President Muhammadu Buhari

By Ibrahim Abdullahi

Tuesday, December 3rd, 2024, commemorates the 32nd International Day of Persons with Disabilities celebration worldwide.

On this very special day, several celebrations of the International Day for Persons with Disabilities will take place in different parts of the world, making it a worldwide event. 

However, for others, it is a historic occasion. This may be the first time they celebrate the day; this could be because they have recently joined the community of people with disabilities due to illness, accident, or other reasons.

 Many thanks to former Nigerian President Muhammad Buhari and the individuals involved in the tireless and backbreaking efforts to pass and implement the Disability Bill into Law 2018, which has never been in Nigeria’s history since its independence.

I want to remind us that DISABILITY is not a curse or disease. It is a condition that can be rehabilitated depending on the type of disability one is struggling with. There is always ability in disability. We should not be discouraged!

Thanks to those who, in some way, took time to celebrate with us and the good people of Nigeria and Africa in general for witnessing this special day with us. 

The world stands still for us to salute our courage and fortitude to triumph over challenges we overcame and the ones coming our way. The world celebrates our abilities despite our disabilities.

We live in a world where change has become a constant basis of our individual and collective societies. In this advanced technological modern period, technological wonders appear at regular intervals, and our lives as members of particular societies regarding persons with disabilities are clearly different from those of those without disabilities. This requires inclusion to reshape our community. 

Ending discrimination, injustice, and humiliation against people with disabilities is essential. We should embrace diversity in all its forms. Tolerance and accepting our differences are important; we must be recognized as humans. Let us unite to improve our society, Nigeria. Some scholars say that everyone is disabled in one way or another, and I agree. 

Happy International Day of Persons with Disability, everyone. 

Ibrahim Abdullahi can be contacted via ibrahimbsw23@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Nigerians appeared to have tried several options without a glimmer, so the option to try the youth is now gathering momentum. This call comes at the heels of the ten days of the recent controversial protest. Two other options were weighed during this protest: military takeover and alliance with Russia.

 Nigeria’s (or even African) history didn’t support the clamour for a military takeover. In the 64 years since Nigerian independence, military rule (according to my arithmetic) lasted 31 years, but at best, the military—once seeming the panacea—didn’t proffer any solution.

In another desperation to find the nexus, some protesters fly Russian flags. One interpretation of this antics is that they want Nigeria to cut any ties with the U.S. and most of Europe by proposing a shift of alliance to Russia. According to this argument, Western economic policies haven’t benefited Nigeria, so perhaps a different geopolitical alignment will.

However, aligning with Russia, an equally extreme approach, is not guaranteed to yield better outcomes. Has this group of protesters heard about the Scandinavian Economic Model? This model seeks to strike a balance between the capitalist extremes of the U.S. and the state-centred economies of Russia, offering a suitable middle ground for us. Instead of Russian flags, these protestants might have flown those of Sweden, Finland, or Denmark.

The search for a better headway began in 2015 when Nigerians, for the first time, voted for a leader based on integrity and record antecedent, putting aside money, politics, and tribal loyalties to some extent. However, by the end of President Buhari’s first term, the public began to have second thoughts. After his two terms, something unthinkable happened: many staunch supporters turned critics, and now, a year into Tinubu’s presidency, the failure of seasonal veterans is sealed, hence fueling the growing clamour for young leaders.

This urge for youth takeover is a more realistic option. The youths have become tired of being used and “dumped.” given that most of those who vote are youths, they now want to take a leading role by floating a political party exclusive to the youth.

The youth proponents argue that the youth have energy, time, and health. To boot, youth leadership is characterized by pressing the button; their hands are always close to the button, just waiting for a slight opportunity to press it.

This argument came to the forefront during f-PMB leadership, when he appeared to be going too slow, hence nicknamed Baba go slow; one of my friends opined that Nigeria then was in dear need of young leaders’ vitality, speed, and urge to get us out of the mud. According to my friends, a young leader would have made several decisions faster in tune with the situation and public yearning.

However, there is a crack in the foundation; one problem with youth is unity and cooperation; we always find that we want to help fellow youths whenever the need arises. Several youths aspire to different positions in this country, but the first people to boycott them are fellow youths; it will be their fellow youths who begin to mock them. This is a similar dilemma the women face. Women worldwide decry exclusion, but when a fellow woman tries to compete with men, it would be the fellow women that bring them down. This internal counterproductivity must be addressed for the current movement to get hold.

In addition, those who side with veterans criticize youth leadership with haste, which often leads to regret; this category argues that sound decision-making comes from experience—something older leaders have in abundance. They believe leadership is a process, not an event, and that wisdom is forged through trial and error.

 By and large, if the current movement sees the light of day, to slow down the haste and reduce mistakes, please let the old guards deputize the new crops.

By Abdullahi D. Hassan

Nigeria is described as the most populous black nation in the world, with over 200 million inhabitants, Africa’s biggest economy, and endowed with variant mineral deposits to improve the living standards of its citizens. Yet, the country is bedevilled by gross corruption. Poor governance, ethnic tension, and abject poverty threaten integrity and sovereignty.

Even though, in the past, Nigeria witnessed serial military rulers, The nation transitioned to democracy in 1999. Since then, Nigeria’s leadership has emerged; leaders have been elected from different platforms and regions. Thus, the problems lingered; most elections were marred by irregularities, political interference, and power tussles from one inch to the next.

The political parties adopt the concept of rotating power between the north and south to accommodate the plural ethno-religious groups in the country. After the two tenures of Muhammadu Buhari. Bola Tinubu was nominated by the All Progressive Congress (APC). Amidst serials of allegations labelled against him by the opposition to hinder his andidacy, The bulk of Nigerians were enthusiastic about the level of experiences and transformation built in Lagos from 1999 to 2032.

On May 29, a new Nigeria’s president, Bola, was sworn in. In his inauguration speech, he made a striking remark on Nigeria, mentioning, ‘Subsidy has gone, the controversial fuel subsidy scheme. Four decades of financial assistance were institutionalised in the 1970s by the government to minimise the excessive cost of fuel (Premium Motor Spirit) to consumers and affordability to average citizens. Within a week’s time, the prices of basic household items, transport fares, and electricity began to rise at a high pace. Thus, fuel subsidy is the direct government intervention for the common man that benefits directly, without an odd process. Subsequently, the price increment affects the pharmaceutical industry acutely.

In recent months, patients from economically deprived backgrounds with terminal illnesses and diseases have been on recommended drugs and life-support medications. They are exposed to the brunt of fuel subsidy removal principles. Patients with asthma, diabetes, cancer, hypertension, and sickle cell diseases find it hard to afford medications at exorbitant prices. Due to financial hardship, inflation, and 1000 per cent hikes in drug prices.

GlaxoSmithKline (GSK), a British pharmaceutical and biotechnological company, withdraws from Nigeria. After 51 years of operation, The pharmaceutical firm is known for producing effective drugs, anti-biotics, anti-asthma, anti-malaria, allergy relief, painkillers, pain cream, and nasal decongestion. According to the report by the International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR), GlaxoSmithKline Consumer Nigeria faced a setback in sales of N7.75 billion ($9.83 million) from N14.8 billion last year. GlaxoSmithKline’s existence leads to a drug hike, patients being unable to have medication and an increase in fake drugs. Similarly, GSK faces challenges from the high cost of importation of active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs), a lack of steady power supply, and the depreciation of the naira against the US dollar.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the value of pharmaceutical products imported into Nigeria rose by 68 per cent to N81.8 billion ($99.1 million) between July and September 2023. The reports revealed that most of the drugs were imported from China, India, the United States, France, and Germany.

From the price survey across the country, the drugs were selling: asthma inhalers from N4,000 ($4.86) to N12,000 ($14.57), hypertension drugs from N10,000 ($12.14) to N20,000 ($24.28), augmentin tablets from N6, 000 ($7.28) to N24, 000 ($29.14), and Glucophage from N3, 800 ($4.61) to N6, 200 ($7.53). The prices vary between cities and regions.

David Uja, 63, a retired army officer frail from prostate cancer, undergoes chemotherapy for two sessions. Each cost him $100. She said, “For almost two months. All the prescribed drugs I used have already expired. The little pension received from the government is not enough to buy medicines at a high price. The economy is bad for us; people battle deadly sickness.”

“After I complained to my doctor, who relocated to the UK, Thanks to him, he sent me an Orgovyx tablet via courier, an expensive drug over $400, said Mr David.

Dataphyte reports that in 2021, only three per cent of the Nigerian population will have health insurance. Despite the guidelines of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), it is mandatory for Nigeria to benefit from the insurance. Public servants have smooth access to it. An employer will contribute 10% of the monthly basic salary, while the employee contributes 5%. The insurance covers the contributor, spouse, and four biological children less than 18 years old. The current monthly minimum wage is $44.45. Technical non-government workers are denied access to health facilities and medication.

In October, the Central Bank of Nigeria lifted the ban on 43 items after 8 years to allow access to foreign exchange and import-listed goods in the country. Never, pharmaceuticals and medical essentials are excluded from the list.

Interestingly, oil is the mainstay of Nigeria’s economy. Even so, the country has remained poor, with its citizens living below the poverty line of $1 per day. Nigeria has been nearly six months without a fuel subsidy. The majority of Nigerians are unable to afford standard health service delivery. These led to fast and quick deaths among the vulnerable. Others reside in rural areas that lack the means to buy drugs at a high rate. Alternative to traditional medicines.

Therefore, deciding on traditional medicine, given its low cost of purchase, Such medicine lacks a scientific approach, and most traditional doctors determine the nature of an ailment by mere observation. Outwardly of any examination and sometimes depend on spiritual healings in order to detect the course of sickness. These have made life more difficult in a nation with a life expectancy of 53.87 years.

Abdullahi D. Hassan is a freelance journalist and writer from Abuja, Nigeria. His journalistic and literary pieces were published in Daily Trust, The Guardian, Triumph, Politics Today, The Daily Reality, and Kalahari Review.     

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

When the former president Muhammadu Buhari’s praise singer Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu (Rarara), held a media conference some time ago, he stirred up the hornet’s nest. A press conference that initially appeared to lament about being sidelined in the current government ‘that they work hard to enthrone’ took an unexpected turn. Rarara would veer off the course to make damning allegations about the administration of his former boss. 

One of these damages, which sent shockwaves in social media, was that President Buhari did not leave the office until he brought every part of the country to a grinding halt, stating, ‘sai da ya yi dama-dama da kasar nan’. A journalist immediately posed the question that many Nigerians would be wondering: You were in the administration for eight years but haven’t raised a finger until now. Why? Rarara’s response was typical; he claimed he had been hopeful that something positive would happen, so he remained aloof during the eight-year tenure. 

However, sceptics, who don’t take things at face value, could argue that the president had an eight-year mandate. Within those years, how long would have been enough time for Rarara to raise the alarm? This was not to mention the apparent romance Rarara had had with the government during those years. This reminds me of one scandal that occurred during the Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ) government, and upon the pressure from the public, GEJ appeared determined to leave no stone unturned, so he gave two two-week ultimatum to the committee he set up to finish the investigation to bring the culprit to book.

However, to the most awe and shock, the person indicted for corruption would join the then-presidential foreign tour immediately after the order. A typical case of saying something, but body language says another. When considering the complete picture of the scenarios, the questionable timing and an unconvincing response led almost everyone to dismiss Rarara’s claims with a wave of the hand.

Rarara also launched another salvo, asserting that the 100 days of Bola Ahmed Tinubu were better than the entire eight years of Muhammadu Buhari. While the general view is that Buhari didn’t meet the messianic expectations set for him, drawing a parallel between eight years and 100 days for two different governments is like judging a sprinter’s performance in the first few meters of a marathon. For Rarara to make this shallow comparison, he must be among the Nigerians who thought 100 days was enough for the government to make substantial development. Ever since the United States president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, coined “first 100 days”, the gesture kept going wild; Nigerians have since imported and made it a ritual.

Because the mainstream media has amplified it and become embraced by the public, the newly elected Nigerian officials have become desperate to show that they could lift Zuma rock in the first 100 days in office. Assuming the new government has no serious court litigations to contend with, and the previous administration has little influence on their government, when did the busybody officials finish digesting the thousands of pages of the transition document handed over to them to decide on the administration trajectory? It is even the previous government budget that is already running. When they started to make their own, when were the projects conceived and implemented and matured for the public’s admiration? The speed at which a project is untimely executed to impress the public would go down the heel with double the speed.

In another arsenal that Rarara unleashed, he claimed to have contributed more to Buhari’s success than Buhari did himself. Following the historic dethronement of the incumbent in 2015, people pondered on the key figures that played the most significant role in paving the way for this landmark event: Rarara, President Buhari, and the Card Reader. Including Rarara in this list is a testament to his significant contribution to President Buhari’s success. However, that is not the complete story. All successful people have a tale to share; one crucial factor that defines them is consistency. They persistently push forward until circumstances align for success. So, in that moment of triumph, who rightfully claims the bragging rights?

Two theories were put forward to explain Rarara’s controversial media conference. One theory suggested that Rarara was acting based on the consent of the current administration, an indirect way of informing the public about the status quo of the country they inherited. Masses were already a block of ice waiting for an opportunity to rupture, no thanks to the ever-increasing prices of goods and services. This gave the ruling APC a conundrum: Should they give themselves excuses by condemning the previous administrations, or should they avoid self-sabotage and keep quiet? Therefore, Rarara, lacking a political appointment but commanding a Northern audience, became a strategic mouthpiece. This theory is plausible enough because, beyond the surface, the government could employ several manoeuvres to shift the public’s focus during hard times to avoid citizens’ wrath. 

The second theory shared by many, including Prof. Abdallah Uba Adamu, was that Rarara is a typical gold digger; his loyalty is not through thin and thick. He has consistently known to forsake one boss at a time of scarceness and identify with another where the abundance is emerging. From praise songs to invective ones; from Saraki Sai Allah for Shekarau to Malam yayi rawa da alkyabba, from dawa ta bare for Kwankwaso to Tsula tsilla tsilla, from uban Abba for Ganduje to hankaka.  But despite that, the nation was surprised to wake up with Rarara’s latest bombshell.  Because Rarara seems to have gone aboard when it comes to Buhari and his government, he goes all out against the critics of Buhari not only in his songs but also in several interviews he offered. 

As Rarara now courts new relationships with incumbents like Nasir Yusuf Gawuna, Dikko Umar Radda, or Bola Ahmed Tinubu, caution is advised. His track record of shifting loyalty raises questions about the depth of his commitment. These figures and their supporters should be wary of potential shifts and assess the sincerity of the newfound alliances.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has been in a battle with the Federal Government of Nigeria over the funding of the public universities. The facilities that made our universities to still have a semblance of a university were products of ASUU strike. ASUU was so passionate over public universities funding to the point that the public began to think that such funds, when released, are paid into ASUU’s account. Even some journalists that are supposed to be properly informed shared in the ignorance or misinformation.

You read headlines like “FG releases 2 billion naira to ASUU for university funding”. ASUU pursued funding at the expense of its members’ welfare. The battle has been on funding to an extent that the younger generation of academics began to wonder why their welfare is not at the top of the union’s demands. The consoling words from our veterans have always been: You get true fulfillment when you have an ideal working environment.

The battle took a new dimension last year, during the reign of the ex-president Muhammadu Buhari, who had no agenda for education aside from establishing more universities without funding plans. Yeah! Buhari came to re-write the story of our university system. The number of the underfunded new tertiary institutions were listed as his major achievements. A strike on funding and the renegotiation of conditions of service that should not have lasted for more than four weeks, if sincerely handled, was dragged on for eight months and the lecturers starved. A few died and many survived and are still surviving but not an item on the demands on the needs of the universities was treated.

While ASUU was fighting for adequate funding, the FG had a hidden plan. It publicly declared that the universities will have to generate their money to partly fund themselves. The public couldn’t see the implication of the statement. The statement received support from some Nigerians whose education was funded from primary to PhD with public funds. However, besides this declaration, they are also seeing the universities as revenue generation institutions rather than institutions to be funded. They were wondering why they should keep funding these institutions when they are supposed to be generating revenue for the government.

Having conceived the idea to make federal universities an internally generated revenue (IGR) source for FG, their challenge was how to make these institutions generate revenue for FG without backlash. The only obstacle to the plan is ASUU that is always using strikes to force to unwillingly release some funds for the universities. ASUU was on strike again. They find their trouble annoying and something must be done. They engaged their friends that are former union leaders to develop the strategy to clip ASUU. Hunger strategy was found most effective and that was deployed and the rest was history.

From the experience of the last strike, call for a referendum on strike today and the members will tell you that if they will lose their salary for a one day strike, they won’t join. They are still paying their debt. So, they began starving the universities of funds.

Universities like Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) and Unilag, whose electricity bills are around 120 million naira per month, are given about 150 million naira per annum for operational expenses. How they pay their bills was left as their business. So, to keep up with the bills, the universities began to review the service charges. The universities estimated what can run the universities and appropriate charges were put together as fees for students. There were outcries on the fee increment. Some called it tuition and that got FG worried.

FG had to come out with a press release. They acknowledged the increment but that FG has not introduced tuition. The increase in fees as announced by various universities was to reflect the current economic reality; mission accomplished. However, the FG didn’t see these increased fees as service charges, they saw them as IGR by the universities and hence became interested.

As the universities were busy announcing the revised fees, the Minister of Finance suddenly remembered that there was a circular FMFBNP/OTHERS/IGR/CRF/12/2021 dated December 20, 2021 that said all partially funded FG Agencies should remit 40% of their IGR to FG. Universities are currently expected to remit 40% of the fees collected from the students to FG as revenue generation. These service charges in the universities are referred to as Gross Internally Generated Revenue. The deduction is effective from November 2023.

This means that if a student is charged N2,000 for an ID card, the university will give N800 out of it to the FG. It doesn’t matter to the FG if the cost of the ID card is truly N2,000. If a student is charged N10,000 as laboratory charges for chemicals and consumable, the university will give N4,000 out of it to the FG as revenue. If every student is charged N30,000 for electricity, water and sanitation bills, the FG will enjoy N12,000 out of it as revenue. It doesn’t matter if the remaining amount is not enough to pay those bills. If a student is charged N15,000 for a field trip or SIWES, the FG will take N6,000 out of it. If a student pay N5,000 as examination fee, the FG will take N2,000 from it as IGR for the FG. etc.

The insensitivity of the government to the needs of the people has gotten that bad. Public universities are the government’s new revenue generating agencies. This 40% revenue is expected to be paid by kids whose parents are earning less than N100,000 per month from the same FG. As they are milking the people dry, they have refused to cut off the cost of governance. The NASS members that were supposed to drive a car of 7 – 8 million naira by law got 160 million naira cars as against the law.

The bad thing is that the government will deduct 40% from the money as it is paid. It is auto-deduction. They will take their share before the universities even have access to the money. The announced fees were calculated to barely take care of the basic needs of the universities. So, how will the universities be run without the 40%?

My opinion…

Dear parents, tight your seat belt and the revised fees of your kids in any federal higher institution increased by 40%, thanks to FG quest for IGR. ASUU has done its bit for us Nigerians. It should not be a major discussion at the ongoing NEC. Nigerians should be allowed to fight their fight. The fight should now be left for the students and their parents. If they are willing to fight, ASUU members can join as parents. If they are not ready, we all MILT and move on as usual. After all, we are used to suffering and smiling.

The university managements, Senates, and Councils should find an appropriate way to introduce the 40% FG IGR from the universities into the fees. The universities that are yet to announce their revised fees should add the FG 40% university IGR to their fees. It should be separated from the university charges. It can be called “40% FG IGR charge” as a separate item. So that the students and parents will know what they are paying for. They need to know that rather than FG funding the education of their kids, something ASUU has fought for and prosecuted over, FG is now generating revenue from them as they pay their kids fees.

©Amoka

By Baffa Kabiru Gwadabe

Over the past few months, Nigeria has been suffering from continuous depreciation of its currency, the naira. The naira has depreciated from barely ₦600/$ in the last three months to ₦1,300/$ today, the 27th of October 2023. This is enormous, considering the loss of value by more than 120%. Many are worried, including my little self, about this development. But the recent propositions of solutions by many provoke such a write-up.

It is good to start with some questions concerning the crisis. What is happening? What went wrong? Who is to blame? What are the ways out? What will be the lasting solutions?

The above questions may not be provided with answers, as many out there know the answers already. The focus should remain on some best practices or exchange rate regimes to hinge on. Let me start with some highlights on the developments in Nigeria’s foreign exchange market.

In 1971, when the Gold Standard was abolished under the Bretton Woods System, several foreign exchange rate management regimes were pursued in Nigeria and other parts of the world. These include the independently adjustable peg, crawling peg, independent peg, collective exchange arrangement, dual exchange and floating regimes. IMF member countries practice six (6) other exchange rate regimes, which were later compressed into three (3) regimes to include pegs, limited flexibility, and great flexibility. These were later decomposed into fifteen (15) regimes, mainly from 1975 to 1998 (see Mishkin, 2007).

All those regimes were adopted unevenly by the IMF countries. This means they practice one or more of the regimes based on their choices and persuasions. By 1999, the IMF proposed eight (8) different exchange rate regimes. They include separate legal tender, currency boards, conventional fixed (pegged against a single currency or basket of currencies or other commodities like gold), pegged within horizontal bands, crawling pegs, crawling bands, managed floating and independent floating (see Mishkin, 2007).

Still, these interchanging regimes continued in Nigeria depending on the available foreign reserves, capital inflows and current account balances. Nigeria’s forex crisis worsened in the 1980s when the US economy pursued Nigeria to devalue its currency by 10% and other scenarios. However, some attention will be given to the last ten years or so, particularly the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari or the reign of Godwin Emefiele as the CBN Governor (2014 – 2023). Some reflections would also be made on earlier antecedents before the Buhari’s and current administrations.

Nigeria has pursued two dominant exchange rate regimes: the Retail Dutch Auction System (RDAS) and the Wholesale Dutch Auction System (WDAS). The RDAS is an exchange rate regime introduced in Nigeria in 1987. It focuses on buyers (end-users or customers) of Forex (USD) to bid for the prices, and the marginal bidder is supplied with the quantities by the CBN through authorized dealers. Under the RDAS, the inept dealers are supplied less, while the highest bidders are penalized for rent-seeking and invitation for depreciation. 

The WDAS, on the other hand, is an exchange rate regime targeted at maintaining the gains of the RDAS and the continued liberalization of the forex market. The WDAS came into operation in Nigeria in February 2006 and allows authorized dealers to buy forex on their accounts rather than on behalf of end-users. Also, the authorized dealers are carefully watched by the CBN, and the dealers are also allowed to trade in the interbank forex market. During that time, the CBN pursued other special interventions of forex sales to Deposit Money Banks (DMBs) and direct sales to licensed Bureau de Change (BDCs). The CBN further mandated that DMBs increase Business Travel Allowance (BTA) and Personal Travel Allowance (PTA) from $2,500 and $2,000 to $5,000 and $4,000 per quarter, respectively. All these policies were sustained in positive directions as the naira continued to appreciate by 2.6%, 8.7% and 5.8% for 2006, 2007 and 2008, respectively.

However, at the beginning of 2009, there was an observed forex policy reversal and the reintroduction of RDAS to reduce capital outflows and depletion of foreign reserves. The interbank trading segment was suspended. This was followed by sales restriction of forex to oil companies and government agencies and sales of forex to BDCs. But towards the end of 2009, the CBN called for recapitalization of BDCs in what they call ‘Class A’, while those that did not recapitalize are called ‘Class B’ BDCs. Both ‘Class A’ and ‘Class B’ BDCs can bid a maximum of $1 million and $250,000 respectively.

Similarly, by 2016, Nigeria’s forex market was further liberalized. During the period, the average naira-dollar exchange rate was N197/$ at the interbank window, representing a depreciation of 18.7% (as the exchange rate was N160/$ before 2016). However, one worrying thing remains: the premium between the interbank and BDC sections was about 41.5%. After this, some other forex regimes were still embraced under the administration of President Buhari and Godwin Emefiele. For instance, forex primary dealers (FXPDS) and non-FXPDS were introduced into the forex market in 2017.

In addition, longer-term derivatives like forwards trading from 1 to 3 months tenor and up to 2 years were introduced. The exchange rate was relatively stabilized at averages of N231.76/$ and N351.82/$ at interbank and BDCs, respectively. This has created many arbitrage opportunities for those with access to the interbank rates to continue to worsen the forex market. Such a trend continued for 2020, 2021, 2022 and until 2023. For instance, as of March 2023, the official rate was N462/$, while in the black market, it was an average of N750/$. 

The sacking of Emefiele as the CBN Governor and the appointment of the acting CBN Governor, Mr Shunobi, in June 2023, where the latter tried to close the gap and arbitrage opportunities, moved the official rate from N474/$ to N664/$. With the appointment of substantive CBN Governor in September 2023, Mr Cardoso, the apex Bank, moved on with complete deregulation of the forex market, and this has led to incessant depreciation of the naira to a historic level of N1,300/$. However, it now appreciates an average rate of N1,000/$ and other rates depending on information and locations.

The next thing to talk about is the proposed solutions to the lingering naira-dollar crisis. However, it is important to note that the CBN’s recent and previous exchange rate policies are floating in nature or simply deregulating the forex market, and this is counterproductive as it has not provided the desired results, especially recently. This is because floating regimes are usually for export-dominant countries such as China, the United States, Japan, Germany, India, Russia and Saudi Arabia, among others, as argued by the Mundell-Fleming model. Nigeria is a predominantly import-dependent economy. As such, depreciations affect inflationary levels in the first round (exchange rate pass-through to inflation) and at the ‘second-round’, popularly known in the current literature as the ‘second-round effect’.

To end this submission, the CBN needs to do one or two things to exit from the naira-dollar crisis, and these include:

(1) Invite a small but huge ‘Conference of the Parties’ (COP) to deliberate and take appropriate decisions for implementation immediately;

(2) Under the COP, dollarization with its components; official dollarization, unofficial dollarization, partial dollarization, etc should be reviewed;

(3) Hard-peg exchange rate regime should be deliberated;

(4) Managed-floating regime should be discussed;   

(5) Most importantly, sources of the forex demand pressures must be exposed.

Baffa Kabiru Gwadabe wrote from Bayero University, Kano, via bkabirugwadabe@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Mikail

“Every person has a right to participate fully in their society and be recognised as a person before the law” (UDHR & ICCPR article 16). Yet, as of 2021, an estimated 850 million globally have no official proof of their identity, which is essential to protecting their rights and enabling access to services and opportunities. Around half are children, and most live in lower-income countries in Africa and South Asia. (2021 World Bank Report on ID Coverage).

The Sustainable Development Goal sixteen-target-nine (16.9) by 2030 seeks to “…, provide legal identity for all, including birth registration.” Interpretatively, the target under this goal of the broader SDGs aims to ensure that every person, no matter their background, babies, women, children, IDPs, refugees and people living with disabilities, have official proof that shows who they are and where they live. The mantra of SDG 16 is to ensure inclusion such that individuals can enrol and be issued IDs, have means of being verified from anywhere, and have a sense of belonging and integration into society, a cardinal point to fighting extreme poverty. 

So many countries like India (Adhaar), Estonia, Philippines, Turkey, Rwanda, and Kenya (Huduma) recognised the significance of having robust digital identity systems in place to help their country secure their pride of place in today’s increasingly digital global economic sphere, and as a sure way of meeting the needs of their citizens and making life easier for them have successfully enrolled all their citizens into a robust digital identity system.

Aside from providing access to the underserved and unbanked population, mostly domiciled in the rural hard-to-reach areas, to loans and credit facilities more conveniently, a robust digital identity system makes the government’s distribution of fertilisers, agricultural inputs, and subsidies to rural farmers effective by eliminating intermediaries thereby strengthening social accountability and transparency. 

In Nigeria, many have some form of identification, from driver’s licenses, passports, National ID numbers and so on, mainly owing to the fragmented nature of the ID ecosystem before now. At various points, Nigerians and legal residents desirous of any of these are subjected to fresh enrolment and biometric captures by these issuing government agencies or agents.  As expressed by a vast majority of Nigerians, this system is cumbersome, essentially insecure, weak, and unsuited for the digital era, and most times fails to safeguard people’s rights and data.  

To address this, the government of former President Muhammadu Buhari, in a show of commitment and a strong desire to harmonise the existing identification ecosystem, prepared a Strategic Roadmap for Developing Digital Identification in Nigeria. The roadmap was endorsed by the Harmonization Committee on January 31, 2018, and by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) in September 2018. The roadmap highlighted the need for a minimalist, foundational, and eco-system-based approach to identification that can be leveraged to improve service delivery in the country.

Part of the recommendation of the strategic roadmap was to create the Nigeria Digital Identification for Development Project, NDID4D, managed by a team to be supervised by a Project Ecosystem Steering Committee (PESC). The Project Development Objective (PDO) is “increasing the number of persons with a national ID number, issued by a robust and inclusive foundational ID system, that facilitates their access to services”. Similarly, the NDID4D project seeks to address the currently fragmented ID system and boost overall ID coverage and use in Nigeria. This is captured under four components: strengthening the legal and institutional framework, including data protection and privacy; establishing a robust and inclusive foundational ID system, including civil registration; enabling access to services through IDs; and project management and stakeholder engagement. 

The Project, whose implementation began in December of 2021, is to, among others, collaborate with all ID-related agencies, ministries, and departments in addressing the challenges millions of Nigerians faced during NIN enrolment, including long processing time, extortions, and administrative errors. It is also mandated to support the FG in the enactment of significant laws, including the Nigeria Data Protection Act, which is the legal framework for the protection of data of citizens in Nigeria, amendment of NIMC, NPC Acts to ensure digitisation and harmonisation of civil registry with the National Identity database, the cybercrimes and cybersecurity Acts, as well laws that protect electronic transactions in collaboration with the Office of the National Security Adviser. In the same vein, the project supports upgrading the National Identity Management Commission, National Population Commission infrastructures, and human capital development and ensures effective engagement of all relevant stakeholders in the ID ecosystem.

These will go a long way in strengthening the National Identification Number and widening the NIN issuance and enrolment net such that every Nigerian and legal resident, including women, PWDs, children, refugees, migrants and IDPs, can enrol, be issued NIN, and can have access to services. Aside from the NIN becoming the single most important form of ID required in Nigeria, the marginalised, underserved, and vulnerable groups, women, children, refugees, migrants, and IDPs will be saved from discrimination and exclusion.

This was echoed by the acting Director General of the National Identity Management Commission NIMC, Engr, Abisoye Coker-Odusote, recently. She said, “In the digital age, integrated identity is the backbone of e-governance initiatives.” According to her, an integrated identity system will strengthen the government’s fiscal management and promote good governance and transparency through inclusivity and social equality. It ensures that marginalised and vulnerable populations are not excluded from government services. 

The significance of a robust, inclusive digital identity system that enables access to services where every Nigerian has a NIN linked to every aspect of life: banking, communications, employment, security, healthcare, education, and social services is too huge to overlook. The issue of digital identity in ensuring inclusion is critical for Nigeria.

Inclusion is a fundamental aspect of a thriving society, and Nigeria’s Digital Identity system plays a crucial role in achieving this. As citizens, we must recognise the importance of having a digital identity and actively participate to ensure no one is left behind.

 The government must also ensure that the new data protection law protects citizens’ data. To achieve all these, the Nigerian government, critical stakeholders, ID ecosystem partners, traditional institutions, including civil society, and the private sector must work with the National Identity Management Commission and the Nigeria Digital Identification for Development Project to ensure no Nigerian and legal resident in the country is excluded from the ID ecosystem. By doing so, we will be on a clear path to a more just, inclusive, equitable, peaceful, and economically prosperous Nigeria for all.

Muhammad Mikail writes from Abuja, Nigeria, and could be reached via email: muhammadnmikail.mm@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Former President Muhammadu Buhari has expressed greif over Morocon earthquake tradedy that claimed the lives of thousands of people and destroyed properties worth millions of dollars.

Buhari disclosed this Monday in a personal letter to King Muhammad the VI, the ruler of Morocco with whom he said he had a good working relationship while in office.

A statement, issued by Garba Shehu, explained that the letter, sent to the Royal Palace in Rabat in Morocco, was personally signed by the former President.

The former President said: “It is with a deep sense of sadness that I write on behalf of my family and myself to express our deepest sympathies and condolences to you and the people of the Kingdom of Morocco in the wake of the devastating earthquake that struck your country on 8th September 2023.

“I am deeply saddened by the loss of lives destruction of property caused by the earthquake. I stand in solidarity with Your Majesty and the people of Morocco in this difficult time and pray for the swift recovery of those who were affected by this tragedy. May the souls of the departed rest in peace, and may Allah bring peace and solace to those affected.

“While extending, once again, my condolences, please accept, Your Majesty, the assurances of my highest consideration and esteem,” Buhari added.

By Kasim Isa Muhammad

I was quite gobsmacked when I came across the news that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu plans to compassionately alleviate the burden of subsidy removal on 12 million impoverished households by providing them with a meagre sum of N8000 for a period of six months. Initially, I had to rub my eyes in scepticism, questioning the authenticity of what I had just read. However, to my surprise, it appears that numerous media outlets have indeed reported this astonishing news.

Struggling to recover from what I scanned earlier, I stumbled upon a startling piece of news that left me exceedingly in complete disbelief. The gravity of the situation rendered me speechless for several minutes as I pondered the implications for the future of our country. Now, dear reader, I sense your anticipation to learn what I read. Brace yourself, for I came across an incredibly disturbing article in The Sun newspaper last Saturday.

In the midst of the unprecedented sufferings experienced by our nation, it was reported that the Senate and House of Representatives are planning to allocate a staggering N40 billion for the purchase of vehicles intended solely for the lawmakers inhabiting the Red and Green Chambers of the National Assembly.

The report further disclosed that a mind-boggling number of vehicles would be procured: precisely 107 units of the 2023 model of the Toyota Landcruiser for the Senate and an astounding 358 units of the 2023 model of the Toyota Prado for the House of Representatives.

Of course, this disclosure left me contemplating the priorities of our elected representatives and the ostensibly vast disconnect between their actions and the dire needs of our nation. As our country wrestles with countless challenges and its citizens endure untold encumbrances, it is disheartening to witness such extravagant expenditures.

The immense amount of funds allotted for luxury vehicles raises valid concerns in my mind about the judicious utilization of our collective wealth and the overall commitment of our lawmakers to serve the people’s best interests.

It is at moments like these that one cannot help but question the future trajectory of our country. The glaring contrast between the exorbitant spending on lavish vehicles and the pressing issues that demand urgent attention sends a disconcerting message about the priorities of our leaders. As a concerned citizen, I cannot help but wonder if there are better ways to allocate these funds and address the genuine needs and aspirations of our nation.

However, let me not dwell excessively on the shenanigans of our lawmakers, for Nigeria is a country that never ceases to stun with its myriad shocks and surprises.

My dear reader, allow me to transport you back to the discussion surrounding Tinubu’s poverty alleviation scheme. It is frankly baffling to comprehend how a mere 8K could possibly ameliorate the devastating impact of fuel subsidy removal in a country where people are already burdened with exorbitant prices for essential food commodities.

The current petrol pump price alone stands at nothing less than N500, and the cost of education in our public universities has experienced a drastic surge. In light of these distressing circumstances, one cannot help but reflect upon the efficacy of allocating a slavish sum of 8K to 12 million poor Nigerians over a period of six months.

Perhaps it is necessary to remind our leaders, as it seems they may have forgotten, that according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), an overwhelming 84 million Nigerians are currently trapped in the clutches of extreme poverty, surviving on less than $1.9 per day. Instead of actively seeking lasting solutions to the multitude of challenges that plague us, it appears that Tinubu’s administration is perilously poised to repeat the mistakes of previous administrations.

We are all aware that the last government under former President Muhammadu Buhari implemented innumerable poverty mitigation programs, such as N-power, Survival Funds, and the National Youth Investment Fund (NYIF). However, it is worth questioning whether these initiatives have really succeeded in alleviating the pervasive poverty that plagues our country.

Similarly, the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) has also projected a distressing tide in unemployment, estimating it to reach a startling breathtaking 37 per cent this year. Is the N500 Billion not truly sufficient to empower our youth with viable and veritable skills?

Regrettably, it seems that our leaders have lost their ability to listen and empathize with the very people who entrusted them with power. Instead of prioritizing the well-being of those who elected them into office, they have chosen to inflict unnecessary hardships, seemingly oblivious to the devastating impact of their policies.

To illustrate, allow me, my admirable readers, to outline what N500 Billion can potentially achieve for our country.

First and foremost, education must be prioritized as it is essential for any nation’s progress. In Nigeria, the situation regarding education is particularly concerning.

According to a UNESCO report in 2023, approximately 20 million Nigerians, which accounts for 20 per cent of the country’s population, are not enrolled in school. This figure exceeds the total population of several African countries. In my opinion, by utilizing N500 Billion to build and renovate schools in both rural and urban areas, we can significantly reduce the number of out-of-school children in the country.

Furthermore, agriculture, being a vital sector of our economy, faces insurmountable challenges. By allocating a substantial portion of these funds to the agricultural sector, we can provide our farmers with adequate and affordable fertilizers, thereby enhancing the agricultural industry.

To incredibly uplift Nigeria, it is vital to focus on promoting rural infrastructure. By wisely directing the funds towards initiatives such as improving rural roads, ensuring a reliable electricity supply, and establishing cold storage facilities, we can also address issues of poor management, facilitate transportation of agricultural produce, and foster overall economic development in rural areas.

Additionally, our public universities are currently battling with insufficient funding, making education increasingly unaffordable for children from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Will N500 Billion be sufficient to revamp many of these universities and address the pressing needs of students?

Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to address our esteemed President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Nigerians have high expectations of you, Mr President, as we believe you possess valuable insights into the economy. We eagerly anticipate your visionary ideas and urge you to wear your thinking cap. It may be early to pass judgment, but please do not disappoint us.

Kasim Isa Muhammad is an investigative journalist who contributes as a full-time journalist at both Neptune Prime and The Citizen Reports newspapers.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Atiku Abubakar made campaign promises about tackling border closure which seriously ushered hardships, especially in the North. He equally rolled out plans to liberate Nigeria from the shackles of foreign loans President Muhammadu Buhari immersed it into.

PDP is the party that has formidable and unnerving politicians who fought tooth and nail for democracy to thrive in this country. The party people know the long walk to freedom they walked, and their 16-year dispensation spoke for them. 

PDP mastered campaigns for the creditors to give us waivers, which prevented the country from such loan spells. They ensured Nigeria hadn’t been submitted to total external control like we see today with APC’s inexperienced and heartless dispensation.

PDP has think tanks that guide their foreign relations which made sure we did not accept in toto any development strategy which could undermine the welfare of citizens in the long run. Thanks to their inclusion of technocrats both from home and outside in their socioeconomic and political decision makings 

Atiku was an integral part of all these goodies mentioned; that’s why we suggested northern voters vote for him during the 2023 presidential campaigns. As a northerner who willingly gave power to the South from 1999 to 2015, I thought it was economically stagnant due to the selfish allocation of federal government projects under OBJ and GEJ. The North had expected Buhari to compensate the region for even development of the country.

However, Buhari seemed to have failed and was ignorant of why power was being rotated at the centre. He favoured the South in many aspects of development project allocations like railways, good roads, bridges and electricity. 

Most of the projects Northerners have been clamouring for, like Mumbila Power Plants, Baro Port, Ajakuota Steel Company, KKK gas pipeline projects, and roads linking states of the region, have not seen the lights of the day. And how could North continue to support power-sharing and shift these injustices, shabbiness and iniquity?

The southern PDP governors under Nyesom Wike led a mischievous campaign against their party candidate PDP to work for the southern presidency. They were not a bunch of idiots like some undesirable elements of the northern politicians who selfishly sold out the region for their egocentric notions.

Now that Nigerians are paying the price of what they had bought by bringing APC to power again, we must remind our people how to become politically smart next election season. And many folks from this part of the country cannot still see things as they are. Sad.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai writes from Kano State and can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.