By Muhammad Sulaiman

A social media outcry has erupted in Kebbi State following claims that the Executive Chairman of the state’s Pilgrims Welfare Agency donated 100 cars to support the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s 2027 election campaign.

Bashir Jelani, a Kebbi indigene and scholar based in the United States, raised the issue in a Facebook post, questioning the reported donation amid concerns over poverty, malnutrition and access to clean drinking water in the state.

Jelani drew attention to reports highlighting Kebbi’s development challenges, citing the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), StatiSense, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and UNICEF.

He questioned the reported donation in a state he described as facing severe socioeconomic challenges, asking where the money used to acquire the vehicles came from.

Other Kebbi residents have reportedly expressed similar concerns, with the controversy prompting questions about the source of funding for the vehicles and the priorities of public officials under the administration of Governor Nasir Idris, popularly known as Ƙauran Gwandu.

However, the circumstances surrounding the alleged donation, including the source of funding and the intended recipients of the vehicles, remain unclear. The claims and the statistics cited in the Facebook post could not be independently verified for this report.

The agency chairman and the Kebbi State Government have not been quoted as responding to the allegations.

Ali Tijjani Hassan

I am in Damaturu to witness the third edition of the Yobe State Spelling Bee Competition, and to be honest, I might not be doing justice to what I witnessed if I wait for decades before telling my unborn children about how Governor Mai Mala Buni, CON, is gradually refining the educational sector in Yobe State during his tenure.

His Excellency, the Deputy Governor of Yobe State, Alhaji Idi Barde Gubana, Wazirin Fune, declared the programme open and encouraged the young participants to do their best and make their communities proud. As he said, and I quote: “Forty-five years back, we were at your level, but today we are at the mantle of leadership and about to exit. You are indeed the leaders of tomorrow, and you are on the right track.” 

The Deputy Governor also appreciated the Secretary to the Yobe State Government, Dr Mohammed Goje, FRSPH, for initiating, sustaining, and continuously improving this remarkable programme. He described it as an epitome of Dr Goje’s foresighted, selfless and transformative leadership in redefining the future of young people across the state.

It gladdened my heart to see some of the finest young brains among us serving as judges and facilitators. Among them was my friend, Shamsiyya Ibrahim Barde, a recent UN guest and UNOCT champion, who served as the lead judge, while Zara Alim Bakari, as the Master of Ceremony.

Then came the preliminary stage, where every participant had the opportunity to step onto the podium and show what they had upstairs. It was one of those experiences you genuinely wish you could record and replay. I saw young and talented teenagers trying to figure out what they could do with their abilities. For me, that is one of the greatest values of the Spelling Bee. Beyond competition, it gives young people a platform to discover, sharpen and showcase their abilities while preparing themselves for a world that will demand excellence from them. 

And, of course, the real drama started when a young man who, by all indications, is my Fulani brother, was asked to spell “Maritime.” My brother tried spelling it three times. The judges disagreed about his alphabet pronunciation, largely because of mother-tongue interference. For those of us in the audience, it became difficult to tell whether the sound he produced in the second syllable was “M” or “N.” As the debate intensified and the young man probably realised that his English-language command was not going to rescue him, he switched to Hausa and asked: Wai ko ba ‘Maritime’ ake nufi ba?”

The entire hall erupted in laughter. That young man single-handedly revived the energy in the room. But beyond the laughter, I admired something about him: confidence. He wasn’t afraid to try the word, even when he wasn’t entirely sure of himself. And sometimes, that confidence to stand before people, try, and keep going despite a barrier is itself a form of education.

Of course, I saw many other vibrant young people who came fully prepared to take the trophy home. Their confidence, composure and command of words were genuinely impressive.

Then came another moment that caught my attention. A young participant with visual impairment appeared on stage and was asked to spell “Senator.” He requested the assistance he needed to participate effectively, explaining that he had been taught to read and interpret words through a system different from what most of us were familiar with. That moment made me appreciate something beyond the competition itself: the preparation that went into making the programme inclusive. It reminded me that education is not truly transformative until it makes room for everyone.

I was equally impressed by the commitment of the organisers and stakeholders. The Secretary to the State Government, Dr Mohammed Goje, alongside members of his team and associates, including Dr Sa’id Ali Kori of Thinklab, Dr Suleiman Dauda of SOLID, Dr Bulama Maina Yaro of the Yobe State Pilot Livestock Development Programme, Dr Babagana Muhammad of Nigeria Food Corporation, and Prof. Sheriff Almuhajir of YMFB, maintained a constant presence throughout the programme despite their various professional and personal commitments. To me, that speaks to the strong commitment to the initiative.

The Yobe State Spelling Bee Competition is becoming more than an academic competition. It is creating a platform where young people can discover their confidence, test their abilities, compete with their peers and begin to imagine themselves in spaces of excellence.

And perhaps the greatest lesson from the competition is one I have always believed: School was never a scam. Give a child the right environment, expose them to opportunities, challenge them intellectually, and you may be watching the early stages of someone who will one day change your community.

The Yobe Spelling Bee is, without doubt, setting a pace for a future trajectory built around education, confidence, talent and the pursuit of excellence among the younger generation of Yobe State. Let’s come back tomorrow to witness what the next session’s “knock-out stage” will offer us. But I believe that many emotional moments would unfold.

Ali Tijjani Hassan writes from Damaturu.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello has expressed confidence in his chances of defeating Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in the 2027 Kogi Central senatorial election.

Bello, a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and Akpoti-Uduaghan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are expected to contest the seat in the forthcoming election.

Their political relationship has been marked by public accusations and legal disputes. In October 2022, Bello accused Akpoti-Uduaghan of involvement in the Ajaokuta massacre and the Kuje prison break, incidents that occurred between June and July of that year.

Akpoti-Uduaghan denied the allegations, stating that she was in the United States for pregnancy-related reasons and childbirth at the time.

On November 4, 2022, she responded to Bello’s accusations by describing him as a “murderer, serial killer, and a terror to the people of Kogi State”.

Speaking during an appearance on TVC’s Sunday Politics, Bello said he was confident of securing victory in the senatorial contest.

“16 January 2027 is around the corner, the result will speak for itself.

“Let the day come and go, the day will bring massive votes, a decisive victory for Yahaya Bello, the former governor of Kogi State, and for APC,” he said.

The election is expected to determine who represents Kogi Central in the Senate for the next term.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Ogun State Police Command has arrested a 56-year-old man, Madarikan Emehinola, over the alleged killing of his wife, Igbagbo Erobe, 40, in a house fire in Ogun State.

The incident occurred in the Igbo-Edu area of Ogun Waterside Local Government Area and was reported to the Abigi Divisional Police Headquarters on Sunday, according to the police.

The command’s spokesperson, DSP Oluseyi Babaseyi, said the woman was reportedly trapped inside the burning house and could not escape.

He explained that police operatives responded to the report, arrested the suspect and recovered the woman’s body from the scene.

The body has been deposited in a mortuary for an autopsy to determine the circumstances surrounding her death.

Babaseyi added that the suspect remained in custody as the case was being transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department in Eleweran, Abeokuta, for further investigation.

The police spokesperson also disclosed that the Commissioner of Police, CP Bode Ojajuni, had directed a thorough and professional investigation into the incident.

“The Commissioner of Police, Ogun State Command, CP Bode Ojajuni, assures the public that the matter will be investigated diligently and professionally in accordance with the law,” the statement said.

Ojajuni reaffirmed the command’s commitment to protecting lives and property, adding that domestic violence and murder would not be tolerated.

The suspect’s alleged involvement remains subject to investigation.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Reverend Father John Inalegwu Otache, a Catholic priest abducted in Benue State, has reportedly regained his freedom following a rescue operation involving security operatives and local vigilantes.

Otache serves as the parish priest of St. Margaret’s Parish, Ajegbe-Awume, in Ohimini Local Government Area of the state.

He was reportedly kidnapped on Tuesday, October 13, 2026, along the Otobi Amejo-Ajegbe Road while returning home from Otukpo.

His abduction raised concerns among members of the Catholic Diocese of Otukpo and residents of surrounding communities, prompting prayers and appeals for his safe return.

News of his reported rescue has brought relief to his congregation and other members of the Catholic community who had expressed concern over his whereabouts.

However, details surrounding the operation remain unclear. His current health condition and the specific circumstances of his reported release have yet to be confirmed.

Further information is expected as more details emerge.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

President Bola Tinubu has approved the acquisition of additional train coaches and surveillance equipment to improve railway services and address security threats, including banditry, kidnapping and vandalism.

The Permanent Secretary of the Federal Ministry of Transportation, Funso Adebiyi, disclosed this on Saturday while inspecting the Kano-Maradi railway project.

According to Adebiyi, the new coaches are expected to increase the capacity of railway services for both passengers and freight, while the surveillance equipment will help protect rail infrastructure and passengers.

He added that the ministry was training railway personnel to operate and maintain the coaches once they arrive.

Adebiyi made the disclosure during an inspection tour alongside the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Transportation and Mobility, Prince Adetokunbo Ademola Ade-John, and other government officials. The team also inspected bridge-beam casting work along the railway corridor.

The permanent secretary identified insecurity as a major challenge to railway operations, noting that attacks on rail infrastructure disrupt services, threaten lives and increase maintenance costs. He cited the Abuja-Kaduna railway corridor as an example of the security risks facing the sector.

“I’m glad to inform you that Mr President has given the go-ahead for us to embark on the acquisition of surveillance security equipment all across the country, and we are working around the clock to ensure this,” he said.

The planned acquisitions form part of the government’s efforts to strengthen railway security and improve the reliability of rail transportation across the country.

By Usman Shehu

It seems to me that there is some kind of realignment, knowingly or unknowingly, against Atiku Abubakar, the ADC presidential candidate and one of the leading opposition contenders. But, as they say, there is no smoke without fire.

I have followed with awe and listened carefully to politicians, activists, and experts on different platforms explaining, with conviction, why Atiku should not contest the presidency on the grounds of power rotation. Their main argument is that since former President Muhammadu Buhari, who is from the northern part of the country, spent eight years in office, it is only fair to allow the South to complete its own eight years before power returns to the North. Initially, this was not worrisome. But the argument has gathered momentum and continued to unfold in unanticipated ways.

I was struck by the extent to which the debate over regional rotation has come to dominate the political conversation, with several parties fielding southern candidates and influential voices insisting that the South should retain the presidency until 2031. Some argue that this arrangement could strategically benefit Atiku by making him the only strong candidate from the North. Others believe that it could make his ambition considerably more difficult.

Whatever the calculations, the question remains: Are these political actors genuinely motivated by fairness and national cohesion, or are some of them only pursuing their personal interests?

Even among northerners who have traditionally spoken about integrity, fairness, and democratic choice, there appears to be considerable support for the argument that the South should complete its turn. Everyone seems to be talking about power rotation, while relatively little attention is being paid to the competence, capacity, character, and policy choices of the candidates.

In their effort to counter this argument, Atiku’s supporters have pointed out that, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the distribution of presidential power between the North and the South has not been as straightforward as some advocates of rotation suggest. This is a legitimate point.

Olusegun Obasanjo governed from 1999 to 2007, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from 2007 to 2010, Goodluck Jonathan from 2010 to 2015, and Muhammadu Buhari from 2015 to 2023. Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023. The death of Yar’Adua and the subsequent completion of his term by Jonathan make any simple calculation of regional entitlement more complicated.

Should we, therefore, count the entire period since 1999, or should we treat Buhari’s eight years as the beginning of a new political cycle that the South must now complete? And who determines the rules by which this rotation should be measured?

There is a Hausa saying that goes, “In ka san na faɗa, ba ka san na mayar wa ba,” which roughly means, “You may know what to say, but you cannot predict the response.” This proverb captures the difficulty of the present debate. Every argument invites a counterargument, and every political arrangement creates expectations that others may interpret differently.

But perhaps we are spending too much time debating which region should produce the next president and too little time asking what the next president should actually do for the country. Power rotation has its merits. In a country as diverse as Nigeria, it can help build trust, encourage inclusion, and reassure different parts of the country that they will not be permanently excluded from the highest office. Those are legitimate concerns that should not be dismissed.

However, power rotation is an informal political convention, not a constitutional requirement that bars a qualified Nigerian from contesting the presidency because of where he comes from. More importantly, a convention intended to promote fairness should not become an end in itself, divorced from the quality of leadership it produces. A southern candidate is not automatically competent because the South is entitled to its turn. Neither is a northern candidate automatically disqualified from offering a better alternative because it is not his region’s turn. The question should be whether regional rotation is a guiding principle to be balanced with other considerations or a rule that overrides every other consideration, including the will of the electorate.

The more important question is whether the arguments being advanced can withstand scrutiny independently of the interests of those making them. Would the same people defend the principle of rotation if it worked against their preferred candidate or political allies? Would they insist on it even if voters overwhelmingly preferred a candidate from another region? These are legitimate questions in a political environment where principle and ambition can sometimes be difficult to separate.

Yet the debate should not be reduced to an accusation that everyone advocating rotation has a hidden agenda. Some people sincerely believe that respecting the South’s claim to eight years in office is necessary for national cohesion. Others may believe that opening the contest to candidates from every region offers a better chance of producing competent leadership. Both positions deserve to be examined on their merits. The real issue arises when a principle meant to promote inclusion becomes a means of narrowing democratic choice without a corresponding commitment to good governance.

If democracy is to function as it should, the preferences of political elites must not be allowed to substitute for the will of the people. Parties may establish conventions, negotiate alliances, and consider regional sensitivities, but the ultimate purpose of an election is to allow citizens to choose their leaders. That choice, however, is not made in a political vacuum.

Political elites control party structures, raise campaign funds, negotiate alliances, influence public debate, and often determine which candidates have a realistic chance of competing. They can shape the choices available to voters long before election day. Religious leaders, traditional institutions, business interests, and local political networks can also influence how people understand their interests and exercise their votes.

This is why the debate over 2027 cannot be understood simply as a contest between the masses and the elite. The two are interconnected. Voters may support a candidate backed by powerful politicians because they genuinely believe in that candidate, because they expect material benefits, because of regional or religious loyalties, or because they see no credible alternative.

The challenge is to determine when popular support reflects an independent assessment of a candidate and when it is being shaped by patronage, inducements, misinformation, or the absence of meaningful alternatives.

The Economist recently published an article whose headline captured an important contradiction in Nigerian politics: Nigerians may dislike their president and still re-elect him. That possibility should make us cautious about assuming that widespread dissatisfaction will automatically translate into electoral defeat for the incumbent.

A government can become unpopular without its opponents becoming more credible. Citizens can be frustrated with economic hardship and insecurity while remaining divided over which alternative to support. They can want a change of government but disagree profoundly about the person or party best suited to replace it. This is one of the most important questions facing the opposition in 2027.

For Atiku Abubakar, the challenge is therefore twofold. He must answer those who argue that a northern presidency would violate the spirit of regional rotation, but he must also persuade Nigerians that he offers a credible alternative to the incumbent government. It is not enough to argue that the Constitution permits him to contest or that the historical distribution of power does not justify excluding him. Those arguments establish his right to compete; they do not, by themselves, establish why Nigerians should elect him.

Atiku has criticised the economic consequences of petrol subsidy removal and proposed a different approach that would support domestic refining and make petroleum products more affordable. The proposal raises an important question about how government can reduce the cost of living while encouraging domestic production. But voters are entitled to ask how much such a policy would cost, how it would be funded, how eligibility would be determined, and what safeguards would prevent a return to the opacity and waste associated with the previous subsidy regime.

The same scrutiny should apply to his wider economic programme. What specific measures would he adopt to create jobs, expand electricity supply, improve education and healthcare, and strengthen the purchasing power of ordinary Nigerians? How would he finance these commitments without creating unsustainable fiscal pressures? What would he do differently from the current administration, and how would Nigerians measure the results?

His experience as a former vice-president may count in his favour, as may his familiarity with government and national politics. But experience alone does not guarantee good leadership. His record, proposals, political alliances, and capacity to build a government that serves the public interest should all be open to examination. The same standards must apply to Bola Tinubu and every other presidential contender. Incumbency, regional identity, political experience, and campaign promises should not exempt any candidate from questions about competence, integrity, feasibility, and accountability.

The opposition also faces a practical problem. Even when many Nigerians are dissatisfied with the government, their votes may be divided among several candidates. If opposition parties cannot build effective cooperation, agree on a credible programme, and mobilise voters across regional boundaries, the incumbent may benefit from their fragmentation.

A successful electoral challenge requires more than public anger. It requires an alternative that voters can understand and trust, an organisation capable of reaching them, and a strategy that converts dissatisfaction into votes. It also requires credible commitments on electoral integrity and a willingness by political actors to respect the outcome of a legitimate contest.

This is where the role of the political elite becomes especially important. Their networks and resources can either help create a credible alternative or prevent one from emerging. They can mobilise citizens around public policy, or they can mobilise them around ethnic loyalties, regional grievances, personal ambition, and the distribution of political favours. The question is not whether elites will influence the election. They inevitably will. The question is whether their influence will strengthen democratic competition or undermine it.

Nigeria is not terminally ill, and the defeat of an incumbent president is not without precedent. The country has demonstrated that political power can change hands through elections. Yet the political terrain in 2027 presents its own difficulties. Economic hardship and public dissatisfaction may create an opportunity for the opposition, but opportunity is not the same as victory. A divided opposition, an incumbent with extensive political networks, and a campaign dominated by arguments over regional entitlement could all prevent voters from focusing on the substantive issues that matter most to their lives.

Meanwhile, ordinary Nigerians continue to grapple with the cost of food. As Sule Lamido wrote in his book Being True to Myself: “On the economy, whatever the government may say, to the ordinary man, the health of the economy is the measure of ingredients in his cooking pot.” For many families, this and other concerns are more immediate than whether the next president comes from the North or the South.

That does not mean questions of regional fairness are irrelevant. It means they should be considered alongside the practical demands of governing a country in which millions of people are asking for security, opportunity, affordable living, and a government that responds to their needs. Ultimately, the legitimacy of a president cannot rest on regional entitlement alone. It must also rest on the quality of leadership, the credibility of the mandate, and the ability to deliver results.

As the 2027 election approaches, the political elite will come bearing their alliances, influence, inducements, and promises. Some will appeal to fairness and national unity; others will invoke experience, competence, or the need for change. Some will mobilise voters through established political networks, while others will seek to build new coalitions around public dissatisfaction.

The question is whether Nigerians will have credible alternatives and sufficient freedom to judge these competing claims on their merits. Will they be able to distinguish promises from realistic programmes, political patronage from public service, and regional entitlement from genuine capacity to govern? Will they vote according to their assessment of the country’s needs, or will the choices available to them once again be shaped primarily by the preferences and interests of the political elite?

Perhaps the more fundamental question is this: when Nigerians go to the polls in 2027, will they possess the information, credible alternatives, political organisation, and freedom necessary to translate their preferences into an electoral outcome that reflects their collective interests?

That is the real test of Nigeria’s democracy. Not simply whether power rotates between the North and the South, or whether a particular candidate succeeds in his presidential ambition, but whether the people can meaningfully influence who governs them and hold that person accountable for what follows.

Usman M. Shehu writes from Kano State, Nigeria, and can be reached via usmanmujtabashehu@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The third edition of the Kano International Poetry Festival (KAPFEST) brought together writers, poets, artists and cultural enthusiasts in Kano to promote indigenous languages, celebrate cultural diversity and create opportunities for young creatives.

The festival, organised by the Poetic Wednesdays Initiative, held from October 15 to 17, 2026, under the theme “Reclaiming Languages,” with activities aimed at encouraging literary expression, cultural exchange and the preservation of indigenous languages.

The main festival programme opened on Friday, October 16, at Amani Event Center, following a cultural showcase at Gidan Dan Hausa on Thursday.

The three-day event featured literary conversations, performances and exhibitions, culminating in a poetry slam competition with a N1 million prize for participants on the final day.

Speaking at the opening ceremony, the founder of Poetic Wednesdays Initiative, Salim Inusa, said the festival was established to provide young people with creative talent a platform to showcase their abilities, connect with artists from different parts of the world and improve their skills in writing, poetry and other artistic expressions.

Inusa said the initiative also sought to challenge perceptions that Northern Nigeria lacked young intellectuals and accomplished writers, noting that creatives from the region were often overlooked in national conversations about literary talent.

“Our aim is to change the narrative about the North that we do not have young people who think or writers. Whenever you see any list, you hardly find a writer from the region,” he said.

He added that KAPFEST was designed to promote Northern Nigerian creatives beyond the region and provide them with opportunities to engage with their international counterparts, rather than limiting their exposure to Southern Nigeria.

Inusa said the festival also sought to honour past generations of writers and cultural figures whose contributions had helped shape the region’s literary heritage, including Abubakar Imam and Bashir Tofa.

He said recognising their contributions to literature, history and culture was essential to sustaining the region’s creative legacy and inspiring emerging writers.

Also speaking, Anas Abba, an executive officer of the Kano State History and Culture Bureau, described poetry as an important component of Hausa literature and a longstanding means of communicating messages to different sections of society.

Abba said oral poetry had historically been used to convey messages to traditional rulers, Islamic scholars, wealthy individuals and ordinary members of the public, while also serving as a tool for educating young people.

According to him, Hausa poetry has addressed social issues, including idleness, while encouraging productive activities such as farming and promoting the Hausa language.

“Poetry is an important pillar of Hausa literature. We have different forms of oral poetry that have, for a long time, helped to communicate important messages to different people,” he said.

Abba said the festival’s growing acceptance demonstrated the potential of collaboration between cultural organisations and government institutions to promote literature and preserve indigenous traditions.

He added that the Kano State History and Culture Bureau would continue to support efforts to strengthen the festival and ensure that subsequent editions achieved even greater success.

One of the attendees, Abdurrazak Ibrahim from Kura Local Government Area of Kano State, said he was impressed by the participation of people from different ethnic backgrounds and their willingness to showcase their cultures in Kano, a city widely associated with Hausa heritage.

Ibrahim said the presence of participants from different communities, including Igbo, Yoruba and Ebira groups, demonstrated how cultural events could bring people together and encourage mutual understanding.

“I am really impressed by what I have seen because people from different ethnic groups are here in Kano, which you can call the headquarters of the Hausas, and everyone is showcasing their culture. It is a good thing,” he said.

He added that the festival could strengthen social relationships, promote cultural development and help preserve indigenous languages at risk of disappearing.

The festival featured literary conversations, panel discussions, performances and exhibitions involving artists working across Hausa, Fulfulde, Kanuri, Nupe, Shuwa Arab, Yoruba, Igbo, Ebira, Tiv, Igala and other languages, alongside Arabic, French, German and English.

The activities at Gidan Dan Hausa on Thursday featured a cultural showcase involving traditional music, poetry, drama and fashion, alongside workshops and literary sessions aimed at developing the skills of emerging writers.

The main programme on Friday also featured discussions on indigenous languages, translation, artist mobility and literary exchange, as well as Hausa literary and musical expression across generations.

A major highlight of the festival was the presentation of the KAPFEST Lifetime Achievement Award to Professor Ibrahim Malumfashi in recognition of his contributions to literature and culture.

The festival concluded on Saturday, October 17, with further conversations, performances and cultural exchanges, alongside a poetry slam competition in which participants competed for a N1 million prize.

The event also featured a closing performance by its headline act, Bash Amuneni.

The third edition coincided with the 10th anniversary of the Poetic Wednesdays Initiative, which began as an online hashtag before developing into a platform for poetry, literature, performance, cultural exchange and education.

By Uzair Adam

Residents of Kumbotso, Madobi and Dawakin Kudu local government areas of Kano State have accused the state government of destroying farmlands during ongoing fencing work on an industrial layout, alleging that officials continued the exercise despite a court order to suspend it.

The residents said the ongoing work had heightened concerns over an earlier land measurement dispute already before the court, while a proposed extension of the industrial layout into additional plots and residential areas had triggered fresh opposition from affected property owners.

Speaking on behalf of the affected residents, Alhaji Rabi’u Idris, a Kumbotso community leader and chairman of an elders’ committee advocating for landowners in the three local government areas, said the dispute had been pursued through legal channels for nearly four years.

Idris said residents were particularly concerned about the extension of the layout and the treatment of those opposing the exercise, insisting that their demand was for fairness and transparency in the handling of their properties.

He also alleged that crops, including rice, maize and beans, had been destroyed during the ongoing fencing activities, leaving farmers worried about the loss of their investments and livelihoods.

According to him, the dispute affects more than 15,000 people across the three local government areas, many of whom acquired land and invested their savings in the properties.

“Our complaint is not against the measurement itself, but the irregularities surrounding it. We are asking for justice,” Idris said.

He added that the residents had sought permission from relevant authorities before attempting to organise demonstrations, but abandoned an earlier plan after security officials advised against it.

Idris also expressed concern over the arrest of the chairman and secretary of a youth association following a protest in Tamburawa, insisting that the two leaders were not involved in the demonstration that preceded their arrest.

Another affected resident, Alhaji Adamu Malam, alleged that the original land measurement exercise was characterised by irregularities, claiming that some landowners received allocation documents covering fewer plots than those recorded in their names.

Malam said residents became more concerned when officials resumed work on the layout, with fencing activities continuing while the earlier dispute remained before the court.

He claimed that residents had obtained a court order directing the suspension of the exercise, alleging that officials who were shown the order maintained that it did not apply to them.

Malam called on the government to review the measurement and allocation process, arguing that landowners should be given clear information about the plots allocated to them and the portions retained by the government.

“What we want is for the measurement to be reviewed, even if the exercise must continue. Every landowner should be satisfied that they have been treated fairly,” he said.

He added that transparent communication about land allocations would help resolve the dispute and restore confidence among affected residents.

Similarly, Sadiku Magaji Bello, a youth leader in the area, said residents initially cooperated with the government but became concerned when the industrial layout was extended to additional plots and residential areas they believed were outside the original demarcation.

Bello alleged that armed security personnel accompanied officials of the Ministry of Land and Physical Planning when they resumed work on the extension.

He maintained that the extension had also become a subject of legal contention and appealed to the Kano State Government to address residents’ concerns before proceeding further.

“We gave the government 100 per cent cooperation at the beginning, but we later discovered that the exercise had been extended to areas belonging to ordinary residents,” he said.

Bello urged the state governor to intervene and ensure that the land exercise was conducted transparently and in accordance with the law.

He warned that failing to address the grievances could deepen frustration among residents in the affected communities.

However, the Kano State Government has defended its handling of the land exercise, maintaining that it has the legal authority to manage public land and would ensure fairness to affected parties.

The Director of Public Enlightenment at the Ministry of Land and Physical Planning, Murtala Shehu Umar, said the existence of a court case would not necessarily prevent the government from carrying out its responsibilities.

Umar said the government had engaged affected landowners and paid compensation where necessary, maintaining that the dispute over the extension was distinct from the original land measurement exercise.

“The government owns the land and has the authority to manage it. Going to court will not necessarily stop the progress of work,” he said.

He added that the government had held discussions with residents over the extension but that some individuals continued to resist the exercise.

Umar maintained that the original landowners had received their entitlements and were satisfied with the outcome, urging all parties to remain calm.

“Everyone should remain calm. The government will ensure that justice is done to everybody,” he said.

The affected residents, however, insist that their concerns extend beyond the original measurement exercise to the ongoing fencing, alleged destruction of farmlands and the proposed expansion into additional plots and residential properties.

They are calling for the government to address the allegations, respect applicable court directives and ensure a transparent resolution of the dispute that protects the interests of all parties.

By Uzair Adam

A Sharia court in Kano State has ordered Ahmad Salisu Sheka to sweep Murtala Mohammed Friday Mosque and attend all five daily obligatory prayers in congregation after convicting him of conspiracy and theft.

The Upper Sharia Court sitting at Hausawa, Kano, presided over by Dr Bello Musa Khalid, handed down the sentence after Sheka pleaded guilty to the charges.

The court established his guilt through his confession before ordering him to clean the mosque and participate in the five daily congregational prayers.

It also directed him to pay compensation before handing him over to a correctional facility official, Habib H. Habib, for the execution of the sentence.

Reports indicated that Sheka was arrested alongside a friend over the alleged theft of streetlights in the Sallare neighbourhood of Kano.

However, his alleged accomplice reportedly escaped from those who apprehended them.