Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Anas Abbas

The Federal Government has withdrawn its recent increase in registration fees for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) and the National Examinations Council’s (NECO) Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE), following widespread criticism from Nigerians.

The Director of Press and Public Relations at the Federal Ministry of Education, Boriowo Folasade, announced the suspension in a statement on Monday, confirming that the letter dated June 18, 2026, which had communicated the new fees, has been withdrawn pending further review.

According to the ministry, the initial proposal was driven by rising operational costs, covering logistics, security, printing, technology deployment and quality assurance, needed to maintain credible national examinations, noting that registration fees had stayed largely the same for years despite these growing expenses. 

However, Minister of Education Dr Maruf Tunji Alausa has now directed that the plan be put on hold in the interest of a more inclusive and transparent policy process.

The ministry said it would consult more broadly with examination bodies, state education ministries, school administrators, parents’ groups, labour representatives and other stakeholders before any new fee structure is considered. 

It added that the review would not proceed until this consultation process concludes, and reaffirmed its commitment to protecting students’ welfare and equitable access to education.

The fee increase had drawn sharp criticism from prominent Nigerians, including African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential candidate and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who had described the hike as insensitive to the realities facing Nigerian families.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 presidential election is both a political and strategic calculation. Rather than introducing uncertainty into an already established political partnership, the President has chosen continuity, a decision that reflects the realities of Nigeria’s electoral politics, geopolitical balancing, and coalition-building.

Politics, particularly presidential politics in Nigeria, is rarely driven by sentiment. It is fundamentally about numbers, alliances, regional interests, and electoral strategy. Every major decision is weighed against one overriding objective: securing the broadest possible coalition needed to win an election. Viewed from that perspective, retaining Shettima was arguably the most pragmatic option available to the President.

One of the most immediate advantages of the decision is that it effectively closes the chapter on the controversy surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket. Ahead of the 2023 presidential election, the APC’s decision to field two Muslim candidates generated widespread debate, especially among many Christians who expressed concerns about religious inclusion and national balance.

However, after more than three years in office, that issue has largely lost its political intensity. While differing opinions remain, the fears that dominated public discourse during the 2023 campaign have, to a considerable extent, subsided. By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has denied political opponents the opportunity to revive an issue whose electoral potency has significantly diminished.

Beyond the religious debate lies an even more delicate consideration: Nigeria’s geopolitical balance. Had President Tinubu replaced Shettima with another politician from the North-East, the North-West, the country’s largest voting bloc, could have interpreted the move as another instance in which its political aspirations were overlooked, potentially reigniting debates about equity and representation.

Conversely, choosing a replacement from the North-West would almost certainly have generated discontent in the North-East. Having produced the incumbent Vice President, the region would naturally expect to retain the position. Removing Shettima without any compelling political or governance justification could have alienated key stakeholders and weakened support in a region that remains strategically important to the APC.

Some time ago, a number of individuals campaigned for the selection of a northern Christian as the Vice President, arguing that a Muslim-Christian ticket would be more politically acceptable. While the proposal appealed to those seeking religious balancing, it overlooked the practical realities of Nigerian presidential elections.

For a southern Muslim presidential candidate seeking the presidency, pairing with a northern Christian is not necessarily the most pragmatic electoral formula if the objective is to maximise support across Northern Nigeria. Presidential elections are rarely won on symbolism alone. They are won through careful coalition-building, political structures, regional alliances, and voting strength. In Nigeria, electoral success is driven as much by geopolitical realities and numbers as it is by perception.

President Tinubu has built his political career on strategic calculation rather than emotional decision-making. Over several decades, he has demonstrated an ability to assemble winning political coalitions by focusing on electoral arithmetic, regional dynamics, and long-term political stability. His decision to retain Shettima is consistent with that political philosophy.

There is also the question of continuity. Since assuming office in 2023, Tinubu and Shettima have worked together to lead the administration, build relationships across government, and strengthen the APC’s political structures nationwide. Replacing a sitting Vice President without a compelling reason could have created unnecessary speculation about internal divisions and handed the opposition a fresh political narrative.

By retaining Shettima, President Tinubu has instead projected stability, confidence, and consistency. The decision preserves an established partnership, reassures party supporters, and allows the APC to approach the 2027 election with a united front.

Ultimately, successful presidential campaigns are built not on emotion but on careful political judgment. Difficult decisions are inevitable, but experienced politicians choose the option that minimises political risk while maximising electoral advantage.

Judged against Nigeria’s electoral realities, geopolitical sensitivities, and the imperative of preserving a broad national coalition, President Tinubu’s decision to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima was not only the least controversial choice,it was the most politically strategic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The Senate has called on the Federal Government to discontinue the rehabilitation and reintegration of repentant Boko Haram members and other violent criminals, arguing that the policy has failed to curb insecurity across the country.

The resolution followed a motion on the rising cases of attacks, abductions and killings involving serving and retired military personnel, including the late former Director of Defence Information, retired Major General Rabe Abubakar.

The motion, sponsored by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Army, Senator Abdulaziz Yar’Adua (APC, Katsina), received unanimous support during Tuesday’s plenary.

Lawmakers condemned the continued rehabilitation of former Boko Haram fighters, bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements under the Federal Government’s deradicalisation programme. Several senators linked the persistent security crisis, particularly in northern Nigeria, to the release of individuals described as repentant criminals back into society.

The Senate expressed concern over what it described as the deteriorating security situation, warning that the growing attacks on serving and retired military officers represent a dangerous dimension to the country’s security challenges.

It cited the killing of retired Major General Richard Duru in Owerri after a reported ransom payment of $50,000, the murder of retired Brigadier General O.M. Harlord Udokwere in Abuja, the 56-day captivity of former NYSC Director-General, retired Brigadier General Maharazu Tsiga, and the death of retired Major Aja while in captivity in Kogi State.

According to the lawmakers, the attacks pose a significant threat to national security because many of the victims previously held sensitive operational, intelligence and command positions.

The Senate observed a minute of silence in honour of Major General Rabe Abubakar and other Nigerians killed by terrorism, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping and other violent crimes. 

It also urged the Federal Government to ensure that perpetrators are arrested and prosecuted.

The Red Chamber further called on security and intelligence agencies to strengthen intelligence gathering, surveillance, threat assessment and early warning mechanisms, while urging the government to accelerate the deployment of modern security technology to combat terrorism, banditry and kidnapping.

The resolution comes despite the existence of Operation Safe Corridor, a Federal Government initiative launched in 2016 to deradicalise, rehabilitate and reintegrate former Boko Haram combatants who voluntarily surrendered. 

While officials have credited the programme with encouraging thousands of insurgents to abandon violence, concerns have persisted over reports of some beneficiaries allegedly returning to criminal activities.

Reacting to the Senate’s position, security analyst and Associate Professor at the University of Namibia, Dr. Babayo Sule, described the resolution as unfortunate and potentially counterproductive.

He argued that the deradicalisation programme was introduced only after military operations failed to bring lasting peace, stressing that rehabilitation and reconciliation remain recognised components of counter-insurgency strategies worldwide.

Rather than scrapping the initiative, Sule urged lawmakers to investigate its shortcomings and strengthen its implementation. He also called for greater oversight of Operation Safe Corridor and similar reconciliation programmes in states affected by insurgency.

According to him, abandoning the programme without addressing the underlying challenges could further worsen insecurity, as the country currently lacks sufficient capacity to defeat insurgents solely through military means.

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

The Federal Government’s decision to reform the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has been greeted with excitement by some and scepticism by others. After 53 years, many believe the scheme is finally getting the attention it deserves.

For years, corps members have complained about insecurity, poor welfare, irrelevant postings and outdated processes. The newly approved reforms, ranging from technology-driven mobilisation to skills-based deployment and improved orientation camps, suggest that the government is finally listening. That is a good start.

However, the NYSC was never established solely to teach graduates entrepreneurship or job skills. It was established to promote national unity after the civil war, and to a large extent, many would agree that it has contributed to that goal.

Perhaps that is why the government now believes the scheme can be led by civilians rather than the military officers who have overseen it since its inception. But that decision raises an important question.

One of the things that has distinguished the NYSC over the years is discipline. The orderliness in orientation camps and the sense of responsibility expected of corps members have largely been shaped by the scheme’s military leadership. While the military will still provide security, it remains to be seen whether civilian leadership can maintain the same standard.

The bigger challenge, however, is implementation. Nigerians have seen many good policies announced with great excitement, only for little to change in reality. If corps members still face unsafe postings and placements that add little value to their future, then these reforms will remain good ideas on paper. Otherwise, after years in school and a year of national service, they may simply be told to start an akara or kuli-kuli business. Honest work deserves respect, but graduates hope these reforms will create greater opportunities.

So, is the NYSC reforming or deforming?

The answer is not in the policy document. It will be written in the experience of the next corps member who leaves home believing that service to the nation is still worth it.

After all, changing the driver doesn’t automatically make the journey better. What matters is whether the person behind the wheel knows the road.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate in mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Government has renamed the PTDF College of Petroleum and Energy Studies in Kaduna in honour of the late Nigerian statesman, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua.

According to a statement issued by the management of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF), the institution will now be known as the General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua University of Geological Sciences and Engineering Technology. The renaming follows a presidential directive by Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

PTDF said the decision recognises Yar’Adua’s contributions to national unity and Nigeria’s democratic development. The fund assured stakeholders that all academic programmes, partnerships, and institutional operations would continue without disruption under the university’s new identity.

The institution is expected to maintain its focus on research, specialised training, and engineering technology development aimed at supporting Nigeria’s oil, gas, and renewable energy sectors.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

On 29 May 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu used his inaugural address to sever Nigeria’s decades-long dependence on fuel subsidies. It was a definitive end to a fiscal drain that had consumed trillions of naira annually, a broken system that long benefited smugglers, middlemen, and the elite far more than ordinary citizens.

Three years into this economic regime change, the ledger presents a duality. While the policy has successfully unlocked unprecedented nominal revenues for the Federation Account, its real-world impact remains polarising.

As the nation reflects on the administration’s third anniversary in 2026, the question changes from whether the subsidy needed to go to who is actually winning from its absence.

In reality, the elimination of the subsidy did not result in a dedicated, untouchable savings account. Instead, it stopped a bleeding artery by wiping out the ₦4–5 trillion annual “under-recovery” losses previously absorbed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).

Consequently, direct remittances to the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) have increased to historic highs. In 2024, annual savings reached roughly $7.5 billion, which translates to approximately ₦12 trillion at prevailing rates. This drove a 79% jump in total FAAC disbursements, skyrocketing from ₦16.28 trillion in 2023 to ₦28.78 trillion in 2024, with sub-national governments swallowing ₦15.26 trillion of that pool.

The momentum carried firmly into 2025, yielding an estimated $7–8 billion in savings. In the first quarter of 2025 alone, federal petroleum savings surged by over 500%, leaping from ₦154 billion to ₦836 billion. State governments have been the primary beneficiaries of this windfall, utilising the massive inflows to clear ₦1.85 trillion in backlogged debts, stabilise payrolls, and kickstart stalled regional projects.

While a November 2025 National Orientation Agency (NOA) policy document claims that over $84 billion has been saved and channelled into 40 road projects, independent macroeconomic realities suggest that this cumulative figure is mathematically improbable over a two- to three-year window. The actual cumulative benefit more closely aligns with World Bank estimates ranging between ₦11 trillion and ₦20 trillion, heavily caveated by severe naira depreciation.

Because these funds flow directly into general revenue pools rather than a ring-fenced fund, precise tracking has become an administrative nightmare. This lack of transparency has triggered fierce pushback from civil society organisations such as SERAP and BudgIT, which demand that states account for their newfound wealth rather than sink it into urban aesthetics or overheads.

The federal government has defended the pain of the reform by pointing to vital interventions across key sectors. In the immediate aftermath of the announcement, an initial ₦5 billion per state and the FCT was deployed via grants and loans for food and fertiliser distribution to cushion the shock.

Social safety nets saw a modest boost, with ₦3.2 billion allocated to expand conditional cash transfers through the National Social Register.

On the human capital front, the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has disbursed ₦206.29 billion to over 1.1 million student beneficiaries. While NELFUND is technically funded via the Development Levy, the subsidy removal created the fiscal breathing room necessary to establish it.

Massive shifts have also been targeted toward transit and structural development. Over ₦100 billion has been injected into the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) Initiative to build conversion centres and roll out mass transit buses.

Increased liquidity has sustained funding for critical federal projects, including the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway, the Abuja–Kano Road, the Kano–Maradi rail line, and a $1 billion modernisation commitment for key seaports like Apapa, Tin Can, and Calabar.

Furthermore, a massive portion of the savings has been absorbed by debt servicing, exceeding ₦15 trillion in recent budget cycles. While this aggressive rebalancing crowds out routine capital expenditure, it narrowed the fiscal deficit from roughly 5.4% to 3.0% of GDP, effectively averting a total sovereign bankruptcy.

Despite the triumphant-looking government balance sheets, the microeconomic reality for the average Nigerian is brutal. The savings on paper feel a world away from the hardships on the ground, creating a paradox between macro-stabilisation and micro-deprivation.

The most devastating blow has been the cost-of-living crisis. Fuel prices ballooned from under ₦200 to over ₦1,300 per litre across the federation, unleashing a wave of transportation and food inflation that has left millions of households financially insecure.

At the same time, citizens watch trillions of naira being unlocked, only to see it swallowed by prior borrowing patterns and rising interest costs, while the government’s appetite for fresh debt remains stubbornly high. This problem is compounded by severe currency depreciation and inflation.

In nominal terms, FAAC allocations are setting records at ₦2–3 trillion per month. In real terms, however, rampant inflation and a weakened naira mean this money buys far less infrastructure, healthcare, and education than it would have three years ago.

Bottom Line

Three years on, the structural necessity of President Tinubu’s May 2023 declaration is undeniable; it freed Nigeria from a fiscal death trap and dismantled an unsustainable system. Yet, the victory remains largely confined to government ledgers.

For the man on the street, the benefits of the reform have been thoroughly muted by inflation, currency devaluations, and execution gaps.

The fundamental challenge of Nigerian governance remains unresolved: the inability to translate state wealth into public welfare efficiently. As the calendar turns deeper into 2026, public trust is running thin.

If this reform is to be remembered as a historic transformation rather than just a massive tax hike on the poor, the government must shift from celebrating nominal revenue milestones to delivering tangible, unmistakable improvements in its citizens’ daily lives. The sacrifices have been made; it is time for the dividends to appear.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja, and he can be reached via: dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman 

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission have arrested Mustapha Abdullahi, the DG of the Energy Commission of Nigeria, on allegations of money laundering and related offences.

A source within the anti-graft agency, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak on the matter, disclosed on Wednesday that the DG was arrested in Abuja and is currently in the commission’s custody.

According to the source, the alleged fraud involves funds estimated at N500bn.

“We have arrested the Director-General of the Energy Commission of Nigeria, Dr Mustapha Abdullahi, for money laundering offences. He was arrested and is currently in our custody. The money is to the tune of N500bn,” the official said.

The Daily Reality gathered that efforts to get confirmation from the EFCC spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, were unsuccessful as he could not be reached as of the time of filing this report.

On October 24, 2023, President Bola Tinubu appointed Abdullahi as Director-General of the Energy Commission of Nigeria.

By Aremu Haroon Abiodun

Let me begin with clarity and sincerity. I write this not as a partisan actor, not as a loyalist of any political party, and certainly not as a hired megaphone for any candidate. I write from the standpoint of an analyst, a student of democratic behaviour, and a public relations strategist who understands that politics is not only about power; it is also about perception, timing, trust, and structure.

This piece is not designed to insult President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, attack the ruling APC, mock the opposition, or discredit any politician. Rather, it is an honest attempt to interrogate one of the most defining questions of Nigeria’s approaching democratic race: Is the new coalition a movement of salvation or merely a market of ambition?

In every democracy, coalitions can either rescue nations or ruin trust. In Africa, where democracy is still battling poverty, elite capture, and personality politics, the answer matters deeply. Across the continent, from Kenya to South Africa, Senegal to Zimbabwe, fragmented opposition groups often unite to challenge incumbents. Sometimes they succeed; sometimes they collapse under the weight of ego and suspicion.

Coalitions are usually built on five promises: to rescue the nation, restore democracy, defeat bad governance, unite the opposition vote, and provide a better alternative. But behind these promises often lie hidden motives: personal ambition, ticket negotiation, political survival, revenge against former allies, and access to state power. This is why many coalitions look holy in public but bleed distrust in private.

Nigeria may now be entering that exact season. The African Democratic Congress (ADC), once a relatively minor platform, is suddenly being discussed as a possible shelter for heavyweight politicians dissatisfied with their former homes. But before Nigerians clap, they must ask a dangerous question: Do the coalition members even trust themselves? 

Parties are not built by logos; they are built by loyalty, and loyalty cannot be photocopied overnight.

Nigeria’s politics has become a railway station where leaders keep changing platforms while asking voters to stay loyal.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not emerge by accident. His journey moved through the AD, AC, ACN, and finally the APC. He mastered a core truth that many others underestimated: structure beats noise.

While others chased headlines, Tinubu built networks, state influence, and grassroots machinery. Whether loved or criticised, he represents a masterclass in long-term political engineering.

Atiku’s route has been equally dramatic, moving from the PDP to the APC, back to the PDP, and now toward discussions with ADC. No politician in modern Nigeria has contested the presidency with as much persistence. 

Supporters call it resilience; critics call it endless ambition. But as time moves on, the ADC coalition may represent strategic urgency rather than just ideology, a final gamble in a house where the inheritance is uncertain.

Peter Obi’s path from APGA to the PDP, the Labour Party, and now ADC tells the story of a reformer searching for a machine. Obi proved in 2023 that popularity can shake systems, but popularity without nationwide structure has limits. 

If Obi brings credibility and a coalition brings machinery, the equation is powerful. However, can a reformist brand coexist with old political warlords? Movements are powered by hope, but coalitions are powered by compromise.

Moving from the PDP to the APC, the NNPP, and now the ADC, Kwankwaso commands a loyal bloc in the North. He has what every coalition needs—a dedicated voter base—but he also has what coalitions fear: independent ambition. The success of any merger will depend on whether arithmetic can overcome ego.

The urgency for a coalition is often driven by the stark reality of election data. In Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election, the opposition’s fragmentation was clear. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu won with 8,794,726 votes (36.6%), while the combined votes of the three main opposition candidates, Atiku Abubakar (6,984,520), Peter Obi (6,101,533), and Rabiu Kwankwaso (1,496,687), totalled 14,582,740.

Mathematically, the opposition held over 60% of the total vote, but their inability to unite resulted in a win for the incumbent’s structure. This “voter math” is the primary engine behind the current migration toward the ADC; politicians realise that without a unified front, sentiment rarely defeats a settled structure.

Having that in mind, can Atiku trust Obi? Can Obi trust establishment figures? Can Kwankwaso trust a ticket arrangement? Coalitions often fail not because they lack votes, but because they lack trust.

Sooner or later, the “Ticket War” arrives. If Atiku wants one last shot, Obi believes his momentum was stolen, and Kwankwaso believes northern arithmetic favours him, the smiles will disappear. A coalition before a primary is romance; a coalition after a primary is war.

Furthermore, many underestimate the “Tinubu Factor.” Hatred of an incumbent is not a development plan. Tinubu remains a formidable strategist because he controls incumbency power and understands coalition management better than many of his rivals. To defeat a strategist, anger is insufficient, but superior organisation could be the way out.

From a strategic communication perspective, the narratives are already forming. APC’s narrative centres on stability, continuity, and ongoing reforms. ADC represents a force for “Rescue Nigeria,” unites the opposition, and restores hope.

Both parties face a risk. The ADC risks being seen as a shelter for serial defectors, while the APC risks seeming disconnected from economic pain.

Lastline 

Nigeria does not merely need a coalition of politicians; it needs a coalition of ideas, competence, and national healing. If the ADC becomes a real reform movement, it can change history. If it becomes only a marketplace of ambition, it will prove that parties change names faster than systems change realities.

The real contest of 2027 may not be APC vs. ADC. It will be structure vs sentiment, trust vs suspicion, and nationhood vs ambition. On that day, Nigerians, not politicians, will deliver the final verdict on who rules in the next four years.

Haroon Aremu is a public relations strategist and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Executive Council has approved contracts totaling $2.99 billion for the construction of three major rail projects across Nigeria.

Announced by Minister of Finance Taiwo Oyedele, these projects aim to boost economic development and improve the quality of life for daily commuters.

The approved infrastructure specifically covers Phase 1A of the Lagos Green Line rail project, the Kano Metro rail project, and the Kaduna light rail system. The target cities were selected by the council due to their strategic importance as major national economic hubs.

The projects will be funded through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated on behalf of the federal government, with active support from standard counterpart funding arrangements.

Government authorities maintain that these major corridors will unlock job opportunities, alleviate heavy traffic gridlocks, and attract stronger local and foreign investments to the regions.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Kenyan President William Ruto has clarified that his recent remarks suggesting Kenyans speak better English than Nigerians were made during a private conversation that was leaked and taken out of context.

The comments had sparked light-hearted banter on social media between Kenyans and Nigerians, drawing widespread reactions from both countries.

Speaking on Tuesday at the Kenya Mining Investment Conference 2026 in Nairobi, Ruto struck a conciliatory tone, emphasising that Nigerians speak “excellent” English, just as Kenyans do.

The event was attended by a Nigerian delegation, including the Minister of Solid Minerals, Henry Dele Alake.

Ruto’s remarks appeared aimed at easing tensions and reinforcing cordial ties between the two nations following the online exchanges triggered by the earlier statement.