Banditry

By Muhammad Abubakar

At least 1,111 Nigerians were killed and 276 abducted by gunmen and other non-state actors across the country in June 2025, according to a new report by Beacon Security and Intelligence Limited.

The chilling figures are contained in the company’s monthly security dossier, which tracks violence and criminal activity nationwide. Despite the high numbers, the report notes that June witnessed a “notable de-escalation” in security breaches compared to May, suggesting a slight dip in the frequency or intensity of attacks.

While the report did not provide a full regional breakdown, sources familiar with the data say many of the killings occurred in the North West and North Central zones, where banditry and communal violence remain rampant. Parts of the South East also continue to grapple with targeted killings and kidnappings by separatist-linked armed groups.

The 276 abductions show the persistent threat of kidnapping-for-ransom, which has plagued Nigeria for years, affecting schoolchildren, commuters, and rural dwellers alike.

Security analysts say the figures, though slightly improved from previous months, still reflect a deepening crisis. They have called for more coordinated action by federal and state authorities to strengthen local intelligence, improve response times, and hold perpetrators accountable.

The government has yet to respond to the latest statistics, but critics argue that repeated assurances of improved security have not translated into meaningful safety for the average Nigerian.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Security forces in Katsina State, Northern Nigeria, have announced the killing of 30 bandits following a counter-operation in Faskari Local Government Area.

The action came in response to attacks launched by the terrorists on three villages within the state on Tuesday.

The bandits had targeted the villages of Kadisau, Raudama, and Sabon Layi.

This prompted a coordinated response involving ground troops from the police and army, supported by the Nigerian Air Force.

The joint operation successfully neutralized 30 terrorists.

However, the engagement resulted in the loss of five security personnel and one civilian.Katsina State Commissioner for Internal Security, Dr. Nasir Mu’azu, confirmed the success.

He stated that security forces, acting on prior intelligence about the bandits’ planned attack, deployed personnel from Dandume and the Nigerian Air Force to intercept the assailants.

“After a prolonged gunfight involving ground and air assets,” Mu’azu said, “the bandits’ attempted attack was successfully repelled.”

Katsina State is located in Nigeria’s troubled North-West region, which has endured persistent bandit attacks leading to significant loss of lives and property.

By Abdulrahman Sani  

It started like any other routine assignment. A simple task in a place that, on paper, seemed no different from the others. I was sent to a remote village in the heart of the North West, tasked with completing an enumeration in a region that was increasingly known for its volatile security situation. But what I didn’t realise then was that this seemingly innocuous assignment would lead me straight into the heart of danger.

The village, Rugar Yashi, sat on the fringes of the wilderness, far from the usual path of most travellers. The journey had been long, but I arrived early enough to begin work without delay. The protocol for entering any enumeration area was clear. 

Before stepping foot into the village, I was to call my security contact to get a briefing, obtain clearance, and receive a pass that would ensure my safety. I dialled his number repeatedly, but there was no answer. I tried once more, but the line remained dead. Frustration rose within me, but it was quickly overshadowed by the realisation that I had no choice but to proceed.

I wasn’t new to the idea of security checks. Over time, I had come to view the process as a mere formality, a minor inconvenience in the grand scheme of things. Security clearance was just another uncomfortable routine, a small hurdle before getting to the heart of the work. The reality of how precarious the situation honestly was hadn’t fully sunk in. In my mind, it was just another remote village, no different from the countless others I had visited. Little did I know, I was about to step into the lion’s den.

The Village on the Edge of a Whisper

Rugar Yashi wasn’t on any tourist map. You wouldn’t stumble upon it unless you were sent there or running from something.

The place looked serene, almost cinematic. It was tucked neatly between rustling trees and the distant hum of wilderness. I walked in alone, unseen by the world, accompanied only by a curious blend of optimism and unawareness.

I didn’t meet him in the village.

I met him at a farm by accident.

He was tending to something near a stand of goruba trees. I greeted him and mentioned I needed a cutlass to slice through one of the fruits. Without hesitation, he handed me his.

It was only after I introduced myself, explaining why I had come and what I was doing, that he nodded and said simply,

“I’ll guide you.”

That was it.

No suspicion. No resistance. Just a quiet offer that, in hindsight, held far more weight than I realised.

And so we began.

He led. I followed.

At first, he was nothing more than a helpful local. His voice was calm, measured. He spoke sparingly, and when he did, it was often with a faint, unreadable smile. The villagers treated him with a mixture of casual reverence and respect. Nothing overt. Just the kind of nods, glances, and silences that said more than words ever could.

Of Questions and Rifles

As we walked through Rugar Yashi, I quickly noticed something odd. The men around us were armed. Their rifles glinted in the sun as they moved with deliberate ease. Their eyes darted around, scanning the horizon as if waiting for something—anything—out of the ordinary. Some of them offered brief nods of acknowledgement to my guide, a quiet understanding passing between them that I couldn’t quite place.

At first, I dismissed it. I assumed they were simply vigilantes, locals tasked with protecting their community. The village seemed peaceful. The people were humble. And my task was simple. What could go wrong?

We continued through the village, and I conducted my enumeration with the usual questions—family members, occupations, and living conditions. He knew exactly where to take me. At one point, I inquired about his family, which was part of the enumeration form. He smiled and said that his brother, Aliyu, was studying at ABU Zaria. I nodded and moved on.

It sounded plausible enough.

After the work was done, he walked me to the edge of the village where a group of armed men stood, exchanging hushed words and scanning the trees. As we passed, they gave us more than a passing glance. He shook my hand, gave me his contact information, and said casually,

“Call me next time before you come. It’s safer that way.”

I smiled, nodded, and walked away. The road back to the main track was quiet. Just a few goats, wind in the trees, and my own footsteps.

The Call

Then my phone rang.

It was the security contact I had been trying to reach all morning. His voice came through tense and unfiltered.

“Where are you?”

“Done. Just leaving Rugar Yashi.”

There was a pause, and then his voice dropped.

“Who did you work with?”

I gave a brief description. His voice turned sharp.

“That man you were with, Labbo Jauro? He’s one of the most notorious bandit leaders in the region. His brother isn’t at Zaria. He was killed months ago. Deep in the forests of Niger.”

Silence.

The kind that makes your spine go cold.

I had shared a blade with him and walked through the village under his protection. Sat beside him in quiet moments. All while unknowingly under the watchful eyes of armed men who could have changed the course of my story in an instant.

The glances. The nods. The stillness in the air. It all made sense now.

But at the time, I thought I was just doing my job.

Reflection on the Edge

Looking back, I wonder whether he knew what I didn’t. Whether he had already decided for me before I’d even finished cutting that goruba fruit. Or whether, by some strange twist of fate, I had walked straight into danger and was spared not by wisdom or caution, but by simple, Divine grace.

That day in Rugar, Yashi changed how I saw the work. It blurred the line between routine and risk. It reminded me that, sometimes, the man offering help in the fields may be more than just a friendly farmer.

Sometimes, he’s the one everyone else fears.

And sometimes, he’s the reason you make it back home alive.

Postscript: This story is based on a true account. The subject’s name has been omitted, and the narrative is told in the first person by the author. Specific details have been altered or excluded to protect privacy and ensure safety.

Abdulrahman Sani can be contacted via Twitter @philosopeace.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Before the emergence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria’s security architecture was grappling with deeply entrenched challenges, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast regions. The situation had deteriorated to alarming levels, with criminal elements and secessionist movements establishing a disturbing level of control in certain areas.

In the Northwest, banditry had evolved from sporadic attacks to the full-scale occupation of territories. Vast stretches of land, especially in states like Kaduna, Zamfara, and Niger, fell under the influence of heavily armed groups. The Abuja-Kaduna highway, which was once a vital economic and commuter route, became a perilous stretch, notorious for frequent kidnappings and ambushes. 

The Northwestern security threats extended further, with the Kaduna–Birnin Gwari–Lagos road effectively shut down due to sustained bandit activity. Even commercial life suffered significantly; the Birnin Gwari cattle market, a major hub for livestock trade, was forced to cease operations under the pressure of violence and extortion.

Meanwhile, in the Southeast, the situation was compounded by the secessionist agitation led by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Through fear and coercion, IPOB succeeded in enforcing a weekly sit-at-home directive across several states in the region, paralysing economic activities every Monday. Businesses were shuttered, schools closed, and the freedom of movement was severely curtailed, undermining both governance and development efforts.

This was the grim reality that the Tinubu administration inherited. However, at the heart of the renewed fight against insecurity stands a strategic recalibration: what many now refer to as the “Nuhu Ribadu Formula.” As National Security Adviser, Ribadu brought a fresh, intelligence-driven approach to tackling Nigeria’s security woes. With an emphasis on coordination among security agencies, restoration of public confidence, and targeted offensives against criminal enclaves, his methods have begun yielding tangible results.

While challenges persist, especially in remote and hard-to-reach areas, the difference in tone and trajectory is becoming increasingly evident. The Ribadu-led security strategy has not only focused on reclaiming territory but also on addressing the root causes of unrest, be it poverty, weak governance, or community grievances. It is this multidimensional and proactive approach that may well define Nigeria’s path to lasting peace and stability.

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, has been pivotal in reshaping Nigeria’s national security framework through a clear and strategic vision built on three foundational pillars.

The first is the carrot-and-stick approach, which balances kinetic (military force) and non-kinetic (dialogue, reconciliation, and development) strategies. This dual-pronged approach acknowledges that not all security threats can be addressed solely through force. By combining targeted military operations with community engagement and deradicalisation efforts, the approach aims to neutralise threats while addressing the root causes of violence.

The second strategy is a shift from rhetoric to action, a deliberate move away from endless briefings and political grandstanding towards concrete, measurable outcomes. Under Ribadu’s watch, security interventions are now judged not by promises, but by performance. The focus is on restoring peace, reclaiming lost territories, and enabling displaced persons to return to their communities.

Third is the promotion of synergy and intelligence sharing among security agencies. Previously plagued by inter-agency rivalry and fragmented operations, Nigeria’s security forces are now operating with improved coordination. Through unified command structures and shared intelligence platforms, responses have become faster, more precise, and increasingly proactive.

These strategies have already begun to yield visible results. The recent resurgence of attacks in Plateau and Benue States, as well as isolated Boko Haram assaults on soft targets in Borno and Adamawa, were swiftly countered using the same framework. Rapid deployment of forces, community-based intelligence, and coordinated operations prevented escalation and restored calm.

Still, the road to full recovery is a gradual one. While the machinery of state security has been retooled, the average citizen may not immediately perceive these gains. Part of the challenge lies in the persistence of outdated or unverified reports in some sections of the media, which can paint a distorted picture of the current realities. Nevertheless, those on the ground, especially in previously hard-hit areas, are beginning to sense a shift.

The “Nuhu Ribadu Formula” is proving to be more than just a tactical adjustment; it is an evolving doctrine that prioritises effectiveness, accountability, and collaboration. With sustained implementation and public support, it could well become the blueprint for enduring peace in Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Some years ago, a group of students from Kaduna state came to my office, lamenting how Muslim elders imposed a Christian candidate on them and rigged him into power. They even told how an Emir and some elders called Islamic scholars and warned them against remonstration in their preachings. “How can we bear this disgrace?” my students were frustrated.

I said, “You can solve the problem and make governance difficult for the imposed Governor”. The young people paid attention, expecting an “academic” solution to their problem. “The Governor cannot rule Kaduna state alone. Since the majority are against him, why not look for and beat up anyone who accepts his political appointment?” I offered.

My students looked at one another and said, “Sir, there will be chaos and mass arrest”. Poor them, they want to bring change, are not happy with what is happening, and are afraid of arrest. “The alternative is to support the unpopular Governor and struggle for your share of the haram”, I finalised the discussion.

In the case of my Kaduna state students, the problem was election rigging, even though there was relative peace in their state, at least up to that time. In the case of Katsina people, it has been killing, kidnapping, rape, stealing, etc. How have the people reacted to the politicians they elected to solve the problem of insecurity? 

Several people have asked why they no longer see my comments on insecurity, and I always reply that I am busy with other things. I am busy, but not too busy to write a few paragraphs to express my opinion. However, it reached a point where I began to ask, as far as insecurity is concerned, who is the culprit? Whom should I write to blame? The Government? The military? The masses?

Going by the advice I gave Kaduna youth, one would expect that no elected politician would have the guts to go to any community ravaged by insecurity in Katsina or nearby states. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I saw people who lost some of their closest relatives to banditry staunchly supporting a politician, whose actions mean that their losses do not matter. Bandits displaced a community, but I saw their youth on social media actively supporting politicians who were giving public money to bandits in the name of the peace agreement.

If you are actively fighting for those victims through writing or interviews, and you offend any politician, you should be ready to get a good beating from some of the banditry victims if that is what would please the politician.

So, whom should I blame? Do the people take no blame? What of the military? Should I write to blame the masses as weak as they are? Should I write to condemn the military as strongly as they are? Should I not be afraid of arrest like my Kaduna students? If I offend the military, and you must surely offend them if you will tell the truth about insecurity, who would bail me out when I am arrested and tagged a troublemaker or any name they decide to give me?

The cheapest people to blame are the politicians. Everybody is against them. Public money is in their hands, and they are spending it on weddings and musicians, just like we witnessed in Katsina. But are all the people criticising them sincere? Would they not do the same if they were in their position? Some of these things were the reason Nigerians voted PDP out ten years ago, and the “saints” they elected are doing the same.

If you are expecting me to continue directing my blame to politicians, you will be disappointed. While they have their fair share of the blame for insecurity, we also have our share as victims. 

The masses should take my advice to the Kaduna youth if they can. They can only beat the politicians or join them. For the politicians, I have no words. Only the masses can deal with them if they take the first side of my advice. For me, I shall keep mum about the military because I am a coward.

For other Nigerians, continue to enjoy yourselves before insecurity reaches your side. I pray it will not.

Prof Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini 

Bandits have kidnapped Nafisa Usman, a married woman, from her home in Gayi village, Kalgo Local Government Area of Kebbi State.  

The attackers reportedly invaded her residence around 2:00 a.m. on Friday, broke into her room, and took her away without harming others.  

Family sources said the kidnappers, believed to be herdsmen, are demanding N20 million for her release.  

Alhaji Yahya Kuka, Chairman of Kalgo LGA, condemned the abduction and pledged efforts to secure her safe return.  

The Kebbi State Police Public Relations Officer, Nafiu Abubakar, could not be reached for comment at press time.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In the early hours of Friday, April 12, 2025, Zike village in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State was reduced to a theatre of blood. At least 40 people, including women and children, were brutally killed by armed assailants who invaded the community under the cover of darkness.

Homes were set ablaze, farmlands destroyed, and hundreds displaced — once again. This is not an isolated tragedy. In less than four months, Plateau State has lost over 400 lives to mindless violence across Mangu, Bokkos, Riyom, Barkin Ladi, and Bassa LGAs.

According to data from local community leaders and humanitarian groups, more than 150 villages have been attacked since January 2024, with thousands displaced and properties worth billions destroyed.

Yet, the response from government authorities has been chillingly muted. Standard condolence statements have followed each carnage, but little in the way of justice or proactive security. For many in Plateau, it feels like being condemned to die in silence.

The question is painfully simple: for how long will this continue? The victims of these attacks are not armed militias or combatants. They are primarily farmers, traders, women, and children — people asleep in their homes, utterly unprepared for war but caught in its crosshairs.

The attackers, on the other hand, are described as well-coordinated, heavily armed, and operating with an eerie sense of impunity. The carnage in Plateau should not be seen as just a “communal crisis.” It is terrorism — plain and simple.

Any act that involves the targeted killing of innocent civilians on such a consistent and organised scale deserves to be treated as a national security emergency. The lack of urgency from both the federal and Plateau State governments is not just disappointing — it is dangerous.

The time has come for both levels of government to stop playing to the gallery and act. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Caleb Mutfwang must rise above politics and confront this crisis with the seriousness it demands.

Enough of the empty press statements. The people of Plateau need protection, justice, and healing, not promises. There must be an immediate and thorough investigation into the Zike killings and all previous attacks across Plateau State.

The security agencies must identify and arrest the perpetrators. Communities cannot continue to bury their dead while those responsible roam free. Beyond this, a special joint military-police operation should be launched in Plateau — not as a temporary show of force, but as a sustained mission to flush out criminal elements and restore peace across all hotspots.

Such an operation should be intelligence-led, with active engagement from community leaders, local vigilantes, and civil society actors. Security operatives must also be adequately funded, equipped, and monitored to ensure professionalism and accountability in the course of duty.

Furthermore, there should be a comprehensive resettlement plan for displaced persons. The IDP camps in Plateau are filled with women and children who have been forgotten by a country that swore to protect them.

The government must support rebuilding destroyed homes, schools, and clinics in the affected communities. Most importantly, the culture of impunity must end. When killers are not punished, others are emboldened.

When justice is denied, peace remains a fantasy. Nigeria cannot claim to be fighting insecurity on one hand and tolerating unaddressed massacres on the other. This country must no longer treat the deaths of rural Nigerians as a footnote in national discourse.

The tears in Plateau are real. The graves are real. The trauma is real. And so must be our response. Plateau State is bleeding. Its people are tired. And the time to act is now — not with words, but with swift, firm, and visible action.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, recently claimed that the country has recorded over 90% improvement in security under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. He made this assertion in Jos, Plateau State, during a press briefing following a strategic meeting with the Commander of Operation Safe Haven, Major General Folusho Oyinlola. The meeting was convened after a deadly gunmen attack on the Bokkos community, which tragically claimed the lives of hundreds of residents.

Given the context of recent violence, Ribadu’s statement sparked mixed reactions from across the political spectrum. Critics argue that the NSA’s comments are aimed at shaping public perception as politicking for the 2027 general elections approaches. They view the remarks as part of a broader political narrative to build confidence in the administration. On the other hand, supporters commend Ribadu for leading an effective national security strategy, asserting that the improvements are tangible and worth acknowledging.

However, beyond partisan sentiments and political interests, it is essential to examine Ribadu’s claim from an objective standpoint grounded in verifiable data and realistic context. Security issues are too critical to be reduced to rhetoric, hey must be measured by real outcomes that affect the lives of everyday Nigerians.

Regardless of our political leanings, there have been undeniable improvements in some of Nigeria’s most dangerous zones. For example, the Birnin Gwari–Lagos highway in Kaduna State, which was shut for nearly a decade due to the menace of armed bandits, has now reopened to motorists, especially heavy-duty vehicles that previously avoided the route. The once-abandoned Birnin Gwari cattle market, inactive for over ten years, is now gradually returning to life with commercial activity.

Similarly, the Abuja–Kaduna highway, previously infamous for rampant kidnappings and ambushes, is now operational 24 hrs under constant military and police surveillance. Other major highways, such as the Kaduna–Kano expressway and the Jos–Akwanga–Lafia–Abuja corridor, now also witness 24-hour vehicular movement, marking a sharp contrast to the fear and hesitation that characterized travel in these areas just a few years ago.

Still, it’s important to remember that security is both delicate and dynamic. A full year of relative peace can be overshadowed by a single horrific incident. Groups like Boko Haram, ISWAP, and various bandit factions, such as the Lakurawa and Ansaru cells, still carry out attacks on soft targets in rural and semi-urban areas. While the overall frequency and scale of these attacks may be decreasing, their sporadic nature continues to pose serious challenges.

Between 2022 and 2024, several Nigerian security and intelligence agencies have reported significant gains. The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) indicated a 65% reduction in overall crime and criminality nationwide since May 2023. This figure is based on cumulative data from military operations, police reports, and inter-agency assessments.

The Department of State Services (DSS), particularly in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), recorded a significant decline in high-profile crimes, including kidnappings, armed robberies, and terrorist threats, through 2023 and into early 2024.

The Nigeria Police Force also published extensive data on its security efforts: between 2023 and early 2024, police operations led to the arrest of 30,313 suspects linked to serious crimes such as kidnapping, armed robbery, cultism, and banditry. In the same period, 1,984 illegal firearms were recovered, along with 23,250 rounds of ammunition. Additionally, 1,581 kidnapped victims were successfully rescued across various states.

The proliferation of small arms and light weapons has long fueled Nigeria’s insecurity. However, between 2022 and 2024, the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) recorded historic achievements. In February 2023, the Centre announced that it had recovered more than 10,000 small arms and light weapons from non-state actors during nationwide disarmament operations. By February 2024, the total number of retrieved weapons had increased to 20,000 firearms and over 60,000 units of ammunition.

Furthermore, in September 2024, the NCCSALW undertook the destruction of 30,132 recovered weapons, ranging from decommissioned and unserviceable arms to illicitly owned firearms.

The Nigerian Armed Forces, particularly the Army, have achieved notable success over the past three years. Between 2022 and 2025, military operations resulted in the neutralization of more than 8,034 terrorists across various theatres of operation, including the North-East, North-West, and North-Central regions. In February 2024 alone, 105 terrorists were eliminated during targeted counterterrorism operations. and 140 capture

A total of 6,376 kidnapped victims were rescued from insurgent enclaves and bandit hideouts in 2024 alone, thanks to joint operations involving the Army, Air Force, and local vigilante groups. These successes have contributed significantly to restoring public confidence in the state’s ability to respond to threats.

Additionally, by December 2024, the Nigerian military had dismantled numerous terrorist camps and degraded the operational capabilities of insurgent groups in several flashpoints. More than 20 high-profile bandit leaders and commanders were eliminated in precision operations, including:

 1. Ali Kachalla (Ƙawaje)

 2. Kachallah Dogo Kwaddi

 3. Lawali Dodo

 4. Ɓoderi

 5. Sani Wala-birki

 6. Kachallah Hana-Zuwa

 7. Damina

 8. Kachalla Sani Dangote

 9. Kachalla Adamu

 10. Halilu Sububu

 11. Baleri

 12. Modi Modi

 13. Kachalla Mai Shayi

 14. Kachalla Tsoho Lulu

 15. Ibrahim Nagure

 16. Kachalla Makore

 17. Bulak

 18. Tukur Sharme

 19. Hassan Ɗantawaye

 20.Ɗan-Isuhu

These names had long terrorised communities, operated illegal taxation systems, and masterminded large-scale abductions. Their deaths signal a turning point in Nigeria’s war against insecurity—at least in the short to medium term.

Critics, supporters, and objective observers alike hold valid perspectives on Ribadu’s claim. Security cannot be judged solely by statistics or isolated incidents—it must be assessed holistically, with a view to sustainability. While it would be inaccurate to declare total victory over insecurity, the data and field reports suggest that Nigeria is making measurable, strategic progress.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with complex internal threats, public expectations remain high. Citizens want not just temporary relief but long-term stability. Ribadu’s statement may be politically timed, but the figures back up his assertion, at least in terms of trend and direction. Whether or not one agrees with the 90% figure, one thing is clear: the tide appears to be gradually turning in favour of the state.

The challenge now is to sustain these gains, institutionalise reforms, and ensure that security is perceived and lived by every Nigerian in every part of the country.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Safiyanu Ladan 

The Kaduna State government recently announced that it has entered a peace deal with notorious bandits, particularly in the Birnin Gwari and Giwa Local Government Areas. The aim of the deal is to end banditry in the region. This development is a positive step forward.

For years, bandits have wreaked havoc on local communities, resulting in thousands of deaths and the displacement of millions. Their actions have severely disrupted the socioeconomic activities of these areas.

According to the government, the peace deal is yielding positive results. Relative stability has returned to the affected regions. A cattle market that had been closed for decades has resumed operations, and residents can now go about their daily activities without constant fear of attacks or kidnappings.

However, although relative peace has been observed in the northern part of the state over the past few months, the situation in the southern part is significantly different. Recently, residents of Anguwan Ate in Kachia Local Government Area have staged protests due to the ongoing attacks and kidnappings carried out by bandits.

The resurgence of kidnappings in certain areas of the state following the peace deal is concerning. The government and other stakeholders involved in brokering this peace agreement need to reassess the situation and address any existing loopholes to prevent an escalation of violence.

Safiyanu Ladan wrote from Kaduna.

By Uzair Adam  

Fifteen individuals, identified as members of local vigilante groups, lost their lives on Saturday due to an accidental military airstrike in Tungar Kara and surrounding villages in Maradun and Zurmi Local Government Areas of Zamfara State. 

The Daily Reality reports that over 30 others sustained injuries in the incident.  

Residents disclosed that the tragedy occurred after successfully repelling bandits in two separate attacks. 

According to Musa, a resident of Jan-Bako, bandits had invaded the villages on Friday but were driven away by armed locals. 

“On Saturday, the bandits regrouped and returned, but we fought back and chased them out again,” Musa explained.  

While villagers stationed themselves on nearby hills to monitor any potential return of the bandits, a military jet reportedly mistook them for criminals. It launched an attack, resulting in civilian casualties.  

Muhammad Aminu, another local, lamented the tragedy, saying, “After chasing away the bandits, a military fighter jet bombed our people. It is devastating and deeply regrettable.”  

A police officer in Maradun LGA confirmed that most victims were vigilantes and members of the Zamfara Community Protection Guards (CPG) who had been pursuing the fleeing bandits. 

“Their outfits might have led to the mistaken identification as bandits,” the officer added.  

The Zamfara State Governor, Dauda Lawal, extended his condolences to the victims’ families in a statement issued by his spokesperson, Sulaiman Bala Idris. 

While commending the military’s efforts against banditry, the governor described the incident as an unfortunate error. 

“We pray for the repose of the souls of the deceased and will support their families,” the statement read.  

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) confirmed it had carried out airstrikes targeting bandits in the area. 

In a separate statement, NAF’s Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Vice Marshal Olusola Akinboyewa, said top bandit commanders were neutralized during the operation. 

However, the statement did not directly address the civilian casualties, noting that precision targeting and real-time intelligence were used during the strikes.  

Despite successes reported by the NAF in degrading bandit networks, locals expressed frustration over recurring civilian deaths in military operations. 

This incident brings the total number of deaths from accidental military airstrikes in Nigeria over the past 11 years to 465, according to data compiled by Daily Trust.  

Residents have called for enhanced intelligence-gathering to prevent further loss of civilian lives in the fight against banditry.