Nigeria

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) has carried out a major restructuring, leading to the dismissal of over 200 officials, including top executives.

The shake-up, ordered by newly appointed Group CEO Bayo Ojulari, marks his first major action since taking office on April 4.

Among those affected are Bala Wunti, former head of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS), and Lawal Sade, NAPIMS’ chief compliance officer.

Ibrahim Onoja, Managing Director of the Port Harcourt Refinery, was also removed. Sources within NNPC say the restructuring aims to create more leadership opportunities for women and minority groups.

Maryamu Idris has been appointed as the new Managing Director of Trading, replacing Sade, while Obioma Abangwu takes over as Chief Liaison Officer for NNPC’s management board.

NNPC’s corporate communications team has not yet commented on the development. Ojulari, a former Shell executive, replaced Mele Kyari, who led the company for five years before his removal.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Nigerian scholar Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu has officially announced the publication of his new book, Hausa Cinema of Northern Nigeria: Cultural Imperialism and Censorship, a landmark work that explores the development, politics, and aesthetics of Hausa-language film across West Africa.

Published by Bloomsbury, the book is the product of over twenty years of research spanning multiple countries and academic disciplines. Rather than focusing solely on the popular commercial industry known as “Kannywood,” Adamu takes a broader approach, examining Hausa cinema in its many forms—including diaspora productions, documentaries, art films, and digital series.

“This is not just about Kannywood,” Adamu explained. “It’s about Hausa cultural expression wherever it exists, rooted in Islamicate values and media flows across the Global South.”

Completed in 2010, the manuscript faced delays and was almost shelved. However, a 2023 conference presentation and a meal hosted by Dr. Muhsin Ibrahim, where Adamu jokingly called the large waina “one terabyte,” in Cologne, Germany, reignited interest, leading to its acceptance and revision. 

The final version, praised by scholars such as Graham Furniss and Brian Larkin, will be released in July 2025.

Though priced at $130, Adamu plans to publish a locally accessible companion book titled Kannywood: A Brief Introduction later this year in Kano. It will be tailored for readers interested in a concise, less theoretical overview.

With this announcement, Hausa cinema gains its most comprehensive and scholarly treatment, firmly placing it in the global conversation about media and culture.

By Anwar Usman

Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, has directed both the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) and the National Examinations Council (NECO) to adopt conducting their objective tests via Computer-Based Testing (CBT) by November 2025.

He stated that by May/June 2026, both the objective and essay components of WAEC and NECO examinations are expected to be fully transitioned to CBT, in a bid to mitigate examination malpractice.

The Minister made this statement during an inspection of the ongoing Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) by Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) after visiting some of the centres in Abuja on Monday.

Dr. Alausa noted that if JAMB could successfully conduct CBT exams for over 2.2 million candidates nationwide, WAEC and NECO, with less number of applicants compared to JAMB should also be able to replicate the same feat without difficulty.

He further expressed optimism with the conduct of the ongoing UTME and applauded the high level of coordination, transparency, and integrity demonstrated by the Board, describing the examination process as meeting international standards and being almost foolproof against malpractice.

He said under the current administration, the rule of law is respected, allowing institutions like JAMB to operate independently and efficiently.

He cautioned candidates against engaging in examination misconducts, urging them to rely on hard work to achieve success.Earlier, the JAMB Registrar, Professor Ishaq Oloyede, gave a detailed account of the technical and operational framework behind the administration of the UTME.

Oloyede revealed that JAMB processed applications from over 2,040,538 candidates seeking admission into 1,452 tertiary institutions, supported by over 2,000 staff members and thousands of ad-hoc personnel managing CBT centres across the federation.

He said JAMB’s robust and secure processes have set a new benchmark for examinations in Nigeria and affirmed the Board’s commitment to sustaining and improving these standards.

By Usman Mujtaba

When Brigadier General O.O. Nafiu, the Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), announced that corps members would receive their monthly allowance of ₦77,000 starting from March 2025, they thought it was business as usual. This is because they had been receiving similar announcements since last year. 

Moreover, the minister also gave multiple assurances recently when he was interviewed on Arise Television, Channels, and even on the MicOn Podcast hosted by Seun Okinbaloye, a host of Channels Television’s program Politics Tonight.Perhaps corps members are tired of the DG’s words; they only want action. As one Hausa adage goes, “An gaji da sa ba’a ga kaho ba.”

Unknown to them, this time is different, whether because it comes from the new DG or that the bureaucratic procedure was ripe, I couldn’t tell. But on Wednesday, March 26, 2025, corps members were thrilled to start receiving the ₦77,000 as their allowance, which they call “Allawee.” The jubilation was palpable across all regions of the country. Social media was full of jokes about the development, with one post reading, “NYSC DG for President 2027.” See how the allawee makes people go crazy

After the alert, what’s next? Minimum wage increment and inflation are familiar bedfellows; in fact, many economic pundits are against it, arguing that it won’t increase the value of products sold or services rendered. I was shocked when one of my friends told me that a corps member is tasked with responsibilities at home when they start serving. After a fixed amount, they will send monthly, so many requests will follow from such a home, probably from siblings.

The corps member who serves and the ghost corps member (who does the thumbprint) when the month ends are Tweedledee and Tweedledum in terms of expenses. Here’s why: while the serving corps member will have to budget for foodstuffs and transport, the ghost corps member plans for transport mainly from their hometown in a different state and the amount they’ll probably give to the PPA and/or the secretariat, given the agency’s corruption, nepotism, and favoritism. As such, the expenses become balanced. It’s better for a corps member to calmly settle at their place of primary assignment (PPA) and serve their fatherland.

Is it decisive to reform NYSC at this juncture? As the saying goes, “Eat when the food is ready. Speak when the time is right”? I recently came across an article, “Time to Reform NYSC,” in Daily Trust on April 23, 2025, in which Babakura Aninigi suggests some ways forward for the initiative. Though holistic, his take is realistic. 

Aningi wrote, and I quote, “The federal government should consider restructuring the scheme… to reflect current realities.” This is apt because many believe that all is well with the adoption of a minimum wage. It’s not. Corps members will undoubtedly adjust, but only in the short term because inflation and additional expectations are inevitable. The call for reform of policy and strategy is the appeal for the long term.

The bustle and energy of graduates are palpable in towns whenever the NYSC opens its portal for registration. The energy will be doubled now that every graduate moves with additional zeal to enjoy the new approved allowance.

I discussed with one of my friends the possible addition of allowance from his PPA (a private school in Kano). I told him that it would be easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for him to get that addition with his ₦77,000.

He informed me they originally gave ₦5,000. Imagine! It’s indeed another challenge many corps members will face. Some will even withdraw what they usually give. As one of my friends jokingly observed, a corps member’s allowance is more than the salary of some private school headmaster.

₦77,000 is a commendable development, but it shouldn’t douse the energy and kill the idea of reforming the NYSC scheme.

Usman Mujtaba wrote via usmanmujtabashehu@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Presidential Food Systems Coordination Unit (PFSCU) has launched a new National Agribusiness Policy Mechanism (NAPM) to address food insecurity and strengthen Nigeria’s agricultural sector.

The initiative, announced after the 5th Steering Committee meeting in Abuja, aims to improve coordination and investment across federal, state, and local levels using data and digital tools.

As part of its outreach, the PFSCU introduced the “Harvesting Hope Caravan,” a nationwide tour to engage communities through town halls and demonstrations.

Meanwhile, rising challenges in wheat and rice production prompted the creation of an emergency task force to assess and mitigate risks.

To enhance food security monitoring, the PFSCU is collaborating with the National Security Adviser and the FAO to develop an AI-powered early warning system.

Additionally, the $1.1 billion ‘Green Imperative Project’ is advancing, with 774 farms onboarded and six equipment hubs established to support farmers.

With regional offices set up for data-driven policymaking, the PFSCU reaffirmed its commitment to stabilizing Nigeria’s food systems through innovation and partnerships.

The move comes as food security grows increasingly tied to national stability.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

There is much to learn from the politics currently unfolding between the Jega community, their constituency representative, and the Kebbi State government. 

It all began with rising criticism directed at the state government over the glaring lack of infrastructure development in the community. What made the criticism particularly serious was the surprise and visible projects by Hon. Mansur Musa Jega, the National Assembly member representing Jega, Gwandu, and Aliero. Unarguably, since the return of democracy, this constituency has never witnessed such a scale of project delivery. So, unsurprisingly, prayers and praise were poured in from all quarters.

With Senator Muhammad Adamu Aliero of Kebbi Central also delivering notable developments, public frustration quickly turned toward the state government—the governor, the state assembly member, and the local government chairman. During the latest Eid prayer, one fierce Imam echoed the sentiment in his sermon before thousands of faithful. 

In a bold rhetorical salvo, the Imam asked: “Where are the capital projects from the state governor? Or from the local government chairman? Has governance been reduced to merely paying salaries?” 

On the other hand, the Imam turns to the constituency member to invoke Allah’s blessings on him for conspicuous township developments. These prayers were the straw that broke the camel’s back. The video went viral, sending shockwaves through the state government and its supporters.

But then, almost immediately, something interesting happened. Based on the advice, the government mobilised contractors to immediately mark for dualisation one of the busiest roads (leading to the house of the town chief). Behold, performance-based politics (which should have been the case) has given birth. 

One interesting lesson from this development is that a politician’s performance speaks louder and travels faster than any political campaign: A politician’s performance becomes an automatic means of political campaigning. Imagine an Imam on Eid grounds before thousands campaigning for one candidate. That’s the power of visible performance.

Another interesting piece revealed by the saga was the political influence of the population. Jega is among the few local governments in Kebbi State with the highest population, hence one of the most influential politically. The old town forms what would be called a swing state in America for its political dynamism or K states in Nigeria for its sheer number of electorates, so winning it is a sign of success in Kebbi State. A reason why the state governor didn’t joke with the Imam and the electorate’s outcry. This shows that a large population, when strategically mobilised, can become a political asset.

 While delivering constituency projects also depends on what committees a representative belongs to, Mansur still deserves credit because there are allegations of constructors conniving with constituency members to divert billions of naira from constituency projects. 

We criticise politicians when they fail; we should also encourage them when they try.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD

By every objective measure, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has ceased functioning as a viable political entity in Nigeria. Its carcass continues to move but without pulse, purpose, or coherence. As a ruling party, the PDP had its moments, but its legacy is weighed down by monumental abuses of power, systemic electoral malpractice, and industrial-scale corruption. 

From the open manipulation of election results mid-process to the weaponisation of state institutions for partisan gain, the party leadership helped normalise impunity at the highest level. Two decades on, many of these cases—alleging theft of billions—are still unresolved.

But the party’s death didn’t happen overnight. It began in 2007, when President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed a sick candidate on Nigerians, followed by Goodluck Jonathan’s directionless presidency. In 2014, a mass defection gutted its internal cohesion, when five of its governors established the new PDP to challenge what they called a lack of internal democracy within the party. 

Losing power in 2015 should have been a moment for self-correction. Instead, the PDP lost its ideological compass. It abandoned the one role opposition parties must play in democracies: the duty to provide clarity, contrast, and credible alternatives. 

Even as the All Progressives Congress (APC) drifted into policy incoherence from 2017 onward and the confusion that followed – petroleum prices increase, ASUU and other university union strikes, economic recession, open stealing never seen before in the nation’s history, fuel subsidy removal, minimum wage controversy, etc.- the PDP remained inert—leaderless, rudderless, and largely invisible.

Today, what remains of the PDP is a loosely held patchwork of political actors in retreat. Governors are defecting. Its 2023 vice-presidential candidate has walked away. State-level structures are hollowed out. Internal leadership is fractured, and there is no unifying idea or strategic doctrine to rally around. What does this tell us? The PDP is not in decline. It is defunct.

Nigeria is experiencing a vacuum of governance across federal, state, and local levels. What is needed is a credible alternative with intellectual spine, strategic clarity, and moral authority. The PDP has forfeited that opportunity. Nigerians are now confronted with two bleak options: to stick with a failing ruling party or scavenge among opportunistic startups branded with catchy acronyms and no ideological soul.

The PDP’s collapse is more than a party’s fall—it is a signal of deeper systemic decay in Nigeria’s political architecture. But in every collapse lies an opening: for principled political entrepreneurship, grounded in values, competence, and execution. Who will offer that? The people that landed us in this mess in the first place or new faces? 

We need new faces in the political arena. These people parading themselves as opposition are no different from the PDP or APC; they are the same. Our youth need to return to their senses, and most people we see in leadership positions started showing their ability to lead in their early 20s. We must step forward if we want to see a Nigeria of our dreams. The time for lamentations is over.

The future belongs to those who can build systems, not just win elections.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

In countries where governance works in favour of the people, citizens always look forward to progress and innovation. In contrast, Nigeria often clings to nostalgia, with many, including those who never lived through certain eras, romanticising what they fondly call the “good old days.”

Believing that the past was always better than the present, some advocate for a return to free education and overseas scholarships. Others yearn for the days of kobo coins, arguing that Nigeria’s economy thrived when they were in circulation and the naira held strong against the almighty dollar.

The era of Native Authorities, which largely financed itself through poll taxes and prioritised education, is also missed. Back then, local administrators ensured students were transported to and from school dormitories at the beginning and end of each term, reinforcing a system that valued structured governance and community welfare.

These administrative units, established under British colonial rule, eventually led to local governments (LGs). Initially, the LGs performed well, maintaining orderly markets, paying teachers’ salaries, and addressing essential grassroots needs.

However, over time, they lost autonomy and are now seen as mere appendages of state governments. Recognised as the most crucial level of governance due to their proximity to the people, successive administrations have made efforts to grant LGs full autonomy.

Yet, these efforts have consistently faced resistance. In 2012, former President Goodluck Jonathan declared his commitment to local government autonomy, emphasising that meaningful national development was impossible without functional local councils.

He argued that empowering LGs would have mitigated the rising insecurity. Jonathan also opposed the state-local government joint account, insisting that councils had a pivotal role in his administration’s “Transformation Agenda.”

At one point, he took legal steps to actualise this vision, but the dream of LG autonomy remained unrealised. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also pursued this goal. In May 2020, he signed an Executive Order granting financial autonomy to the judiciary, legislature, and local government councils.

Experts hailed this as a landmark move toward a more people-centred governance structure. Buhari’s rationale was grounded in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution, which mandates LGs to oversee primary, adult, and vocational education, develop agriculture and natural resources (excluding mineral exploitation), and maintain key public services.

Their responsibilities also include street naming, house numbering, waste disposal, public convenience maintenance, and the registration of births, deaths, and marriages—basic yet crucial civic functions that remain poorly executed in today’s Nigeria.

Additionally, LGs are tasked with assessing and collecting tenement rates, regulating outdoor advertising, and overseeing public health and alcohol control. However, despite Buhari’s efforts, his administration’s push for LG autonomy, much like Jonathan’s, ultimately failed.

Now, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu finds himself at the center of this enduring struggle. He successfully secured a Supreme Court victory affirming LGs’ constitutional rights and their role in advancing grassroots governance.

He hailed the judgment as a win for democracy. However, what initially appeared to be an achievement began to feel like a setback. Many believe that state governors, who have long controlled local government resources, are deliberately frustrating the implementation of this autonomy for personal gain.

The requirement that LGs must conduct elections to receive direct allocations has further complicated the issue, as state governments continue to manipulate the process to maintain dominance.

By its very nature, local government should be the most accessible level of governance, open to all—from the ordinary citizen who walks barefoot to the community leader who mobilises residents for communal projects.

Yet, it has become a political chessboard where governors install their loyalists as council chairmen or caretakers, reducing them to mere appendages rather than independent administrators. Governors have historically played a decisive role in shaping Nigeria’s presidential politics.

With the 2027 elections casting a long shadow, party defections and quiet coalition-building are underway. This leaves Tinubu in a precarious position: will he stand firm on his commitment to full LG autonomy for sustainable economic development, or will he yield to political pressures and look the other way as 2027 approaches?

The battle for local government autonomy remains unfinished. The question now is whether Tinubu will see it through or let history repeat itself.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has directed an immediate review of Nigeria’s security strategy.

He also demanded urgent action to halt the rising violence in Borno, Benue, Plateau, and Kwara states.

During a two-hour meeting with security chiefs at the State House in Abuja, the President condemned the killings of innocent Nigerians, declaring, “Enough is enough.”

The National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, disclosed that the President ordered a fresh approach to tackling insecurity, emphasizing collaboration with state governments and local authorities.

Ribadu stated that Tinubu, who had been monitoring the situation during his recent foreign trips, insisted on tougher measures to restore peace.

“The President is deeply concerned and has directed enhanced coordination with governors and local councils to address communal conflicts,” Ribadu said.

Security chiefs, including military and intelligence heads, attended the meeting, where they briefed Tinubu on recent attacks, casualties, and ongoing operations.

The NSA noted that insurgents often target vulnerable communities with explosives, stressing the need for proactive measures.

Tinubu’s directive comes amid escalating violence in parts of the North and Middle Belt, with citizens demanding decisive action against insecurity.

By Oladoja M.O

Across all health-related policies, discussions, and publications, maternal and child care undoubtedly ranks among the top three priorities of our national healthcare system. Without mincing words, it constitutes a core aspect of public health that rightly deserves every ounce of attention it receives. One might ask, why is this so? 

A report by the World Health Organisation (WHO) underscores the alarming statistics, revealing that, in 2020, a maternity-related death occurred nearly every two minutes. This equates to approximately 800 daily maternal deaths from preventable causes across various regions of the world. 

Similarly, UNICEF, in one of its latest reports, noted that while Nigeria constitutes only 2.4% of the world’s population, it accounts for a staggering 10% of global maternal deaths. Recent figures indicate a maternal mortality rate of 576 per 100,000 live births, ranking as the fourth highest globally. Furthermore, an estimated 262,000 neonatal deaths occur annually at birth, the second-highest national total in the world.

Beyond these mortality figures, numerous other health complications afflict this demographic, often with far-reaching, detrimental consequences. Some of these complications include hypertension, gestational diabetes, infections, preeclampsia, preterm labour, depression and anxiety, pregnancy loss or miscarriage, and stillbirth. These conditions may jeopardise the health of the mother, fetus, or both, and can be life-threatening if not properly managed. With such distressing statistics, it is impossible not to prioritise this critical issue.

Recognising the gravity of the situation, the government has implemented several initiatives to address maternal and child health concerns. Notable programs include the Midwife Service Scheme, which aimed to enhance the healthcare workforce by deploying midwives to provide maternal health services in rural areas, and the Saving One Million Lives Program for Results, a performance-based funding initiative aimed at improving maternal and child health outcomes at the state level.

Additionally, the Maternal Mortality Reduction Innovation Initiative (MAMII) prioritises life-saving interventions for women and newborns, strengthening healthcare services in the 172 most affected local government areas through supply- and demand-side strategies.

However, despite these concerted efforts and the significant attention accorded to maternal and child healthcare, a critical yet insidious aspect of this discourse remains grossly overlooked—oral health. Among the myriad etiological factors contributing to maternal and child health complications, the intersection of oral health and overall maternal well-being is frequently ignored. 

A 2024 study highlighted that a mother’s oral health status, knowledge, literacy, attitudes, behaviours, and socioeconomic status are pivotal determinants of childhood caries. Another recent study underscored the detrimental impact of poor oral health during pregnancy, linking it to adverse outcomes such as preterm birth, low birth weight, preeclampsia, gingival ulcerations, pregnancy granulomas, gingivitis, and pregnancy tumours (epulis gravidarum). 

According to a CDC physician, improving pregnant women’s oral health is one of the most effective strategies for preventing early childhood caries. She further emphasised that oral health is an essential component of prenatal care, as poor maternal oral health can significantly compromise both maternal and neonatal health, setting the foundation for lifelong health challenges. Additionally, periodontitis has been strongly associated with adverse pregnancy outcomes, including preterm birth and low birth weight.

Given these profound implications, one would expect a holistic approach to maternal healthcare—one that integrates oral health awareness and services into prenatal care. Unfortunately, this is far from reality. A 2024 scoping review revealed that dental service utilisation among pregnant women in Nigeria is alarmingly low, with visits largely driven by curative rather than preventive needs.

Despite the serious risks associated with poor oral health during pregnancy, oral health education remains conspicuously absent from antenatal awareness curricula, and primary healthcare centres lack dedicated oral health officers.

Thus, this serves as a call for urgent action and heightened awareness. The advocacy for integrating oral health education into antenatal classes must persist, as maternal knowledge of oral healthcare is often inadequate. 

Pregnancy is a critical period that necessitates heightened attention to oral health, and dental clinic visits should be regarded as an indispensable component of prenatal care. Most importantly, the government must prioritise the strategic deployment of public oral health officers to ensure that this vulnerable demographic’s unique oral healthcare needs are adequately addressed.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com