Kaduna State

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A Federal High Court sitting in Kaduna has shifted its decision on the bail applications filed by former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, and his co-defendant, Jimi Lawal, to July 1, 2026.

Justice Hauwa’u Buhari announced the new date after lawyers representing both the prosecution and the defence presented their arguments in the matter filed by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC.

The anti-graft agency is prosecuting El-Rufai, Lawal and five companies over an amended 11-count charge bordering on alleged abuse of office, financial misconduct and money laundering.

During the proceedings, the defence counsel informed the court that applications seeking bail for the defendants had already been submitted and urged the court to consider them. After listening to arguments from both sides, the judge reserved ruling until July 1.

El-Rufai arrived at the court premises under tight security as the hearing continued.

Earlier on Wednesday, the former governor also appeared before a Kaduna State High Court in another ICPC case linked to allegations of abuse of office and money laundering during his administration between 2015 and 2023.

The state high court later adjourned the matter until June 29, 2026, for continuation of hearing.

According to the ICPC, investigations uncovered alleged irregularities involving the management of public funds as well as the award of government contracts.

However, El-Rufai and the other defendants denied all allegations brought against them and pleaded not guilty before the court.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Government has renamed the PTDF College of Petroleum and Energy Studies in Kaduna in honour of the late Nigerian statesman, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua.

According to a statement issued by the management of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF), the institution will now be known as the General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua University of Geological Sciences and Engineering Technology. The renaming follows a presidential directive by Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

PTDF said the decision recognises Yar’Adua’s contributions to national unity and Nigeria’s democratic development. The fund assured stakeholders that all academic programmes, partnerships, and institutional operations would continue without disruption under the university’s new identity.

The institution is expected to maintain its focus on research, specialised training, and engineering technology development aimed at supporting Nigeria’s oil, gas, and renewable energy sectors.

By Fatih Lawal-Garu 

The editorial published by the Nigerian Tribune on May 14, 2026, titled “Divorce: The Kaduna woman who has nowhere to go,” raises an emotionally compelling and socially important issue. It tells the painful story of a 44-year-old woman in Kaduna who, after three decades of marriage and raising ten children, now faces uncertainty and displacement following the collapse of her marriage. No reasonable person can read such an account without sympathy. 

The plight of divorced women abandoned without adequate support is a serious social concern that deserves national reflection, institutional response, and moral accountability. In that regard, the editorial performed an important public service by drawing attention to the suffering of vulnerable women who often find themselves economically and emotionally exposed after divorce. However, while the editorial correctly highlights the woman’s distressing condition, it unfortunately places the blame on Sharī’ah law itself. In doing so, it arrives at a sweeping conclusion that deserves careful scrutiny.

The editorial argued that “in a justice system that appears discriminatory against women and girls, the likelihood was high that the judge would have ordered the forceful eviction of this woman if her ex-husband had not volunteered to pay for a new accommodation.” This statement is problematic for several reasons. 

First, it amounts to a premature judgment regarding a matter that has not yet been fully adjudicated by a competent Sharī’ah court. It assumes judicial bias and predicts an unjust verdict before due legal process has run its course. Such conclusions risk undermining public confidence in the judicial system based on speculation rather than evidence. More fundamentally, the editorial goes further to characterise Shari’ah as “oppressive,” “unfavourable,” and “discriminatory,” implying that Islamic law itself is inherently unjust to women. This is where the central analytical flaw emerges.

The unfortunate experience of one woman—even a deeply painful one—cannot reasonably serve as sufficient evidence to indict an entire legal and moral framework followed by millions across centuries and societies. Doing so conflates implementation failures with failures in principle. The Kaduna woman’s suffering is not proof of the failure of Sharī’ah. Rather, it reflects the failure of individuals, institutions, and society to properly uphold the rights and protections that Sharī’ah itself explicitly provides. 

Many injustices wrongly attributed to Sharī’ah are, in reality, products of harmful cultural practices, ignorance of Islamic legal obligations, weak institutional enforcement, economic neglect, and social irresponsibility. Islam did not establish marriage as a prison, nor did it sanction the abandonment of women after years of sacrifice and commitment.

On the contrary, Islamic law imposes profound responsibilities upon husbands to act with justice, compassion, dignity, and accountability—particularly during divorce. The Qur’an itself contains explicit protections for divorced women. 

In Surah At-Talaq (65:1), divorced women are not to be expelled from their homes unjustly. In verse 65:6, husbands are instructed to provide accommodation according to their means. Surah Al-Baqarah (2:231) forbids oppressive treatment during divorce, while verse 2:241 mandates fair provision for divorced women. These are not marginal principles within Islamic law; they are foundational ethical obligations. The tragedy, therefore, lies not in the law itself, but in the failure to implement it faithfully and justly. To portray this painful incident as evidence that Sharī’ah is inherently oppressive overlooks the extensive protections embedded within Islamic legal tradition. It also ignores an uncomfortable reality: abuse, neglect, and injustice occur under virtually every legal and social system when institutions fail, and human beings abandon moral responsibility.

Indeed, women face abandonment, economic hardship, and domestic injustice in societies governed by secular legal systems as well. No legal framework—religious or secular—is immune from misuse when justice is poorly administered. The deeper issue exposed by this case is the persistence of harmful social attitudes toward divorced women, inadequate welfare and family support systems, poor legal literacy, and weak enforcement mechanisms for protecting vulnerable individuals after marital breakdown.

These are societal failures that demand reform, education, and stronger accountability—not the wholesale condemnation of a divinely grounded legal tradition.

Critiquing the abuse of Shari’ah is legitimate. Critiquing failures in judicial implementation is equally necessary. But condemning Sharī’ah itself on the basis of individual misconduct or institutional shortcomings is intellectually unsound and ultimately counterproductive.

If anything, cases like this should encourage a renewed commitment to proper Islamic legal education, ethical family conduct, judicial fairness, and stronger institutional protection for women—not the dismissal of Sharī’ah altogether.

To mistake the abuse of a system for the failure of the system itself is a serious analytical error. It shifts attention away from the actual causes of injustice and risks obstructing meaningful solutions.

The real challenge before society is therefore not whether Sharī’ah is just, but whether those entrusted with implementing it are willing to uphold its principles with sincerity, knowledge, compassion, and fairness.

That is where the conversation truly belongs.

Fatih Lawal-Garu is a Mass Communication graduate from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibnkamilgaru1@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Kaduna State Police Command has launched a manhunt for suspects involved in the brutal killing of a woman who was lynched by a mob after being accused of child stealing in Maraban Jos.

The victim, a native of Maraban Jos, was attacked by residents on Sunday, 21st June, 2026, over allegations that she was involved in child theft. Police officers who arrived at the scene rescued the woman and moved her to the station for safety and investigation.

However, shockingly, a large crowd numbering hundreds later stormed the police station, overwhelmed officers on duty, forcibly removed the woman from custody, killed her, and set her body ablaze.

In a statement issued by the Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Mandir Hassan, described the incident as “barbaric, criminal, and a direct assault on the rule of law.”

The Command warned that no person or group has the authority to take the law into their own hands, stressing that jungle justice would not be tolerated.

Several suspects have already been arrested in connection with the incident, while efforts are ongoing to apprehend others who participated in the mob action. The Commissioner of Police, CP Rabiu Muhammad, assured that a comprehensive investigation has commenced and that all culprits would face the full weight of the law.

“The Command will not tolerate jungle justice, mob action, or attacks on police formations and personnel,” CP Muhammad warned.

Residents have been urged to report suspicious persons or activities to the Police and allow due process to take its course.

The Command reaffirmed its commitment to protecting lives and property and upholding justice in accordance with the law.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A popular Kaduna-based musician and social media influencer, Mycah Dangata, widely known by his catchphrase “Take Over Kaduna,” has been reportedly arrested by security operatives in Kaduna State.

According to sources familiar with the matter, the entertainer, whose real name is Zamani Musa, was picked up on Tuesday.

As of this report, authorities have not issued any official statement explaining the reason for his detention.

The arrest has sparked reactions from his supporters and followers, many of whom are calling on relevant agencies to provide clarity and transparency regarding the incident.

By Abubakar I. Hamisu

There is a peculiar cruelty in self-inflicted wounds. The African Democratic Congress entered the 2026 political season as perhaps the most consequential opposition force Nigeria has seen in years. Buoyed by the defection of high-profile figures, widespread disillusionment with the ruling establishment, and a genuine public appetite for an alternative, the party had accumulated a reservoir of goodwill that most Nigerian political parties can only dream of. Then came the primaries.

What unfolded in Kaduna State on 25th May 2026 — and in the disputed conduct surrounding it — offers a sobering case study in how a political party can, in a single act of institutional recklessness, begin to squander the very things that made it credible. The ADC must reckon with this honestly, because the consequences of continued evasion are not merely uncomfortable — they are potentially catastrophic.

I.  The Weight of Expectations

To appreciate the gravity of what is at stake, one must first understand what the ADC represented to millions of Nigerians before these primaries. Here was a party that loudly and repeatedly distinguished itself from the culture of impunity that has long characterised Nigerian party politics. Its guidelines for the conduct of primaries — detailed, comprehensive, and impressively structured — reflected an institutional seriousness rarely seen. Its rhetoric promised transparency where there had been opacity, fairness where there had been manipulation, and internal democracy where there had been imposition. Nigerians, understandably exhausted by the status quo, believed it.

That belief is now under acute stress. And the stress was entirely preventable.

II.  What Went Wrong in Kaduna

The documented record is damning. A formal petition filed by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello, a cleared governorship aspirant, alleges the deployment of armed thugs at voting centres, systematic compromise of accreditation procedures, multiple voting by the same individuals, deliberate delays that disenfranchised legitimate party members, and partisan conduct by electoral officials. These are not vague grievances — they are specific, numbered allegations supported by agents’ reports, documentary evidence, and video recordings.

More significantly, none of this was unforeseeable. Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the Kaduna State ADC leader, wrote an urgent letter to the party’s national leadership five days before the election, specifically warning that the composition of the Electoral Committee was compromised, that it included individuals aligned with particular interests, and that proceeding on that basis would produce rejection, division, and avoidable conflict. He recommended a restructured committee with equal representation of all aspirants and a neutral chairman. The party leadership ignored him.

This is not a mere procedural lapse. It is an institutional failure of the highest order — the failure to heed a timely, well-reasoned, written warning from a senior leader. When the predicted crisis materialised, the party had no defence of ignorance to fall back on.

III.  The Structural Contradictions

Beyond the specific allegations, the post-primary period has revealed structural contradictions that compound the problem. The ADC’s own Guidelines, issued under document reference ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026, prescribe a five-member Governorship Election Appeal Committee. The committee actually constituted for Kaduna State has only three members. This means the very body now tasked with adjudicating the petition may itself be improperly constituted under the party’s rules — a fact that could render any decision it makes susceptible to further challenge.

The Guidelines also specify that the Appeal Committee chairman must be a legal practitioner. Whether this requirement was met is a matter that deserves scrutiny. And critically, the Electoral Committee, whose conduct is under challenge, and the Appeal Committee now hearing the challenge, were both appointed by the same National Working Committee whose judgment El-Rufai had already called into question. The structural independence that credible adjudication requires is, at minimum, compromised in appearance, even if not in fact.

These are not technicalities. In a party whose entire brand proposition rests on institutional integrity, such contradictions between prescribed standards and actual practice are deeply corrosive.

IV.  The Broader Danger: Goodwill Is Not Infinite

Political goodwill operates on a logic similar to financial credit — it takes considerable time and consistent behaviour to build, and can be destroyed with alarming speed. The ADC’s current wave of support is real, but it is also fragile, because it is largely aspirational. People have not yet seen the ADC govern; they have invested hope in what it promises to be. That makes its conduct of internal processes not less important but more so, because right now, how the party treats its own members and aspirants is the only tangible evidence voters have of how it will treat citizens if it wins power.

A party that deploys thugs at its own primaries, that ignores the warnings of its own leaders, that constitutes committees in violation of its own guidelines, and that then routes complaints through an Appeal Committee of questionable constitution — that party is not offering voters an alternative to what they already know. It is offering them a more eloquently packaged version of the same thing.

If this perception takes hold, and it is already forming, the consequences will be severe. The ADC’s most valuable assets — the defectors from other parties, the civil society goodwill, the international attention, the young voters mobilising for the first time — are all conditional on the party remaining what it claims to be. Many of these stakeholders have alternatives. They can return to where they came from, or simply disengage entirely. A mass exodus triggered by disillusionment is not a dramatic possibility; it is a rational response to evidence.

V.  The Kaduna Dimension

Kaduna State deserves particular emphasis because it is not simply one state among many. It is a bellwether. It carries the political profile of El-Rufai, whose national name recognition and credibility were among the factors that drew attention to the ADC in the first place. A perception that his influence was marginalised — or worse, that the primary was conducted in a manner designed to sideline his preferred candidates — goes far beyond Kaduna. It sends a signal nationally about who actually controls the ADC’s machinery and whose interests it truly serves.

Kaduna is also a fiercely contested political environment where the ADC had genuine prospects for 2027. Those prospects depend entirely on the party presenting a united, credible front. Disputed primaries, unresolved grievances, and aspirants who feel wronged do not produce united fronts. They produce parallel campaigns, strategic withdrawals of support, and the kind of internal sabotage that Nigerian political parties know all too well.

VI.  The Legal Quagmire

If the internal appeals process fails to deliver justice — either because the Appeal Committee is improperly constituted, or because its decisions lack credibility, or because aggrieved parties escalate externally — the ADC risks entering a web of litigation that will dominate its pre-election period. Court injunctions against the use of a candidate’s name, challenges to the validity of the primary itself, and INEC-related complications arising from disputed results could paralyse the party’s 2027 campaign machinery at the state and national level simultaneously. Nigerian political litigation moves slowly enough that cases filed today can remain unresolved on election day — and an unresolved cloud over a governorship candidate is a gift to opponents.

The ADC’s own Guidelines warn against this explicitly, noting that internal disputes that escalate to court will distract from the electoral mission. That warning is now prophetic.

VII.  What the ADC Must Do

The path forward is not mysterious. The Appeal Committee must act with courage and genuine independence, not as an instrument of ratification for a flawed outcome. If the evidence supports the allegations — and the documented record suggests it substantially does — the committee must say so, clearly and without equivocation. A fresh, properly supervised primary must be ordered.

Beyond Kaduna, the NWC must conduct an honest national audit of how primaries were conducted across other states, and address systemic lapses before they become the subject of additional petitions, legal challenges, and media narratives. The party’s monitoring teams, whose reports must exist, should be scrutinised to understand how these irregularities were either missed or not acted upon.

Most fundamentally, the party must demonstrate — through action, not rhetoric — that its institutional promises are real. Every grievance left unaddressed, every irregular committee decision left standing, every warning from senior leaders left unheeded, chips away at the one thing that no political party can afford to lose and easily regain: the presumption that it is different.

Conclusion

The ADC is at a crossroads that is more consequential than it may yet fully appreciate. The 2027 general elections represent a genuine opportunity to reshape Nigerian politics in ways that matter. But opportunities of this kind are not permanent. They expire. They expire when the public concludes that a party promising change is, in its internal conduct, indistinguishable from what came before.

The clumsy handling of the Kaduna gubernatorial primary is not merely an administrative embarrassment. It is a test of institutional character. Nigerians are watching — not just the outcome of the petition, but how the party responds to it. The ADC still has time to show that its guidelines are not decorative documents, that its leaders’ warnings are not ignored, and that its members’ votes are not disposable commodities. But that time is not unlimited, and it is running.

Sources & References

This essay is an independent commentary based on the following documents: ADC Guidelines for the Conduct of Primary Elections (April 2026, Ref: ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026); Petition by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello against the conduct of the Kaduna State Governorship Primary Election (27th May 2026); Urgent Message to ADC National Leadership by Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (20th May 2026, ICPC Detention Day 94); ADC Process and Procedure Guide to Electoral Committee Members issued by the National Organising Secretary; State Electoral and Appeal Committees for Kaduna State issued by the ADC National Publicity Secretary.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Kaduna State Governor, Uba Sani, has presented 300 Saudi Riyals each to pilgrims from the state currently performing the 2026 Hajj in Saudi Arabia.

The governor handed out the gifts during a visit to the pilgrims at their tents in Muna on Thursday night.

A statement issued by the Chief Press Secretary to the governor, Malam Ibraheem Musa, stated that each pilgrim would receive the equivalent of about N114,000 based on the current exchange rate.

According to the statement, Governor Sani praised the pilgrims and the management of the Kaduna State Pilgrims Welfare Agency for the successful conduct of this year’s Hajj exercise.

He also commended the Kaduna State Hajj Delegation Committee led by Alhaji Abubakar Mustapha for ensuring a smooth operation throughout the pilgrimage.

The governor said his administration made every possible effort to ensure that pilgrims from the state enjoyed a successful Hajj exercise.

He, however, apologised for any minor shortcomings recorded during the exercise, stressing that they were not intentional.

Governor Sani stated that “as human beings, we can only plan but only Allah(SWT) determines the final outcome.”

While narrating his experience during the visit, the governor explained that the distance between his tent and the pilgrims’ location was estimated at between two and three kilometres.

“The distance from where his tent was situated and where the pilgrims are staying, was estimated to be between 2 to 3 kilometers. Averagely, I would have arrived here in no time.

“However, all roads leading to this area have been blocked and I had to trek for four to five hours before reaching here,” he said.

The governor urged the pilgrims to continue praying for peace and stability in Nigeria, noting that development cannot thrive in an atmosphere of insecurity.

He also prayed for Allah to guide those causing unrest in society if they are willing to change, and to distance them from society if they refuse to abandon their actions.

According to him, political ambition and the pursuit of public office should never be placed above the lives of Kaduna citizens.

In his remarks, the Executive Chairman of the Kaduna State Pilgrims Welfare Agency, Malam Salihu S. Abubakar, said Governor Uba Sani had consistently approved requests aimed at improving pilgrims’ welfare and enhancing the Hajj exercise.

He thanked the governor for supporting the agency and easing challenges associated with the pilgrimage.

Also speaking, the Auditor General of Kaduna State, Alhaji Abubakar Abdullahi, said no Kaduna governor had visited pilgrims in their tents since 1999 until Governor Uba Sani’s visit.

He urged the pilgrims to continue supporting the governor and praying for lasting peace and development in Kaduna State.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Executive Council has approved contracts totaling $2.99 billion for the construction of three major rail projects across Nigeria.

Announced by Minister of Finance Taiwo Oyedele, these projects aim to boost economic development and improve the quality of life for daily commuters.

The approved infrastructure specifically covers Phase 1A of the Lagos Green Line rail project, the Kano Metro rail project, and the Kaduna light rail system. The target cities were selected by the council due to their strategic importance as major national economic hubs.

The projects will be funded through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated on behalf of the federal government, with active support from standard counterpart funding arrangements.

Government authorities maintain that these major corridors will unlock job opportunities, alleviate heavy traffic gridlocks, and attract stronger local and foreign investments to the regions.

By Grey Akans 

In the lush, undulating hills and valleys of Southern Kaduna, a quiet crisis is unfolding. It is not the kind that makes headlines with sudden violence, but one that works its way silently through generations, eroding the very bedrock of our identity. Our languages, the ancient vessels of our wisdom, history, and worldview, are gradually going extinct.

Each of the dozens of languages spoken here—Gbagyi, Bajju, Atyap, Kataf, Jaba, Fantswam, and many more—is a unique universe. They are not mere collections of words but intricate systems of knowledge. Our languages carry the names of medicinal plants known only to our ancestors, the proverbs that distilled centuries of wisdom, and the folktales told under the moonlight that taught us morality and courage. They hold the specific terms for the textures of soil, the phases of the moon for farming, and the subtle behaviours of animals. When a language dies, it is not just words that are lost; it is an entire library of human experience and ecological understanding that burns down, leaving no ashes behind.

The forces behind this silent extinction are complex and powerful. The dominance of Hausa as the lingua franca of commerce, administration, and social interaction in Northern Nigeria is a primary factor. For our children to thrive in markets and schools outside our communities, fluency in Hausa becomes a necessity, often at the expense of their mother tongue. Adding to this is the overwhelming influence of English, the official language of education and modernity. From nursery school to university, success is measured in one’s command of English. Our native tongues are increasingly confined to the homesteads, and even there, their territory is shrinking.

Perhaps the most painful agent of this loss is our own shift in attitude. A dangerous narrative has taken root, subtly branding our languages as “local” or “vernacular”—synonyms for backwardness in the minds of many. Parents, with the best intentions for their children’s future, now speak to them only in Hausa or English, believing they are giving them a head start in life. Unwittingly, they are severing the deepest root connecting their children to their heritage. The younger generation, fluent in the languages of the wider world, now stumbles over the proverbs of their grandparents. The rich, melodic tones of our ancestors are becoming unfamiliar, replaced by the utilitarian cadence of global tongues.

The consequences are profound. When a people lose their language, they experience a form of cultural amnesia. The unique songs sung during harvest, the playful riddles that sharpened our wits—all these fade into silence. We risk becoming a people without a past, adrift in a homogenised global culture, our distinct identity diluted into a vague, generic label.

But the whisper is not yet silent. There is still time to act. The fight for linguistic survival must begin at home. We must consciously choose to speak our languages to our children, making them the language of love, play, and storytelling. Our community leaders and cultural associations must take the lead by documenting these languages, producing written literature, and organising festivals that celebrate them. We can lobby for the inclusion of our native tongues in the early school curriculum, not to replace English or Hausa, but to stand proudly beside them.

Our languages are more than just a means of communication; they are the soul of Southern Kaduna. They are the breath of our ancestors and the birthright of our children. To let them die is to surrender a part of ourselves we can never recover. We must listen to the fading whisper and raise our voices to sing our songs, tell our stories, and speak our names once more, loudly and proudly, before they are lost to the wind forever.

Grey Akans can be contacted via his Facebook account: Grey Akans.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Days after the NIPR Week, Kaduna State has again stepped into the spotlight as the host of the Kaduna State Traditional Rulers Strategic Forum, a high-level gathering focused on peace, leadership, and national cohesion.

Held under the theme, “Kaduna State Peace Model: Traditional Leadership and National Stability,” the forum underscored the vital role of traditional institutions in fostering sustainable peace across communities.

Speaking at the event, the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Culture, Ahmed Maiyaki, highlighted the far-reaching impact of the Kaduna State Peace Model. He noted that deeper collaboration between the government and traditional rulers has strengthened conflict resolution mechanisms, restored public trust, and reinforced social harmony across the state.

“Kaduna is not just hosting conversations—it is offering a model,” Maiyaki said. “A model where tradition meets governance to build lasting peace and national stability.”

The forum reaffirmed the state’s commitment to leveraging indigenous leadership structures as a cornerstone of security and national unity.