By H. A. Dandajeh

I was in Ajah, Lagos State, a few weeks ago, where I observed a large number of beggars, mostly women and children, ranging 5 – 13years, from Northern Nigeria, occupying the road divider along Addo Road under the Ajah bridge.

The situation was quite disturbing. Apart from being an eyesore, the persistent manner in which many of them approached unknown vehicles in search of alms was deeply concerning. Some kids were left fighting within themselves and some provocatively dancing to the street music with obviously no parent to send them to schools and no one to discipline them for bad behavior and wrongdoings.

I asked someone where these individuals sleep, how their safety and security are guaranteed, and whether the women are protected from harassment by street gangs and other criminal elements? No clear answers were forthcoming.

The Lagos State Government’s efforts to sanitize and regulate public spaces within the state especially with the escalating rate of insecurity shouldn’t be questioned. The Lagos authorities are not going after genuine Northern traders, but beggars who can easily be compromised as vulnerable security threats.

Beyond issues of aesthetics of Lagos, there are important concerns relating to public safety, human dignity, child welfare and education that must not be ignored.

We cannot continue to tolerate the commercialization of intentional, avoidable and unjustified begging in some parts of Northern Nigeria and then criticize other regions when they take decisive measures to protect their communities and maintain public order.

As a society, we can, and must, do better. We owe it to ourselves to create environments that uphold human dignity, encourage productivity, and provide vulnerable individuals with sustainable opportunities rather than leaving them exposed on the streets.

Every parent must be held responsibly accountable to his family!

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A tragic road accident involving a military vehicle and a commercial Hummer bus has claimed six lives along the Girei–Song Highway in Adamawa State.

The fatal crash occurred on Wednesday afternoon and involved a military gun truck travelling from Gombi to Yola and a commercial bus heading from Yola to Mubi with five passengers on board.

Witnesses said the collision happened at about 1:50 p.m. and caused the bus to overturn before it caught fire. The flames reportedly consumed the vehicle and killed all its occupants.

Among those who lost their lives were four members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), a soldier and another passenger.

The Adamawa State Police Command confirmed the incident through its spokesperson, SP Suleiman Ngurore. He said the accident took place around the Narehi area in Girei–Song Local Government Area.

According to him, “Tragically, all five passengers aboard the Hummer bus were burnt to death after the vehicle caught fire following the collision.

“Preliminary identification shows that four of the deceased were members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) posted to Adamawa State.”

Ngurore identified two of the deceased corps members as Suleiman Juliet and Usman Shuaibu, both natives of Kaduna State. He added that authorities were still working to establish the identities of the remaining victims.

The police spokesperson also disclosed that a soldier travelling in the military vehicle died as a result of the crash.

He said police officers and emergency personnel responded promptly to the scene, while the remains of the victims were taken to the Specialist Hospital in Yola.

Ngurore stated that efforts were ongoing to identify all those affected and notify their relatives. He added that more information would be released as the investigation progresses.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

At least one person was killed and 63 others sustained injuries after an Iranian drone struck a passenger terminal at Kuwait International Airport on Wednesday, amid renewed hostilities involving Iran and US forces in the Gulf region.

Indian authorities confirmed that the victim was an Indian national, while several other citizens were among those injured in the attack.

Kuwait’s military strongly condemned the incident and described it as an act of “criminal Iranian aggression”. Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, however, blamed US actions for the escalation. The group alleged that American forces had targeted a tanker and a communications tower on Qeshm Island, prompting a response.

The latest violence has raised concerns about the stability of the April 8 ceasefire that halted more than a month of fighting triggered by US-Israeli airstrikes on Iran. Although the truce has largely remained in place, occasional exchanges of fire have continued.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Tehran of “playing with fire”.

“Iran surely knows what the (US) president has said, that if necessary, there’ll be a full-scale return to military action,” Netanyahu warned in an interview with US channel CNBC, referring to threats made by Donald Trump.

Kuwaiti health ministry spokesman Abdullah al-Sanad said 63 people received medical treatment for injuries sustained in the attack. He noted that the casualties suffered “including head wounds, cerebral haemorrhages, amputations and injuries resulting from explosions”.

Following the strike, Kuwaiti authorities temporarily suspended air traffic and redirected incoming flights to alternative destinations. Flight operations later resumed through Kuwait Airways.

The airport has come under attack on several occasions during the conflict and had only returned to full operations earlier this week.

Kuwait said it detected 30 ballistic missiles and drones launched during what it described as “heinous Iranian aggression”. The country also rejected claims from Tehran that its territory and airspace had been used for attacks against Iran.

A resident living near the airport, Hassan Sheikh, recounted hearing multiple explosions overnight.

“For the first time, my children felt how serious the situation was,” he said.

Bahrain also reported overnight drone attacks, while the United Arab Emirates called for a “cohesive Gulf stance” among neighbouring states in response to Iran.

Although Iran’s Revolutionary Guards did not claim responsibility for the airport strike, they accused Kuwait and Bahrain of assisting US military operations. The group said it had targeted “the Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait, which hosts helicopters”.

Iran’s chief negotiator in talks with the United States, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, warned that any “aggression will be met with a decisive, regrettable, and proportionate response”.

Meanwhile, the US military said it had “successfully defeated” several Iranian missile and drone attacks directed at Kuwait and Bahrain. It also confirmed carrying out strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island.

Bahraini authorities reported intercepting three Iranian missiles and several drones.

The escalation coincided with diplomatic efforts in Washington, where US, Israeli and Lebanese officials held discussions aimed at ending the parallel conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

According to the Lebanese embassy in Washington, a proposed US-backed arrangement would initially cover Israeli attacks on Beirut and Hezbollah operations against Israeli territory.

Neither side has publicly endorsed the proposal. Senior Hezbollah official Mahmud Qomati said in a written statement that the group “will not accept a partial ceasefire”.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington wanted the Lebanon talks to remain separate from negotiations involving Iran, although Tehran has repeatedly linked both conflicts.

Israeli forces have expanded ground operations in Lebanon, marking their deepest advance into the country in two decades.

Lebanese authorities said Israeli strikes on Wednesday killed at least nine people in southern Lebanon, including two paramedics. Another airstrike reportedly targeted a vehicle near Beirut.

Hezbollah claimed responsibility for a rocket attack against Israeli troops in northern Israel, stating that the action was a response to what it described as Israeli violations of an existing ceasefire.

A truce intended to halt fighting in Lebanon was scheduled to take effect on April 17, but both sides have continued military operations.

Israeli officials have maintained that attacks on northern Israeli communities by Hezbollah could trigger strikes on Beirut’s southern suburbs. They say the position is supported by Washington.

Netanyahu also said Trump shared his objective of disarming Hezbollah in order to “save Lebanon”.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Federal Government has taken delivery of the report submitted by an independent investigative panel that examined allegations of corruption, abuse of authority, torture and other forms of misconduct within the Nigerian Correctional Service.

Minister of Interior, Dr. Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, announced the development in a statement published on his official page. He explained that the panel was inaugurated in November 2024 and completed its work after spending 18 months investigating the allegations.

The panel was headed by the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Interior, Dr. Magdalene Ajani.

Tunji-Ojo said the report would provide a roadmap for reforms aimed at improving correctional facilities and strengthening the rehabilitation of inmates across the country.

“The findings will serve as a strong foundation for transforming our correctional facilities from mere places of incarceration into true centres of rehabilitation, reformation, restoration and reintegration,” he stated.

The minister also pointed to progress recorded through rehabilitation initiatives in correctional centres. He said the number of former inmates who returned to custody after release had fallen sharply over the past few years.

According to him, recidivism cases reduced from 11,616 inmates in 2023 to 1,382 inmates in 2025.

He further disclosed that 62 inmates are currently enrolled in postgraduate programmes, while 261 are pursuing undergraduate degrees. In addition, 1,125 inmates are involved in various educational programmes and 9,582 others are undergoing vocational and skills acquisition training.

“As a government, we are committed to ensuring that no Nigerian, whether free or in custody, is left behind,” the minister said.

Tunji-Ojo added that the government would begin the process of implementing the panel’s recommendations through monitoring and evaluation mechanisms aimed at improving correctional administration nationwide.

“Our goal is clear. Never again should our correctional centres be associated with dehumanisation, corruption, or discrimination,” he added.

By Ismail Bello Darazo 

Competence has become a problem in the Nigerian political system. It is quite unfortunate to witness how political office-holders are replaced by incompetent politicians, all in the guise of loyalty, who cover their records while in office without any consequences and who also have the ability to influence policymaking even after leaving office. However, the successor would remain dependent, and his deliberations would be centred on serving his Godfather’s interests rather than providing better representation and good governance to his people, should this happen. He would end up dancing to the puppet masters’ orders, godfathers.

Nevertheless, good representation can be achieved when the right people hold political office, but this practice has become a thing of the past, especially during the consensus period being postulated by the ruling APC. The best leadership that tremendously transformed Nigeria occurred in the past, and it was not achieved through consensus; rather, it enabled people to produce those who could wake up to their collective development.

You’ll see an outgoing governor vouching for someone who lacks the credibility and qualifications to deliver good governance, yet he imposes that candidate on his people despite having better options among the contestants.

One million dollar questions are: When handpicking the competent candidates for any elective positions, why consider less competent aspirants that would make it difficult for the party to win an election? Or why are better options ignored? Lo and behold! Is the handpicking in the interest of the generality? Or is competence no longer a priority, or who, after all, benefits from the selection? These questions, nevertheless, have kept ringing in my mind.

My submission to power shapers or moulders is: always do your best, and it will come back in an unexpected way. Give your people the leadership they deserve, not your personal interest. In my undergraduate days, I learnt from the qualities of a good leader that “Public interest supersedes personal interest.” Give good people the opportunity to change the narrative, not those who will drag us backwards.

Ismail Bello Darazo writes from Bauchi State via Ismailbello054@gmail.com.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu

Rice farmers in Kebbi State are in a dilemma as quila birds, locally known as Buwa, continue to threaten food security by devouring their farm produce.

During a visit to rice clusters in the Argungu fadama land, including Dankwalli, Kuyar Masama, Janduma, Kwalaga, and others, farmers were seen shouting, wielding sticks, and using other materials to make loud noises to scare the birds away from their farms.

The farmers described the situation as disastrous. “Quila birds need only a short time to finish what farmers spend months cultivating. This forces us to move early to the farms and prevent the birds from ending our farming,” said Lauwali Usman, a farmer at the Dankwalli rice cluster.

Another farmer, Usman in Kuyar Masama,  explained how the quila bird “has caused some farmers to harvest their rice early because they can no longer keep moving to their farms every morning and evening to prevent the birds from eating their produce. They are afraid of losing what they spent months cultivating.”

Many farmers have stories to tell about the quila bird and how it threatens rice farming. What they share in common, however, is an appeal to authorities to assist them by spreading chemicals to eliminate the birds, arguing that traditional methods are too weak.

In a previous interview, Dr Aminu Aliyu, an agriculturalist who teaches at the Department of Agricultural Education, Adamu Augie College of Education, Argungu, said the best and most scientific method of addressing the quila bird problem is “locating their nesting environment and spreading chemicals. This can be achieved by collaborating with local farmers and extension agents, and is normally done by the state government or in conjunction with the federal government.”

Dr Aliyu described quila birds as “migratory birds that travel long distances and can cause havoc to any farm they stay on, even within a short period.”

Apart from rising input costs and the petrol price hike due to subsidy removal, the quila bird has been a major problem affecting rice farmers since the beginning of dry season farming, known locally as Katashi in Kebbi State.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Three former members of the Osun State House of Assembly have ended their membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC), marking another development within the party in the state.

The politicians, Lekan Oyediran, Aleem Bakare and Folorunso Oladoyin, submitted separate resignation letters to APC local government chairmen between June 1 and June 2.

Bakare attributed his decision to what he described as a lack of internal democracy within the party. However, Oyediran and Oladoyin did not state any reasons for their departures in their letters.

Oyediran represented Odo Otin State Constituency in the Osun State House of Assembly from 1999 to 2003. Bakare served as the lawmaker for Ejigbo State Constituency between 2003 and 2007.

Oladoyin represented Ife South State Constituency from 2011 to 2019. He later served as Osun State Commissioner for Education during the administration of former Governor Adegboyega Oyetola until the government left office in November 2022. Bakare also worked in Oyetola’s administration as Special Adviser on Land Matters.

The three former lawmakers are known associates of former APC National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore, who has maintained a distance from party activities since the conclusion of the APC governorship primary in December 2025.

Speaking on the development, spokesperson for the Senator Iyiola Omisore Campaign Organisation, Jamiu Olawumi, acknowledged that the former lawmakers were close to Omisore. He, however, denied suggestions that the former deputy governor directed them to leave the party.

According to Olawumi, the politicians may have made the decision after assessing their political prospects.

He also dismissed speculation that Omisore was preparing to leave the APC.

“The anxiety is unfounded and baseless. We support Iyiola Omisore for his governorship ambition. Anyway, we went for him, we saw his capacity and capability, that is why we went to invite him to come and contest.

“So, if the outcome of the contest amounts to our strongest defence line being removed, people who cannot withstand the shock could leave the party, and could also leave his camp to join the winning camp.

“That does not mean Omisore is leaving the party, because Omisore was not our breadwinner. We are political associates. So, people who want to be mischievous, and who are taking the animosity that far, they say his men are leaving, that he was going to leave.

“Those who left are Oyetola’s men too. Bamisayemi (Oladoyin) was a Commissioner for education under Oyetola. While Oyetola is losing his cabinet member, Omisore is also losing his supporters. These are the inner members of the caucus of Oyetola now who are leaving the party. It is not about Omisore but about their conviction that the party had not fulfilled their dreams and they cannot realise their dreams and aspirations within the party.”

Responding to the resignations, Osun APC spokesperson, Kola Olabisi, said the party was not worried by the development. He noted that members have the constitutional right to join or leave any political party.

Olabisi also argued that the APC had attracted several prominent politicians, particularly from the Peoples Democratic Party, in numbers that exceeded those leaving the party.

By Abubakar I. Hamisu

There is a peculiar cruelty in self-inflicted wounds. The African Democratic Congress entered the 2026 political season as perhaps the most consequential opposition force Nigeria has seen in years. Buoyed by the defection of high-profile figures, widespread disillusionment with the ruling establishment, and a genuine public appetite for an alternative, the party had accumulated a reservoir of goodwill that most Nigerian political parties can only dream of. Then came the primaries.

What unfolded in Kaduna State on 25th May 2026 — and in the disputed conduct surrounding it — offers a sobering case study in how a political party can, in a single act of institutional recklessness, begin to squander the very things that made it credible. The ADC must reckon with this honestly, because the consequences of continued evasion are not merely uncomfortable — they are potentially catastrophic.

I.  The Weight of Expectations

To appreciate the gravity of what is at stake, one must first understand what the ADC represented to millions of Nigerians before these primaries. Here was a party that loudly and repeatedly distinguished itself from the culture of impunity that has long characterised Nigerian party politics. Its guidelines for the conduct of primaries — detailed, comprehensive, and impressively structured — reflected an institutional seriousness rarely seen. Its rhetoric promised transparency where there had been opacity, fairness where there had been manipulation, and internal democracy where there had been imposition. Nigerians, understandably exhausted by the status quo, believed it.

That belief is now under acute stress. And the stress was entirely preventable.

II.  What Went Wrong in Kaduna

The documented record is damning. A formal petition filed by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello, a cleared governorship aspirant, alleges the deployment of armed thugs at voting centres, systematic compromise of accreditation procedures, multiple voting by the same individuals, deliberate delays that disenfranchised legitimate party members, and partisan conduct by electoral officials. These are not vague grievances — they are specific, numbered allegations supported by agents’ reports, documentary evidence, and video recordings.

More significantly, none of this was unforeseeable. Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the Kaduna State ADC leader, wrote an urgent letter to the party’s national leadership five days before the election, specifically warning that the composition of the Electoral Committee was compromised, that it included individuals aligned with particular interests, and that proceeding on that basis would produce rejection, division, and avoidable conflict. He recommended a restructured committee with equal representation of all aspirants and a neutral chairman. The party leadership ignored him.

This is not a mere procedural lapse. It is an institutional failure of the highest order — the failure to heed a timely, well-reasoned, written warning from a senior leader. When the predicted crisis materialised, the party had no defence of ignorance to fall back on.

III.  The Structural Contradictions

Beyond the specific allegations, the post-primary period has revealed structural contradictions that compound the problem. The ADC’s own Guidelines, issued under document reference ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026, prescribe a five-member Governorship Election Appeal Committee. The committee actually constituted for Kaduna State has only three members. This means the very body now tasked with adjudicating the petition may itself be improperly constituted under the party’s rules — a fact that could render any decision it makes susceptible to further challenge.

The Guidelines also specify that the Appeal Committee chairman must be a legal practitioner. Whether this requirement was met is a matter that deserves scrutiny. And critically, the Electoral Committee, whose conduct is under challenge, and the Appeal Committee now hearing the challenge, were both appointed by the same National Working Committee whose judgment El-Rufai had already called into question. The structural independence that credible adjudication requires is, at minimum, compromised in appearance, even if not in fact.

These are not technicalities. In a party whose entire brand proposition rests on institutional integrity, such contradictions between prescribed standards and actual practice are deeply corrosive.

IV.  The Broader Danger: Goodwill Is Not Infinite

Political goodwill operates on a logic similar to financial credit — it takes considerable time and consistent behaviour to build, and can be destroyed with alarming speed. The ADC’s current wave of support is real, but it is also fragile, because it is largely aspirational. People have not yet seen the ADC govern; they have invested hope in what it promises to be. That makes its conduct of internal processes not less important but more so, because right now, how the party treats its own members and aspirants is the only tangible evidence voters have of how it will treat citizens if it wins power.

A party that deploys thugs at its own primaries, that ignores the warnings of its own leaders, that constitutes committees in violation of its own guidelines, and that then routes complaints through an Appeal Committee of questionable constitution — that party is not offering voters an alternative to what they already know. It is offering them a more eloquently packaged version of the same thing.

If this perception takes hold, and it is already forming, the consequences will be severe. The ADC’s most valuable assets — the defectors from other parties, the civil society goodwill, the international attention, the young voters mobilising for the first time — are all conditional on the party remaining what it claims to be. Many of these stakeholders have alternatives. They can return to where they came from, or simply disengage entirely. A mass exodus triggered by disillusionment is not a dramatic possibility; it is a rational response to evidence.

V.  The Kaduna Dimension

Kaduna State deserves particular emphasis because it is not simply one state among many. It is a bellwether. It carries the political profile of El-Rufai, whose national name recognition and credibility were among the factors that drew attention to the ADC in the first place. A perception that his influence was marginalised — or worse, that the primary was conducted in a manner designed to sideline his preferred candidates — goes far beyond Kaduna. It sends a signal nationally about who actually controls the ADC’s machinery and whose interests it truly serves.

Kaduna is also a fiercely contested political environment where the ADC had genuine prospects for 2027. Those prospects depend entirely on the party presenting a united, credible front. Disputed primaries, unresolved grievances, and aspirants who feel wronged do not produce united fronts. They produce parallel campaigns, strategic withdrawals of support, and the kind of internal sabotage that Nigerian political parties know all too well.

VI.  The Legal Quagmire

If the internal appeals process fails to deliver justice — either because the Appeal Committee is improperly constituted, or because its decisions lack credibility, or because aggrieved parties escalate externally — the ADC risks entering a web of litigation that will dominate its pre-election period. Court injunctions against the use of a candidate’s name, challenges to the validity of the primary itself, and INEC-related complications arising from disputed results could paralyse the party’s 2027 campaign machinery at the state and national level simultaneously. Nigerian political litigation moves slowly enough that cases filed today can remain unresolved on election day — and an unresolved cloud over a governorship candidate is a gift to opponents.

The ADC’s own Guidelines warn against this explicitly, noting that internal disputes that escalate to court will distract from the electoral mission. That warning is now prophetic.

VII.  What the ADC Must Do

The path forward is not mysterious. The Appeal Committee must act with courage and genuine independence, not as an instrument of ratification for a flawed outcome. If the evidence supports the allegations — and the documented record suggests it substantially does — the committee must say so, clearly and without equivocation. A fresh, properly supervised primary must be ordered.

Beyond Kaduna, the NWC must conduct an honest national audit of how primaries were conducted across other states, and address systemic lapses before they become the subject of additional petitions, legal challenges, and media narratives. The party’s monitoring teams, whose reports must exist, should be scrutinised to understand how these irregularities were either missed or not acted upon.

Most fundamentally, the party must demonstrate — through action, not rhetoric — that its institutional promises are real. Every grievance left unaddressed, every irregular committee decision left standing, every warning from senior leaders left unheeded, chips away at the one thing that no political party can afford to lose and easily regain: the presumption that it is different.

Conclusion

The ADC is at a crossroads that is more consequential than it may yet fully appreciate. The 2027 general elections represent a genuine opportunity to reshape Nigerian politics in ways that matter. But opportunities of this kind are not permanent. They expire. They expire when the public concludes that a party promising change is, in its internal conduct, indistinguishable from what came before.

The clumsy handling of the Kaduna gubernatorial primary is not merely an administrative embarrassment. It is a test of institutional character. Nigerians are watching — not just the outcome of the petition, but how the party responds to it. The ADC still has time to show that its guidelines are not decorative documents, that its leaders’ warnings are not ignored, and that its members’ votes are not disposable commodities. But that time is not unlimited, and it is running.

Sources & References

This essay is an independent commentary based on the following documents: ADC Guidelines for the Conduct of Primary Elections (April 2026, Ref: ADC/NWC/PE/001/2026); Petition by Prof. Muhammad Sani Bello against the conduct of the Kaduna State Governorship Primary Election (27th May 2026); Urgent Message to ADC National Leadership by Malam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (20th May 2026, ICPC Detention Day 94); ADC Process and Procedure Guide to Electoral Committee Members issued by the National Organising Secretary; State Electoral and Appeal Committees for Kaduna State issued by the ADC National Publicity Secretary.

By Muhammad Abubakar

U.S. Representative Thomas Massie has called for a temporary suspension of American aid to Israel, arguing that such a move would quickly reduce tensions in the Middle East and lower energy prices.

Massie’s remarks came in response to reports that President Donald Trump angrily confronted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over Israel’s military actions in Lebanon. According to Axios, Trump warned Netanyahu that Israel’s operations were undermining U.S. diplomatic efforts in the region and risked escalating the conflict.

Reacting to the report on social media, Massie wrote that Washington should “just withhold foreign aid to Israel for a month,” claiming the move would prompt Israel to halt military operations against its neighbours, help reopen the Strait of Hormuz, and reduce U.S. gasoline prices. He also described Israel as “the biggest welfare recipient from American taxpayers.”

Massie’s comments add to ongoing debates in Washington over U.S. military and financial support for Israel amid heightened regional tensions and concerns about the broader economic impact of instability in the Middle East.

By Uzair Adam

A senior adviser to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, has warned that Tehran would respond with a massive wave of missile and drone attacks if the United States carries out further military strikes against the country.

Mohsen Rezaei, a military adviser to Khamenei, issued the warning on Wednesday in a post on X, declaring that any new aggression by Washington would trigger an immediate and forceful response.

“Every shot fired and every attack will be met with a deluge of missiles and drones,” Rezaei wrote, adding that “the aggressor will swiftly be punished.”

The warning comes in the wake of recent US strikes targeting an Iranian tanker and facilities on Qeshm Island.

The attacks reportedly heightened tensions in the region and were followed by retaliatory strikes on Kuwait and Bahrain.

The latest exchange of threats has further raised concerns about a wider escalation of hostilities in the Middle East.