By Sabiu Abdullahi

A 24-year-old Nigerian national, Gift Oladele, has been handed a 17-year prison sentence in the United Kingdom after a court found him guilty of raping a 19-year-old woman in Wrexham.

The incident occurred in the early hours of September 7 last year. Oladele, who previously lived in the Manchester area and had no fixed address at the time, carried out the attack after encountering the victim in Wrexham city centre.

North Wales Police said the young woman had been returning home after spending time with friends when she met Oladele. He approached her and her friend, introduced himself, and insisted on walking her home, claiming he was going the same way.

As they moved along Mold Road, Oladele diverted her onto a secluded footpath where he attacked her.

Following the incident, he threatened the victim and warned her against reporting the matter. The case was, however, reported to the police, leading to his arrest within hours. Authorities later charged him and kept him in custody pending trial.

During proceedings at Mold Crown Court in March, Oladele denied the allegations and claimed the encounter was consensual. The jury dismissed his claim and convicted him of rape and sexual assault.

At Caernarfon Crown Court on April 30, the judge imposed a total sentence of 25 years. This includes 17 years in prison and an additional eight years on extended licence.

The court also issued an indefinite Sexual Harm Prevention Order and a lifetime restraining order to safeguard the victim.

Reacting to the judgment, Wrexham Chief Inspector Caroline Mullen-Hurst described Oladele as a “dangerous predator” who subjected the victim to a “disturbing and terrifying attack.”

“He demonstrated no remorse for his crimes after forcing her to relive the traumatic experience through a trial.

“I would like to praise the dignity and courage she has shown throughout the investigation, and for her bravery in reporting this incident to us.

“Thankfully, today’s sentence has removed Oladele from the streets, preventing any further harm to anyone else. I hope it reassures the public that North Wales Police is committed to eradicating all incidents of violence against women and girls and is working tirelessly to bring perpetrators of sexual abuse to justice.

“I would urge any victim of sexual assault to get in touch with us. You will be listened to, your report will be taken seriously and fully investigated. We are here to support you,” she added.

By Abdulsalam Alkali

In the scarred landscape of Northeast Nigeria, where Boko Haram’s insurgency has claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions since 2009, the quest for peace remains a daily struggle. As military campaigns degraded the group’s territorial hold, a more complex and contentious challenge emerged. What to do with the thousands of fighters and their associates who surrendered or were captured?

The Federal Government’s answer was Operation Safe Corridor, a deradicalization program run from a military-controlled camp in Gombe State. But for the epicentre of the conflict, Borno State, this felt distant and disconnected from the realities of its ravaged communities.

In response, the Borno State Government, under Governor Babagana Zulum, began crafting its own approach, which later became known as “The Borno Model.” 

The model is a non-kinetic approach that handles former Boko Haram/ISWAP fighters through disarmament, demobilization, deradicalization, rehabilitation, reconciliation, and reintegration known as the (Triple D, Triple R).

Unlike the military-run, camp-based system, the Borno Model is fundamentally community-centric. According to the document, “The Borno Model’s philosophy is rooted in an audacious blend of practicality and traditional norms. The model argues that sustainable peace cannot be achieved by isolating ex-combatants in distant camps, only to return them as strangers. Instead, it advocates for a localized process of rehabilitation and reintegration directly into communities, heavily mediated by local organizations, traditional rulers, religious leaders, and victims.

“The model operates on the premise that a significant portion of those in Boko Haram/ISWAP were either forcefully recruited, coerced, or driven by poverty rather than ideology, and that the path to peace requires a form of conditional forgiveness”.

This model has translated into a bold and visible policy as thousands of “repentant Boko Haram” members and their families have been received, housed in temporary “transition camps,” and then resettled in their (or new) communities, often with vocational training and start-up kits.

According to an Institute for Security Studies research document, over 160,000 people had left Boko Haram/ISWAP, with over 100,000 fighters and their families, and an additional 6,900 minors surrendering unconditionally since the program commenced.

Nevertheless, this bold program unfolds against a background of profound pain and frustration, especially for the victims of Boko Haram. 

For communities that have endured massacres, abductions, and arson, the sight of former perpetrators receiving housing and support is a bitter pill to swallow.

Many survivors ask: where is our own rehabilitation? The fears of recidivism, accusations of injustice, and deep-seated trauma that no government program has adequately addressed persist. In the streets of Maiduguri, there is a blend of emotions and concerns among its residents. While some people view this program as a viable way of achieving peace, others see it as something forced upon them by the government.

WHAT VICTIMS SAY

For Bakura Modu, who lost his parents to the insurgents, “Only God will reward us for what we have gone through,” he said with mixed emotions. Bakura Modu lost his entire family, three of his brothers and his parents were killed during the 2014 Bama attack. Bakura escaped the attack and came to Maiduguri, later took shelter with his uncle. Now he struggles to live in Maiduguri with no support from the government. Bakura has not heard or felt carried along in the rehabilitation program.

Like Bakura Modu, Ya Kaltum Bukar, 58, lost her husband and six of her children to Boko Haram insurgents. During the peak of Boko Haram insurgency in Maiduguri, “They came during Ramadan in 2012 and killed my husband and three of my biological children, and after two weeks, they returned and shot three again,” she said. 

YaKaltum only became familiar with the rehabilitation and reintegration program on Radio Programs. Now she struggles to survive in this economy, coupled with health complications.

On returning ex-Boko Haram fighters, Bakura Modu was skeptical, having had no previous knowledge or involvement: “The government has done a lot in resettling people and building homes, but not all victims of the insurgency were carried along,” he said.

According to Barrister Abba Kyari Muhammad, the Borno Model does not strictly adhere to the standard model of transitional justice. He stated that the model largely focuses on disarming insurgents, rehabilitating and reintegrating them back into society, while neglecting other core components of transitional justice, including prosecution, truth-seeking, reparation, and institutional reforms. “These obvious lapses in the implementation of the Borno Model render it something other than transitional justice,” Barr. Kyari stated.

Barr. Kyari lost his mother to the insurgents in 2013, skipped classes while at school, lost his livelihood, and was displaced multiple times within Maiduguri as a result of the insurgency. He said, “Upon all that happened, I am still yet to receive an apology from the government or other authority, let alone compensation.”  He further stated that it is evident there is no meaningful victim compensation within the current transitional justice framework.

LACK OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN THE PROGRAM

Research by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) clearly outlined the lack of community participation in the rehabilitation and reintegration program, stating that “Communities are not involved enough in reintegration even though they facilitated disengagement and are the first point of contact for ex-Boko Haram associates.”

Speaking as both a victim of the insurgency and a professional, Barr. Abba Kyari stated that “I cannot recall encountering any form of victim compensation, reparation, or even apology to those who lost their loved ones. Available evidence suggests that internally displaced persons who are the true victims are largely abandoned, while repentant Boko Haram members are housed, clothed, and well taken care of in government-owned facilities.”

PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES OF THE PROGRAM.

Moreover, a source from the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Reconstruction, and Resettlement (RRR) stated that the program has had both its prospects and challenges, but the government is doing everything within its powers to carry all people along. He noted that victims are also supported with skills and are resettled in their communities as peace gradually returns.

The anonymous source also noted that the Reintegration Committee was constituted by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum, and it is working round the clock to return refugees from neighbouring countries like Niger, Cameroon, and Chad.

He also clarified that not only ex-fighters undergo rehabilitation it also includes victims, abductees, and communities ravaged by Boko Haram. “All are being rebuilt and resettled, apart from Abadam Local Government that was recently opened after more than a decade of desertion, and it has improved peace in the state,” he noted.

Similarly, Samuel Orahii, reintegration coordinator at Allamin Foundation for Peace and Development, a. leading organisation working with the government on community engagement and reintegration, noted that some of their work is confidential and sensitive, however, a lot of success has been achieved, and normalcy has almost been sustained. On the Borno Model, Mr. Samuel stated that “the Borno Model is more of a traditional justice, as communities are involved,” noting that ex-Boko Haram fighters are remorseful, recently, one ex-Boko Haram fighter sought forgiveness on a live radio program on transitional justice sponsored by Allamin Foundation”.

The ISS findings, however, show a lack of adequate funding for the program, stating that “The Borno Model faces persistent challenges, especially in providing sufficient economic support to deserters once they leave the camp. Many former Boko Haram members interviewed in March and June 2025 said they left the group with few employable skills, little start-up capital, and no tools to begin a livelihood. The state has introduced vocational training in the camps, teaching skills such as carpentry, tailoring, welding, and mechanics. It also provides a one-off payment of ₦100,000 (about US $67), but this isn’t enough to restart a life after years in the bush.”

On issues around sustainability of the program, Barr. Kyari noted that the sustainability of the program lies in its economic implications, which largely remain unaddressed. “These people are accustomed to a lavish lifestyle and unrestricted control over territories and resources, yet they are now expected to survive on minimal support. This arrangement is neither realistic nor sustainable and represents a ticking time bomb if left unsolved.”

DOES THE REHABILITATION PROGRAM LEAD TO PEACE?

Moreover, despite the sustained rehabilitation and reintegration program, communities resettled, and livelihoods restored, it remains debatable whether the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-Boko Haram combatants have brought peace or otherwise. Many experts agree that since the collapse of leadership upon the death of Abubakar Shekau, many ex-fighters have retreated and laid down their arms, surrendering to Nigerian authorities. Subsequently, with intensified military aggression by Nigerian forces and the loss of many territorials holds by the insurgents, the group has systematically shifted its focus from ransacking communities to abductions, collecting ransom, and taxing in some areas within the Lake Chad region.

A HumAngle tracker from the last quarter of 2025 indicated that Borno State experienced the highest number of abductions, with over 161 people in a total of 31 kidnapping incidents. “A total of 116 incidents with fatalities were experienced,” the report stated. According to sources interviewed by HumAngle, the group has raked in over ₦1 billion through these random operations. 

This report is corroborated by Yerwa Express News’s recent report of the abduction of seven fishermen from Doron Baga in Kukawa Local Government Area in Borno State by suspected Boko Haram insurgents, with a ransom demand of ₦30 million.

This report is supported by HumAngle Foundation under ‘Fellowship on Strengthening Community Journalism and Human Right Advocacy In Northern Nigeria (SCOJA)’.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Authorities in Lagos have confirmed the arrest and prosecution of a woman accused of attacking her 15-year-old daughter in the Ipaja area of the state.

The Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (LSDVA) said the incident came to light after a disturbing video circulated on social media on Wednesday. The clip reportedly showed the woman holding a knife while restraining the teenager after an alleged assault inside a residential compound on Tashoro Street, near Ipaja.

The agency disclosed that it acted quickly after the video surfaced. Officials said the case was reported through the viral footage, which triggered an immediate response under child protection procedures.

According to the agency, the victim was rescued by the Child Protection Unit of the Ministry of Youth and Social Development. She has since been moved to a shelter, where she is receiving care and psychosocial support.

Operatives of the Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps arrested the suspect and handed her over to the police at the Ipaja Division.

“The Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency was alerted to a distressing viral video depicting the alleged assault of a 15-year-old girl by her biological mother in the Ipaja area of Lagos State on Wednesday, 29th April 2026. The Agency immediately activated the State’s response protocol upon receipt of the report.

“The survivor was swiftly rescued by the Child Protection Unit of the Ministry of Youth and Social Development and has been placed in a shelter, where she is currently receiving appropriate care and support services.”

The matter was later transferred to the Family Support Unit of the Ipaja Police Division for further investigation.

LSDVA said the case has now been taken to court. The suspect appeared before Court 23 of the Samuel Ilori Magistrate Court in Ogba on Thursday.

After the hearing, the court ordered that the defendant be remanded at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre. The remand will continue pending legal advice from the Director of Public Prosecutions.

“Following diligent investigation, the case was charged to court on my Thursday, 30th April 2026, and heard at Court 23, Samuel Ilori Magistrate Court, Ogba, Lagos, even as the defendant has been remanded at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre pending the outcome of the Director of Public Prosecutions’ advice.

“We commend the swift collaboration of concerned Lagosians and mandated reporters in ensuring the safety of the survivor and the progression of the case through due legal process.”

The agency also acknowledged the role of residents who raised the alarm. It said their action helped to protect the child and ensured the case moved forward.

LSDVA restated the Lagos State Government’s stance against child abuse. It added that offenders will face prosecution in line with the law. Residents were urged to report cases of domestic and sexual violence through official channels and helplines.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Executive Council has approved contracts totaling $2.99 billion for the construction of three major rail projects across Nigeria.

Announced by Minister of Finance Taiwo Oyedele, these projects aim to boost economic development and improve the quality of life for daily commuters.

The approved infrastructure specifically covers Phase 1A of the Lagos Green Line rail project, the Kano Metro rail project, and the Kaduna light rail system. The target cities were selected by the council due to their strategic importance as major national economic hubs.

The projects will be funded through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated on behalf of the federal government, with active support from standard counterpart funding arrangements.

Government authorities maintain that these major corridors will unlock job opportunities, alleviate heavy traffic gridlocks, and attract stronger local and foreign investments to the regions.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Supreme Court of Nigeria on Thursday set aside an order of the Court of Appeal to maintain the status quo ante bellum in the leadership crisis rocking the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

A five-member panel of the apex court, led by Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba, held that the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal acted without jurisdiction when it issued the order after already dismissing the case filed by a rival faction.

The decision effectively restores the recognition of the party’s executive committee led by former Senate President David Mark.

Prior to the ruling, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, had removed David Mark and his executive team from its portal in compliance with the lower court’s status quo order.

The Supreme Court directed all warring factions to return to the Federal High Court to continue and fully determine the substantive suit regarding the party’s leadership.

The ADC has been embroiled in a leadership crisis following a restructuring that brought David Mark in as National Chairman and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary, a move fiercely contested by a rival faction led by Nafiu Bala Gombe.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

In a landmark ruling on Thursday, the Supreme Court dismissed an appeal filed by the factional National Working Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) led by Taminu Turaki, declaring the party’s Ibadan national convention as unlawful.

Delivering the majority judgment, Justice Stephen held that the convention, which took place in Ibadan, Oyo State, on November 15 and 16 last year, was conducted in direct violation of a subsisting judgment of the Federal High Court delivered by Justice James Omotosho.

The court ruled that the Turaki-led group had no legal basis to proceed with the convention, as it amounted to a willful disregard for judicial authority. Consequently, the appeal was dismissed in its entirety.

The decision effectively upholds the earlier rulings that recognized the opposition faction loyal to the party’s embattled National Executive Committee, further solidifying the legal crisis within the main opposition party.

By Anas Abbas

Dr. Abdul-Azeez Adediran, popularly known as Jandor, has officially withdrawn from the 2027 Lagos State governorship contest under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Jandor, a former governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party in the 2023 election before joining the APC, announced his decision in Lagos, bringing an end to his ambition for the state’s top seat.

His withdrawal reportedly follows recent political developments within the party, including high-level consultations and growing consensus around the emergence of a preferred candidate ahead of the party primaries.

Recall that Jandor had earlier obtained the APC Expression of Interest and Nomination forms, signalling his readiness to participate in the governorship primaries scheduled ahead of the 2027 general elections.

However, the latest shift indicates a change in strategy as party realignments intensify.
Party insiders say the development is expected to further narrow the contest for the APC ticket in Lagos State, as attention now shifts to remaining contenders.

Jandor is expected to formally address his supporters in his next political direction in the coming days.

By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Reports of killings, beatings, intimidation, harassment, and violent attacks on migrant communities, including incidents affecting children, allegations of denied hospital access to pregnant women, and the targeting of foreign-owned businesses, raise serious concerns about South Africa’s ability to uphold basic human rights. Despite a population surpassing 63 million in 2024, with a youthful demographic and steady growth, the state faces ongoing challenges in protecting the estimated 2.4 to 3.9 million foreign-born residents, who make up about 5.1% of its population.

Migrants, largely from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Ghana, and other African nations, are widely reported to contribute significantly to the economy, often bringing skills, entrepreneurship, and labour. Yet xenophobic violence and social exclusion continue to persist in some areas. Critics argue that government responses have been insufficient or inconsistent, raising concerns about gaps in protection and accountability.

South Africa’s leaders frequently emphasise democracy, freedom, and equality. However, for many migrants, lived experiences are described as marked by fear and uncertainty. Nigerians are sometimes portrayed negatively in public discourse despite their economic contributions. Zimbabweans who fled economic hardship often face precarious working conditions, while Malawians, Mozambicans, and Basotho migrants also report experiences of discrimination. Observers say that inconsistent responses to xenophobic incidents risk creating the perception of official indifference.

Migrants are not a homogeneous group, and many contribute meaningfully to South Africa’s economy. Some studies indicate that immigrant-headed households may, on average, earn higher incomes or have higher levels of post-school qualifications. They also fill labour gaps and support small and medium enterprises. However, public narratives in some quarters continue to frame migrants as competitors for scarce resources, contributing to social tension instead of focusing on broader structural challenges such as unemployment, inequality, and governance issues.

Responses to xenophobia have sometimes fallen short of addressing root causes. Allowing the destruction of businesses or failing to respond swiftly to violence, they argue, reflects weaknesses in enforcement capacity. Others point to the need for stronger governance, improved economic policies, and clearer communication to counter misinformation and division.

South Africa can reinforce its role as a continental leader by strengthening protections for all residents within its borders, or it risks continued reputational and social challenges if violence and exclusion persist. The effectiveness of its response will likely shape both domestic stability and international perception.

Addressing recurring xenophobic incidents remains a significant responsibility for the government. While frameworks such as the National Action Plan against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance exist, implementation has been described as uneven. Law enforcement responses are sometimes criticised as delayed or insufficient, leaving victims vulnerable and raising concerns about accountability. These issues point to broader institutional challenges in treating xenophobia as a sustained national concern.

Systemic factors also contribute to tensions. Reports of discriminatory policing, the presence of vigilante groups, and political rhetoric linking migrants to unemployment and crime have influenced public attitudes. Groups such as Operation Dudula operate within this environment, while enforcement actions targeting undocumented migrants are sometimes perceived as contributing to broader hostility toward foreign nationals.

Xenophobic violence in South Africa has developed into a recurring and complex issue. Foreign nationals, particularly African migrants, continue to face risks of violence, intimidation, and exclusion. Commonly link these developments to socio-economic pressures combined with institutional limitations.

High unemployment, poverty, and competition for limited resources have created conditions of tension. Many citizens view foreign nationals, especially undocumented migrants, as competitors for jobs, housing, and services. Concerns about border control and immigration enforcement further shape these perceptions. In some cases, these frustrations manifest in vigilante actions by community groups.

Authorities have not fully addressed these underlying tensions, allowing xenophobia to persist. Over time, foreign nationals have often been scapegoated for broader socio-economic challenges such as crime and inadequate service delivery, contributing to exclusionary attitudes and, in some instances, violence.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly condemned xenophobic attacks and called for adherence to the principle of ubuntu, emphasising shared humanity and mutual respect. He has also highlighted the need to distinguish between undocumented migrants and lawful residents who contribute to society. Despite these statements, concerns remain that migration management and law enforcement responses could be strengthened.

Government responses continue to face scrutiny for inconsistency. While policies exist, implementation gaps remain a concern. Law enforcement agencies are sometimes criticised for delayed responses, while limited prosecutions may contribute to perceptions of impunity.

Concerns about systemic challenges persist. Reports of harassment by some authorities have contributed to mistrust among migrant communities. Vigilante groups have, in certain instances, operated with limited intervention. Movements such as Operation Dudula and Put South Africa First have gained attention for campaigns that emphasise citizenship verification in access to jobs and services, raising debates about exclusion and legality.

Political rhetoric has also shaped public perception. Statements linking migration to unemployment and crime have reinforced negative stereotypes in some quarters. While enforcement against undocumented migration may be lawful, broader messaging is sometimes interpreted as contributing to public hostility toward foreign nationals.

The historical pattern of xenophobic violence highlights the persistence of the issue. In 1998, three foreign nationals were killed in Johannesburg. In 2008, widespread attacks resulted in over 60 deaths, more than 1,700 injuries, and the displacement of approximately 100,000 people. Violence in 2015 required military intervention. In recent years, organised groups have continued to disrupt communities and enforce exclusionary practices.

Regional and international responses have varied. The African Union has faced criticism for what is perceived as a limited response. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights has condemned xenophobic attacks as violations of fundamental rights. Nigeria has called for improved security measures, accountability, and diplomatic engagement.

Several structural factors continue to influence xenophobia: weak law enforcement, political pressures, economic inequality, and social acceptance of vigilantism all play roles. A limited coordinated regional response may also reduce external pressure for reform.

Xenophobia in South Africa is not solely a spontaneous reaction but reflects deeper structural and institutional challenges. Addressing it will require stronger governance, consistent law enforcement, and sustained accountability. Long-term solutions will depend on coordinated national action and regional cooperation grounded in human rights, dignity, and African unity.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate in collaboration with Daniels Entertainment, and a policy analyst and can be reached at dan.okonkwo.73@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Saturday, 25th April 2026, coordinated attacks by gunmen in Mali are frightening and call for serious reflection. Several news outlets have reported that insurgents have attacked multiple locations across the country, including the capital, Bamako, and nearby Kati, as well as Gao and Kidal in the north, and the central city of Sévaré.

Observers say these attacks are well coordinated and “unprecedented.” Reports also indicate that fighting is ongoing in several locations, including areas near the airport in Bamako, an alarming development that underscores both the scale and audacity of the assaults. The ability of insurgents to strike multiple, geographically dispersed targets almost simultaneously suggests not only careful planning, but also a growing level of sophistication and operational confidence.

These coordinated assaults, particularly in the Malian capital, should be a cause for concern for everyone in West Africa, especially in the Sahel, a region already grappling with the activities of numerous armed groups linked to extremism, separatism, and organised crime. What is unfolding in Mali is not an isolated crisis; it is part of a broader regional security challenge that continues to evolve in both intensity and complexity.

If underfunding, weak training, corruption, and poor intelligence are persistent problems within the military, then such daring and large-scale attacks become not only possible but inevitable. The situation raises critical questions about the preparedness and effectiveness of Mali’s security architecture. It also highlights the urgent need for institutional reform, better coordination among security agencies, and a renewed commitment to professionalism within the armed forces throughout the Sahel

Assimi Goïta, the current military leader and head of state of Mali, seized power in 2020 and again consolidated control in 2021, largely on the grounds of addressing severe insecurity. His rise was justified as a corrective measure to restore stability and reclaim territory from insurgents. Yet, under his watch, Mali is now witnessing some of its most brazen and coordinated attacks, even right in the heart of Bamako.

This reality presents a stark contradiction. It forces both the leadership and the public to confront difficult truths about the current trajectory of the country’s security situation. Has the strategy changed in a meaningful way? Are the structural weaknesses being addressed, or merely managed? And perhaps most importantly, is the state regaining control, or gradually ceding more ground?

Beyond Mali, these developments carry serious implications for neighbouring countries across the Sahel and West Africa. Borders in the region are porous, and armed groups have repeatedly demonstrated their ability to exploit weak state presence to expand their reach. What happens in Mali rarely stays confined within its borders.

This moment, therefore, should serve as a wake-up call, not only for Mali’s leadership but for the entire region. It demands stronger regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, and a unified approach to tackling insecurity. Without this, the cycle of violence risks deepening, with consequences that could destabilise an already fragile region.

The attacks in Mali are not just headlines; they are warnings. And ignoring them would come at a high cost.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Nigerian social media sensation and traditional herbal vendor Eniola Fagbemi, widely known as Sisi Alagbo, has issued a public apology after an explicit video involving her, her husband, and another woman was leaked to the public.

The video, which initially circulated via private messaging apps before reaching broader social media platforms and gossip blogs, sparked intense debate and immediate backlash. Many expressed shock at the footage, given Fagbemi’s prominent digital presence as a wellness and traditional medicine entrepreneur based in Ibadan.

Breaking her silence on her official Facebook page, Fagbemi admitted to her mistakes and pleaded with her massive following not to castigate her or destroy the brand she has built. In her statement, she revealed that the fallout from the leak has triggered severe emotional distress, leaving her unable to properly eat or sleep.

Fagbemi emphasised that her social media platform is her primary source of livelihood and asked the public to separate her private choices from her commercial enterprise.

Her husband, Adesola Akeem, also stepped forward to address the scandal in a separate public statement. He accepted full responsibility for the file leak and expressed deep regret.

Despite the wave of criticism, a section of her fanbase has actively called for empathy, urging the public to show kindness given the heavy mental health strain the influencer is currently experiencing.