised by the modern democratic system.

The democratic system is centred on the separation of powers among the three arms of government—the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary. This has become the dominant mode of governance today. However, decision-making and policy implementation under this system have largely replaced traditional methods, which once ensured a high level of compliance because people trusted their leaders.

The marginalisation of traditional leadership by the democratic system is one factor contributing to the escalation of insecurity. Traditional institutions have deeper access to the grassroots and better knowledge of the local environment than the current system. 

It is rare to find any group of people without a leadership structure in which leaders report to higher authorities when decisions exceed their authority. This applies to groups such as herders grazing livestock and farmers producing food for trade and national food security. The relationships between these groups were previously managed by traditional leadership, which ensured harmony and stability despite differences.

However, the alienation and undermining of traditional institutions have weakened this long-standing unity. The sense of shared humanity has diminished. Despite intermarriages and shared values, conflicts of interest have damaged relationships, turning once-peaceful communities into hostile groups.

Despite these challenges, it is not too late to act. The government can revitalise the traditional ruling system by integrating it into policy-making and implementation processes. Traditional leaders should be given a sense of belonging and held accountable for their responsibilities. Thomas Fuller once said, “A stitch in time saves nine.”

The effectiveness of this structure can often change the narrative, due to its deep grassroots penetration, significantly improving the current situation. 

By taking this step, insecurity can be drastically reduced, if not completely eliminated.

Ismail Bello Darazo writes from Bauchi wrote via Ismailbello054@gmail.com.

By Shamwil Ibrahim (Justice)

The memories of those harrowing and dark days in Plateau State, particularly in Jos, remain etched into my soul. I remember too little to recall every detail, yet enough to feel the weight of terror that engulfed my childhood. Outsiders hesitated to enter, and even those of us who lived there trembled at each echo of gunfire. Plateau, once a land of promise, became a chamber of fear, its people caught between survival and despair.

I was very young during the Jos and “Yelwa Shendam” crises. I barely understood what was happening. Yet one rainy day in 2001 is etched in my memory: my mother clutching my hand and my brother’s, carrying my youngest sibling on her back, running towards “Gangare” as the gunshots pierced the stormy air. I didn’t fully understand death then, but I felt its shadow.

November 2008 brought horrors I could not escape. Smoke choked the sky, thick and black from burning tyres, cars, shops, and homes. The familiar morning sounds, the rooster’s crow, the call to prayer, were drowned out by the relentless rattling of bullets. I saw men lying lifeless in the streets, burnt and broken. Women clutched their children as the world around them descended into chaos. Infants cried and died; pregnant women were not spared. The streets of Jos were no longer streets; they were rivers of despair. That was the day I realised that life could shatter in an instant, leaving nothing but grief and fear.

The nightmare returned in January 2010. The cry “An Fara! An Fara! It begins!” echoed across the city, and everyone ran for their lives. Markets emptied; cars stopped mid-journey; the city was silenced by death. By March, villages like “Dogo Na Hauwa” felt the same agony. Men, women, and children were slaughtered indiscriminately. Families fled, unsure if they would ever return. Our own family considered escaping to Kano or our ancestral states, seeking refuge from the unending bloodshed. Our government, both state and federal, failed us when we needed them most, leaving an entire generation to grow up amidst fear, hatred, and division.

And yet, amid this darkness, a truth becomes clear: religion itself is not to blame. Both Islam and Christianity teach love, compassion, and coexistence. Islam emphasises peace and justice; Christianity is built on love and mercy. How, then, can these teachings be turned into instruments of hatred?

Most conflicts are not truly religious. They are manipulated and twisted by politicians and traditional leaders seeking power, wealth, and control. Land disputes, political rivalry, and ethnic tensions are cloaked in the garb of faith. To blame religion alone is to ignore the real forces at work, and to fail the innocent who suffer because of it.

We cannot abandon faith. We must embrace its true teachings: peace, love, unity. We must teach our children to rise above hatred, to recognise manipulation, and to work together regardless of ethnicity, religion, or background. Africa does not need less religion; it needs more honesty, more understanding, more courage to unite despite the forces that seek to divide us.

Plateau State can heal. Jos can thrive again. Nigeria can rise. But only if we choose love over fear, unity over division, and humanity over hatred.

Finally, I urge youths, children, elders and leaders of all religions and ethnicities to continue supporting peaceful coexistence and harmonious interaction in Plateau State. 

God bless Jos.

God bless Plateau State.

God bless Nigeria and all her people.

Shamwil Ibrahim (Justice) wrote via ibrahimshamawilu@gmail.com.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

I watched in horror as news spread of yet another attack on travellers in Plateau State. Young men from Jos, simply trying to earn a living, were killed on their way to Pankshin in a reprisal following earlier killings in Dorowa Babuje. Families are mourning. Communities are tense. Anger is rising.

This is not the first time. Years ago, youths travelling for a wedding near Barkin Ladi were ambushed and killed. Retaliatory attacks followed, claiming even more lives, many of them innocent passersby. That period left deep scars on families and entire communities. It taught a painful lesson: revenge rarely reaches the original perpetrators; it only multiplies suffering.

Recently, another tragedy unfolded along Nding Road. Young, hopeful traders were attacked. Even before the dust settled, calls for retaliation began echoing across the streets and social media. Roads were blocked. Vehicles were targeted. Innocent travellers were exposed to danger. We are dangerously close to repeating a cycle we already know too well.

Over the years, many travellers have been attacked along Plateau’s highways—routes that should symbolise commerce, connection, and coexistence. In too many cases, investigations fade quietly, and justice remains unseen. When there are no visible consequences, anger festers. When justice appears absent, reprisal begins to look like an option. That is how cycles of violence sustain themselves. Jungle justice thrives where trust in formal institutions weakens and where communities feel unheard, unprotected, or unfairly treated.

The perception, rightly or wrongly, that perpetrators are shielded by ethnic, political, or religious affiliations fuels suspicion and collective blame. But collective punishment is neither lawful nor moral. It transforms victims into aggressors and bystanders into casualties. It erodes the moral authority of communities that claim to seek justice and undermines the rule of law that binds a plural society together.

Social media has further complicated the crisis. Unverified reports, inflammatory language, and emotional commentary spread faster than facts. Within minutes, outrage can mobilise crowds before security agencies even understand what happened. In such an atmosphere, rumour becomes fuel and anger becomes action. What begins as grief quickly mutates into organised retaliation, with highways turning into battlegrounds and innocent travellers paying the price for crimes they did not commit.

Plateau has buried too many sons whose only crime was being on the road at the wrong time. Too many promising lives have been cut short by anger that could have been contained. Traders, students, farmers, and artisans now travel with anxiety, unsure whether they will return home safely. A state blessed with cultural diversity and economic potential should not be defined by recurring roadside violence.

Leadership at this moment must transcend emotion. Statements from influential figures—traditional rulers, political actors, youth leaders, clerics, and civil society voices—can either soothe or inflame the situation. Public calls for revenge put ordinary citizens in the crossfire, turning them into substitutes for unseen perpetrators.

Silence in the face of incitement is equally dangerous. Responsible leadership demands restraint, clarity, and an unwavering insistence on lawful redress.

Justice, not vengeance, is the only sustainable path forward. Security agencies must conduct thorough, impartial investigations into all recent attacks and ensure that those responsible are identified and prosecuted, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or social standing. Security presence must be strengthened along vulnerable highways and flashpoints, while rapid-response mechanisms should be improved to prevent escalation after incidents. Communication with the public must also be clear and consistent to rebuild trust and counter misinformation.

Government at both state and federal levels must demonstrate that accountability is neither selective nor symbolic. When arrests are made, the public should be informed. When prosecutions begin, they must be pursued diligently. When convictions occur, they should reflect the gravity of the offence. Justice must not only be done; it must be seen to be done. Beyond enforcement, preventive strategies such as community-based early warning systems, interfaith dialogue platforms, youth engagement programmes, and civic education campaigns are essential to reduce vulnerability to mobilisation for violence.

Retaliation does not restore dignity. It does not bring back the dead. It only creates new victims, new grief, and new reasons for the next cycle of violence. If anger becomes policy and revenge becomes justice, the funerals will continue. But if law, accountability, and responsible leadership prevail, the cycle can be broken.

Plateau deserves better. Travellers should not fear the roads. Traders should not fear earning a living. Communities should not live on the edge of retaliation. If we truly want this violence to end, then justice must speak louder than anger. Anything less will only prepare the ground for the next funeral.

Usman Muhammad Salihu is a PRNigeria Fellow and writes from Jos via: muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Musa Idris

During a recent Ramadhan Tafseer session in Abuja, former minister Isa Ali Pantami made a remark that ought to trouble every Nigerian who cares about media fairness. The North, he argued, needs a strong media presence capable of projecting its narratives to the world. This was not a regional call. It was a practical response to a structural imbalance that leaves Northern perspectives underrepresented both within Nigeria and beyond.

Two concepts explain what Pantami identified. The first is agenda-setting: when news platforms decide what to cover, they are effectively deciding for millions what matters. The second is the battle for narrative control: the competition to shape public conversation. He who wins this battle helps set the agenda. He who has no platform is spoken for by others. This battle plays out globally, where international outlets shape how the world sees Nigeria, and nationally, where the concentration of media houses influences which stories receive prominence.

Consider Nigeria’s media geography. Most major privately owned networks are headquartered in Lagos. This is not a conspiracy; it is a commercial reality. Lagos is the natural home of advertising revenue and media infrastructure. Consequently, perspectives from that region receive sustained national attention not out of malice, but simply because journalists live there. When newsrooms are concentrated in one area, other regions struggle for airtime. The North is reported on rather than reporting. This absence of strong Northern media with national reach is not favourable to accurate national discourse.

The international dimension is equally urgent. Global wire services—Reuters, AP, BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera function as gatekeepers of the world’s agenda. Their choices shape the understanding of billions. Research confirms that coverage of developing nations is almost entirely limited to stories of war and disaster. If a region cannot feed its perspectives into these channels, its stories will be told by others, whether incompletely or inaccurately, sometimes with hostile intent.

Consider what happened on February 19, 2026, when suspected Lakurawa terrorists attacked Kebbi State, killing thirty-four Muslims fasting for Ramadan. The next day, gunmen massacred thirty-eight more in Zamfara. Earlier that week, gunmen in Plateau abducted an imam and seven mosque committee members. Where was the sustained national coverage? Where were the front-page stories? Coverage existed, but it was minimal relative to the horror.

Not because these deaths mattered less. They received less attention because the institutions with the power to amplify them are far from affected communities, and because the North lacks platforms to project these tragedies into national consciousness.

Now contrast this with another narrative that dominated global discourse throughout 2025. Between January and October, a story alleging Christian genocide in Nigeria gained significant traction. Investigators traced this coordinated campaign to networks affiliated with IPOB. The narrative reached 2.83 billion impressions on X alone. It influenced the United States to designate Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern. It shaped discourse around the Sokoto airstrike. It is now cited in discussions about sanctions against Northern figures and proposals to label Fulani groups as terrorist organisations. 

One side had an army of storytellers. The other had none. Agenda-setting power shifted accordingly in Abuja and Washington. The absence of strong Northern media is not favourable in such a landscape.

The proposed sanctions and scrutiny of the Fulani illustrate where this leads. As analyst Yushau Shuaib observed, criminal elements exist across every line. But the Fulani are a diverse population numbering in the millions. Collective blame is profiling. 

Yet profiling becomes easier when only some perspectives dominate discourse. The Fulani have no platform to tell their own story, their history, their contributions, their humanity. They risk being defined solely by what others say. This is about ensuring all Nigerians can represent themselves accurately when the world is watching.

Pantami also pointed inward, critiquing Northern media that prioritize entertainment over substantive reporting. Insecurity, education, industrial revitalisation, issues that shape daily life receive far less attention than partisan conflicts. The stakes are higher for regions with limited platforms. When local media fails to set a serious agenda, it becomes distraction. 

But the problem is also reaching. Numerous Northern stations exist, but many broadcast locally in Hausa, limiting national influence. Reliance on NTA alone is insufficient. The absence of strong, English-language, professionally run Northern media with national ambition is simply not favourable.

Pantami also called for a world-class station broadcasting in English, French, and other global languages. Its purpose: to speak to Nigeria and the world. To feed alternative narratives into national and global ecosystems and claim power to help set the agenda. He pointed to Al Jazeera.

 Before Al Jazeera, the Arab world was narrated by Western outlets. After, Arab perspectives could not be ignored. The channel succeeded not as propaganda, it faced criticism from all sides but because it invested in professional journalism and built credibility. A Nigerian equivalent could do the same.

Consequences extend beyond the North. When any community cannot tell its story, the nation’s image is shaped by whoever has the loudest platforms. International sanctions and diplomatic decisions are increasingly influenced by narrative control. So too are national decisions: budget allocations, security responses. If Northern realities are not part of the national conversation, they will not be part of the national response. Without professional media projecting Nigerian perspectives, the country will be defined by whichever voices dominate existing platforms. This is not favourable to national cohesion.

Pantami spoke during a religious gathering, but his message was strategic. He identified a vulnerability and proposed a solution. The question is whether Northern elites will redirect resources toward building the media infrastructure the region desperately needs. The North must tell its own story. Not because its story matters more, but because every community deserves to represent itself. Nigeria needs multiple voices engaging with the nation and world.

Today, many platforms shaping perceptions of Northern Nigeria are headquartered elsewhere. This is not an accusation. It is media geography. And geography can be changed. The North can build. It can invest. It can tell its own story. Not through propaganda, but through professionalism. Not by silencing others, but by adding its voice.

Abubakar Idris wrote via abkidris99@gmail.com.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu

The Argungu International Fishing and Cultural Festival is renowned as one of the most colourful spectacles on the global calendar. But beyond the crowning of the champion fisherman, the 61st edition, which concluded on February 14, 2026, was a profound chronicle of peace, cultural pride, economic promise, and even human drama.

Dating back to 1934  from the historic visit of Sultan Hassan Dan Ma’azu, which marked a handshake between the Sokoto Caliphate and the Kebbi Kingdom, the festival has evolved from a symbol of peace into a globally recognised cultural phenomenon. This year, after rigorous planning, the event delivered a programme richer than ever, blending tradition with advancement and culminating in a grand finale that drew thousands of fishermen and spectators to the ancient city of Argungu.

A Festival Forged in Culture and Commerce

The 61st edition was not merely a competition; it was a multifaceted event strategically designed to showcase Kebbi State. Activities kicked off in the state capital, Birnin Kebbi, with an Investor Forum that highlighted the region’s vast economic potential. This was complemented by an intellectual youth engagement, a Quiz and Debate competition at the Presidential Banquet Hall. 

Also, a colourful motor rally, flagged off in Abuja and involving over 30 vehicles, was part of the activities heralding the globally celebrated festival.

On Wednesday, February 11, the festival burst into life with a vibrant display of traditional sports. Archery, catapulting, camel and donkey racing, local wrestling, and a polo competition drew captivated audiences from within Nigeria and beyond. Participants displayed remarkable skill, with winners earning trophies, cash prizes, and gifts, setting an energetic tone for the days ahead.

Day two shifted gears with exciting cycling and boxing competitions unfolding at the festival venue.

The cycling race from Birnin Kebbi to Argungu saw Bello Muhammad clinch victory after one hour and 30 minutes of intense effort, taking home a trophy, a motorcycle, and N300,000. The boxing ring was equally electrifying, with Sha’aban from Kano State defeating Kebbi’s Yahayan Tarasa in a fiercely contested match that kept spectators on the edge of their seats.

The Heartbeat of Tradition: Kabanci and its Human Cost

Thursday was dedicated to celebrating the region’s lifeblood agriculture. An impressive Agricultural Show in Argungu featured giant rice pyramids, a powerful visual testament to the state’s rich endowments and achievements.

But the spiritual core of the festival, the legendary Kabanci water sports, unfolded on its third day.

 The Mala  River side became a theatre of ancestral skill as thousands thronged the banks. The scene was a breathtaking display of cultural heritage: men and boys fishing with bare hands, two-man canoe races slicing through the water, and the gruelling swimming contests with clay pots.

Participants demonstrated remarkable agility, passing down techniques across myriad generations. The Water Relay Race, a true test of endurance, was among the most cheered. However, the celebration was tinged with tragedy. Despite the presence of emergency services, reports emerged of the death of two participants in the water relay competition after Red Cross officials gave emergency assistance.

As dusk fell, the majestic Kabi Durbar transformed the atmosphere. A magnificent procession of decorated horses and riders, reflecting the Emirate’s martial history and equestrian excellence, offered a spectacle of regal splendour.

The Grand Finale: A 59kg Triumph

The week-long celebration culminated in the main event on Saturday, February 14. Over 40,000 fishermen entered the Matan Fada River, a river of humanity awaiting the starter’s signal. The formal commencement was timed with the arrival of the Special Guest of Honour, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was joined by a host of dignitaries from within and outside the country.

The result was historic. Abubakar Usman from Maiyama Local Government Area of Kebbi State emerged as the champion, landing the festival’s biggest fish, weighing 59 kilogrammes. His feat earned him two brand-new Toyota vehicles, generously donated by the Sokoto State Government, along with a N1 million cash prize.

Abdullahi Garba from Argungu secured second place with a 40kg fish, receiving a Toyota saloon car from WACOTT Rice Miles Limited and N1 million. The third position was jointly claimed by Danlansu Dankani from Jega and another contestant, who each caught fish weighing 34kg, going home with N1 million and a motorcycle apiece.

President Tinubu, in his address, encapsulated the festival’s essence, describing it as “a historic event and a powerful symbol of unity and resilience and peaceful coexistence amongst Nigerians. It reflects the richness of our culture, the strength of our tradition and the opportunities that lie in harnessing our natural resources for national development.”

Echoes from Argungu: A Look to the Future

The festival’s impact resonated deeply with local residents. For Shamsu Usman and Ishaka Kabir,  among others, the event is more than a cultural showcase. They believe it is a vital economic driver, with income generated poised to be channelled into other productive activities, reinforcing the festival’s role in grassroots development.

The success of the 61st edition was also significantly amplified by the vital role of legacy media, news platforms, social media influencers, and content creators, whose coverage projected the images of Argungu to a global audience.

As the festival continues to attract tourists from every corner of the world, its position as a premier cultural tourism destination in Nigeria is firmly cemented. The collective vision now is for the Argungu Emirate Council, the Kebbi State Government, and the Federal Government to work in concert. By investing in modern strategies, infrastructure, and sustainable practices, they can further enhance the festival, ensuring it remains a powerful engine for socio-economic development in Argungu, Kebbi State, and the nation at large for generations to come.