Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Anwar Usman 

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission have arrested Mustapha Abdullahi, the DG of the Energy Commission of Nigeria, on allegations of money laundering and related offences.

A source within the anti-graft agency, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak on the matter, disclosed on Wednesday that the DG was arrested in Abuja and is currently in the commission’s custody.

According to the source, the alleged fraud involves funds estimated at N500bn.

“We have arrested the Director-General of the Energy Commission of Nigeria, Dr Mustapha Abdullahi, for money laundering offences. He was arrested and is currently in our custody. The money is to the tune of N500bn,” the official said.

The Daily Reality gathered that efforts to get confirmation from the EFCC spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, were unsuccessful as he could not be reached as of the time of filing this report.

On October 24, 2023, President Bola Tinubu appointed Abdullahi as Director-General of the Energy Commission of Nigeria.

By Aremu Haroon Abiodun

Let me begin with clarity and sincerity. I write this not as a partisan actor, not as a loyalist of any political party, and certainly not as a hired megaphone for any candidate. I write from the standpoint of an analyst, a student of democratic behaviour, and a public relations strategist who understands that politics is not only about power; it is also about perception, timing, trust, and structure.

This piece is not designed to insult President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, attack the ruling APC, mock the opposition, or discredit any politician. Rather, it is an honest attempt to interrogate one of the most defining questions of Nigeria’s approaching democratic race: Is the new coalition a movement of salvation or merely a market of ambition?

In every democracy, coalitions can either rescue nations or ruin trust. In Africa, where democracy is still battling poverty, elite capture, and personality politics, the answer matters deeply. Across the continent, from Kenya to South Africa, Senegal to Zimbabwe, fragmented opposition groups often unite to challenge incumbents. Sometimes they succeed; sometimes they collapse under the weight of ego and suspicion.

Coalitions are usually built on five promises: to rescue the nation, restore democracy, defeat bad governance, unite the opposition vote, and provide a better alternative. But behind these promises often lie hidden motives: personal ambition, ticket negotiation, political survival, revenge against former allies, and access to state power. This is why many coalitions look holy in public but bleed distrust in private.

Nigeria may now be entering that exact season. The African Democratic Congress (ADC), once a relatively minor platform, is suddenly being discussed as a possible shelter for heavyweight politicians dissatisfied with their former homes. But before Nigerians clap, they must ask a dangerous question: Do the coalition members even trust themselves? 

Parties are not built by logos; they are built by loyalty, and loyalty cannot be photocopied overnight.

Nigeria’s politics has become a railway station where leaders keep changing platforms while asking voters to stay loyal.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not emerge by accident. His journey moved through the AD, AC, ACN, and finally the APC. He mastered a core truth that many others underestimated: structure beats noise.

While others chased headlines, Tinubu built networks, state influence, and grassroots machinery. Whether loved or criticised, he represents a masterclass in long-term political engineering.

Atiku’s route has been equally dramatic, moving from the PDP to the APC, back to the PDP, and now toward discussions with ADC. No politician in modern Nigeria has contested the presidency with as much persistence. 

Supporters call it resilience; critics call it endless ambition. But as time moves on, the ADC coalition may represent strategic urgency rather than just ideology, a final gamble in a house where the inheritance is uncertain.

Peter Obi’s path from APGA to the PDP, the Labour Party, and now ADC tells the story of a reformer searching for a machine. Obi proved in 2023 that popularity can shake systems, but popularity without nationwide structure has limits. 

If Obi brings credibility and a coalition brings machinery, the equation is powerful. However, can a reformist brand coexist with old political warlords? Movements are powered by hope, but coalitions are powered by compromise.

Moving from the PDP to the APC, the NNPP, and now the ADC, Kwankwaso commands a loyal bloc in the North. He has what every coalition needs—a dedicated voter base—but he also has what coalitions fear: independent ambition. The success of any merger will depend on whether arithmetic can overcome ego.

The urgency for a coalition is often driven by the stark reality of election data. In Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election, the opposition’s fragmentation was clear. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu won with 8,794,726 votes (36.6%), while the combined votes of the three main opposition candidates, Atiku Abubakar (6,984,520), Peter Obi (6,101,533), and Rabiu Kwankwaso (1,496,687), totalled 14,582,740.

Mathematically, the opposition held over 60% of the total vote, but their inability to unite resulted in a win for the incumbent’s structure. This “voter math” is the primary engine behind the current migration toward the ADC; politicians realise that without a unified front, sentiment rarely defeats a settled structure.

Having that in mind, can Atiku trust Obi? Can Obi trust establishment figures? Can Kwankwaso trust a ticket arrangement? Coalitions often fail not because they lack votes, but because they lack trust.

Sooner or later, the “Ticket War” arrives. If Atiku wants one last shot, Obi believes his momentum was stolen, and Kwankwaso believes northern arithmetic favours him, the smiles will disappear. A coalition before a primary is romance; a coalition after a primary is war.

Furthermore, many underestimate the “Tinubu Factor.” Hatred of an incumbent is not a development plan. Tinubu remains a formidable strategist because he controls incumbency power and understands coalition management better than many of his rivals. To defeat a strategist, anger is insufficient, but superior organisation could be the way out.

From a strategic communication perspective, the narratives are already forming. APC’s narrative centres on stability, continuity, and ongoing reforms. ADC represents a force for “Rescue Nigeria,” unites the opposition, and restores hope.

Both parties face a risk. The ADC risks being seen as a shelter for serial defectors, while the APC risks seeming disconnected from economic pain.

Lastline 

Nigeria does not merely need a coalition of politicians; it needs a coalition of ideas, competence, and national healing. If the ADC becomes a real reform movement, it can change history. If it becomes only a marketplace of ambition, it will prove that parties change names faster than systems change realities.

The real contest of 2027 may not be APC vs. ADC. It will be structure vs sentiment, trust vs suspicion, and nationhood vs ambition. On that day, Nigerians, not politicians, will deliver the final verdict on who rules in the next four years.

Haroon Aremu is a public relations strategist and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Executive Council has approved contracts totaling $2.99 billion for the construction of three major rail projects across Nigeria.

Announced by Minister of Finance Taiwo Oyedele, these projects aim to boost economic development and improve the quality of life for daily commuters.

The approved infrastructure specifically covers Phase 1A of the Lagos Green Line rail project, the Kano Metro rail project, and the Kaduna light rail system. The target cities were selected by the council due to their strategic importance as major national economic hubs.

The projects will be funded through the Ministry of Finance Incorporated on behalf of the federal government, with active support from standard counterpart funding arrangements.

Government authorities maintain that these major corridors will unlock job opportunities, alleviate heavy traffic gridlocks, and attract stronger local and foreign investments to the regions.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Kenyan President William Ruto has clarified that his recent remarks suggesting Kenyans speak better English than Nigerians were made during a private conversation that was leaked and taken out of context.

The comments had sparked light-hearted banter on social media between Kenyans and Nigerians, drawing widespread reactions from both countries.

Speaking on Tuesday at the Kenya Mining Investment Conference 2026 in Nairobi, Ruto struck a conciliatory tone, emphasising that Nigerians speak “excellent” English, just as Kenyans do.

The event was attended by a Nigerian delegation, including the Minister of Solid Minerals, Henry Dele Alake.

Ruto’s remarks appeared aimed at easing tensions and reinforcing cordial ties between the two nations following the online exchanges triggered by the earlier statement.

By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Nigeria’s debt clock has surged to ₦159.28 trillion, a figure that translates to roughly ₦724,000 per citizen when spread across a population of more than 220 million. This arithmetic alone underscores the scale of the nation’s obligations. While official voices emphasise that the debt-to-GDP ratio remains within accepted thresholds, the underlying reality is sobering: the country’s current account is being financed through persistent domestic borrowing and mounting external debt. Each statistic is a reminder that today’s fiscal gaps are tomorrow’s responsibilities, with the burden of development increasingly shifted onto generations yet unborn.

Is there a way out for Nigerians? The path forward demands more than borrowed billions. It requires a fundamental reassessment of how resources are managed, how revenue is diversified, and how structural weaknesses are addressed. While the figures may suggest sustainability on paper, the lived reality reflects rising costs, shrinking opportunities, and a future increasingly tied to creditor obligations. Breaking this cycle will require bold reforms, transparent governance, and a commitment to building an economy driven by productivity rather than dependence on borrowing.

When distributed across the population, the debt translates to roughly ₦700,000 to ₦725,000 per citizen. This figure is only a statistical illustration and not a legal obligation on individuals. Public debt remains a sovereign responsibility shared by the Federal Government, state governments, and the Federal Capital Territory, and it is serviced through public revenue rather than direct payments by citizens.

As of late 2025, Nigeria’s total public debt stood at approximately ₦159.28 trillion, equivalent to about $103 billion to $111 billion depending on the exchange rate applied. This represents an increase from about ₦144.7 trillion in 2024, reflecting continued reliance on borrowing to finance fiscal deficits.

Nigeria’s debt stock consists of both domestic and external borrowing. Domestic debt is estimated at ₦84-₦85 trillion, while external debt stands at ₦74 trillion. Persistent budget deficits have driven the growth in total debt, increased domestic borrowing through treasury bills and government bonds, and led to exchange rate depreciation, raising the value of the naira against external obligations. By mid-2025, total debt had reached about ₦152.39 trillion before rising further to ₦159.28 trillion by year-end.

Debt servicing remains a more pressing concern than the size of the debt itself. In 2025, debt servicing costs rose to approximately ₦15.8 trillion, up from about ₦12.8 trillion in 2024. Higher interest rates on domestic debt instruments largely drove this increase. Servicing costs for domestic debt rose sharply due to increased yields on treasury bills and Federal Government bonds. At certain points in 2025, the debt service-to-revenue ratio exceeded 80 per cent, meaning that a substantial portion of government revenue was used to service existing debt.

Looking ahead, Nigeria’s 2026 fiscal outlook reflects continued pressure on public finances. The proposed budget projects total expenditure of about ₦58.5 trillion against expected revenue of approximately ₦33.2 trillion, leaving a fiscal deficit of about ₦25 trillion. This gap is expected to be financed largely through additional borrowing, which could push total public debt beyond ₦160 trillion.

Planned borrowing includes external loans estimated at $6 billion, along with an additional $516 million under consideration. However, claims suggesting approvals equivalent to ₦68 trillion appear inconsistent and are likely the result of conversion or reporting errors rather than actual borrowing approvals.

The comparison between Nigeria’s per capita debt of roughly ₦724,000 and the national minimum wage of ₦70,000 is largely symbolic but highlights deeper economic realities. It reflects low-income levels, rising cost of living, and mounting pressure on public finances. It does not imply that citizens are personally responsible for repaying the debt.

Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio, estimated at 35 per cent to 37 per cent, remains below the commonly referenced 60 per cent threshold. However, experts consistently stress that revenue constraints, rather than debt size alone, represent the country’s most significant fiscal risk.

Key concerns include the high share of revenue devoted to debt servicing, limited fiscal space for critical sectors such as infrastructure, health, and education, and potential inflationary risks if deficit financing continues to expand. Exchange rate volatility also affects the dollar value of external debt, adding further complexity to fiscal management.

Nigeria’s public debt, now approaching ₦160 trillion, is not excessive relative to GDP. However, the cost of servicing that debt and the country’s limited revenue base present a growing fiscal challenge. The per capita framing helps illustrate the scale of the burden, but the central issue remains how effectively borrowed funds translate into economic growth and improved living conditions.

As borrowing continues, the sustainability of Nigeria’s fiscal path will depend less on the amount owed and more on how effectively the economy generates the revenue required to support those obligations.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate with Daniels Entertainment, a policy analyst, and human rights activist. He writes from Nigeria and can be reached at dan.okonkwo.73@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Nigerian Senate has confirmed the appointment of Muttaqha Rabe Darma as a minister in the federal government following his screening by lawmakers.

Darma was nominated earlier this week by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to replace Ahmed Musa Dangiwa as Minister of Housing and Urban Development.

During the screening, Darma addressed questions on Nigeria’s housing deficit and urban renewal strategies, pledging to collaborate with relevant stakeholders to meet government targets in the sector.

A seasoned administrator, Darma holds two doctoral degrees and previously served as Secretary and Chief Executive Officer of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF).

By Ibrahim Yunusa 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has formally requested the National Assembly’s, specifically the Senate’s, approval for a new external loan of $516 million to support key government projects and address fiscal needs.

The loan request, communicated to the Senate leadership, is expected to be deliberated on in the coming days.

 According to sources within the presidency, the proposed borrowing is intended to finance critical infrastructure, boost economic growth, and stabilise public finances amid ongoing economic challenges.

If approved, the loan will form part of Nigeria’s broader borrowing plan under the current administration, which aims to balance developmental needs with fiscal responsibility. However, the request may spark debate among lawmakers, given rising concerns over Nigeria’s debt profile and repayment capacity.

The Senate is expected to review the proposal in line with constitutional provisions before granting or withholding approval. Further details on the specific projects to be funded are anticipated to emerge as deliberations progress.

By Saifullahi Attahir

The desperation to fail President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by some politicians and their consistent attempt to recruit others into believing their rhetoric will always be an anticipated issue in the realm of politics, but whenever myopic outlooks like sectarianism, blame games, and regionalism are used, that’s what irritates my conscience into responding at the expense of whatever others may label me. What I believe is to stand for what I think is right, even if I have to stand alone.

The level of those campaigns was to the extent that you can’t say anything good about the Tinubu government without being portrayed as anti-North or even a heretic. This is preposterous!

Politics should not be built on emotions, and governance should not be like inheritance, where no matter who it is, if they’re not your kinsmen, all is not well. This is not the original personality of a typical Northerner. 

I’m not a party card-carrying member but an ordinary student, so I have the liberty to express my views based on my limited understanding. I would like to address the issue of labelling every project undertaken by President Tinubu as nepotistic, especially when it is situated in the South-West. 

Let me give an example with the recent trip President Tinubu led to the United Kingdom, where he secured a deal to revamp the Tin Can and Apapa ports in Lagos. Sealing a deal to revamp Tin Can and Apapa ports should be viewed with such an open mind as a national investment. Lagos would remain the economic bloodline of this country for the time being, hence supporting its economic growth. 

Among the notable achievements of even the most pro-Arewa leaders, like the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Muhammad, during his short stint, was the decongestion of the Lagos Apapa port led by the famous brig. Benjamin Adekunle (The Scorpion).  

I’m not promoting the idea of continuing channelling of funds to develop Lagos at the expense of other regions, but it would be absurd when overnight we heard the FG seal a deal to start importing goods through Niger-Maradi or the Lake Chad basin or create artificial ports in the North linking us to the transatlantic trade (it’s possible, but not overnight like in Libya or the UAE).

The North should have focused more on ensuring that fighting illiteracy included at least a mandatory universal secondary school education with skills. The ‘right education’ would solve 60% of all this menace. 

An enlightened self would not be used as a tool to create and perpetuate insecurity in the form of banditry and suicide bombings. An ignited mind wouldn’t be fertile ground for sectarian conflicts. You can’t woo an educated person into choosing a leader whose focus is to distribute spaghetti.

We should accept the fact that the North is a landlocked region. We are surrounded by Niger, Cameroon, and Chad. We have our own priorities that, if well executed, can boost the regional economy. Comparing ourselves to Lagos wouldn’t help matters. Lagos was an island inhabited by whites centuries ago. It was the former national capital for almost thirty years and home to almost all the country’s major industries. 

As to the second part of the rhetoric, which was also the ultimate agenda, to wrest power from President Tinubu and hand it over to another ‘Arewa politician’. Governance returning to Arewa would never be our solution. This was tried in 2015 by removing Jonathan through every possible means, only to regret a similar decision less than 4 years later.

A bitter truth to swallow was that, since our return to democracy in 1999, leaders from the South-West have proved to contribute more to issues of national development. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 8 years would always be remembered for bringing a near-normal political stability to the country, improved national security, an improved economy, the cancellation of national debt, improved foreign relationships, the introduction of several empowerment programmes, the introduction/subsidisation of telecommunications, and a decisive leadership unparalleled when compared to late President Buhari’s 8 years of bewilderment.

It’s not about Tinubu prioritising Lagos and intentionally killing Arewa. The seed of sustainable national development was sown long ago, when Awolowo’s Action Group was fighting for universal education and ideological politics in their region, while our NPC was busy seeking alliances to dominate the Parliament. It’s better to hold our governors more responsible instead of the federal government.

Between 2007 and 2015, the Southwest Governors (Aregbesola, Fashola, Mimiko, Adams Oshiomhole, etc.) used their opposition to create massive developmental programmes for their region, consolidate power around the leading opposition figure, Tinubu, and enhance their regional security, while we were busy trying to wrest power from Jonathan.

To the question of ‘Arewa-2027′, who should be the candidate? The inconsistent Baba Atiku, or politicians renowned for vengeance politics, or those lacking an accommodating mind for others to win national elections, or politicians without international exposure? Tinubu is not the ideal for Nigeria, but the aforementioned politicians are no match for his governance track record as governor and, 2 years into the presidency, as president.

The current insecurity menace is a testament to how one man is incapable of addressing it. Many among the top security brass are from the North: the NSA, the Federal and State Ministers of Defence. In a region with the highest illiteracy rate, things worse than this could happen. Spaghetti and religious affiliation can woo the masses to vote for a candidate.

We should focus better on finding the RIGHT MAN rather than on which part of the country he came from.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu

The Argungu International Fishing and Cultural Festival is renowned as one of the most colourful spectacles on the global calendar. But beyond the crowning of the champion fisherman, the 61st edition, which concluded on February 14, 2026, was a profound chronicle of peace, cultural pride, economic promise, and even human drama.

Dating back to 1934  from the historic visit of Sultan Hassan Dan Ma’azu, which marked a handshake between the Sokoto Caliphate and the Kebbi Kingdom, the festival has evolved from a symbol of peace into a globally recognised cultural phenomenon. This year, after rigorous planning, the event delivered a programme richer than ever, blending tradition with advancement and culminating in a grand finale that drew thousands of fishermen and spectators to the ancient city of Argungu.

A Festival Forged in Culture and Commerce

The 61st edition was not merely a competition; it was a multifaceted event strategically designed to showcase Kebbi State. Activities kicked off in the state capital, Birnin Kebbi, with an Investor Forum that highlighted the region’s vast economic potential. This was complemented by an intellectual youth engagement, a Quiz and Debate competition at the Presidential Banquet Hall. 

Also, a colourful motor rally, flagged off in Abuja and involving over 30 vehicles, was part of the activities heralding the globally celebrated festival.

On Wednesday, February 11, the festival burst into life with a vibrant display of traditional sports. Archery, catapulting, camel and donkey racing, local wrestling, and a polo competition drew captivated audiences from within Nigeria and beyond. Participants displayed remarkable skill, with winners earning trophies, cash prizes, and gifts, setting an energetic tone for the days ahead.

Day two shifted gears with exciting cycling and boxing competitions unfolding at the festival venue.

The cycling race from Birnin Kebbi to Argungu saw Bello Muhammad clinch victory after one hour and 30 minutes of intense effort, taking home a trophy, a motorcycle, and N300,000. The boxing ring was equally electrifying, with Sha’aban from Kano State defeating Kebbi’s Yahayan Tarasa in a fiercely contested match that kept spectators on the edge of their seats.

The Heartbeat of Tradition: Kabanci and its Human Cost

Thursday was dedicated to celebrating the region’s lifeblood agriculture. An impressive Agricultural Show in Argungu featured giant rice pyramids, a powerful visual testament to the state’s rich endowments and achievements.

But the spiritual core of the festival, the legendary Kabanci water sports, unfolded on its third day.

 The Mala  River side became a theatre of ancestral skill as thousands thronged the banks. The scene was a breathtaking display of cultural heritage: men and boys fishing with bare hands, two-man canoe races slicing through the water, and the gruelling swimming contests with clay pots.

Participants demonstrated remarkable agility, passing down techniques across myriad generations. The Water Relay Race, a true test of endurance, was among the most cheered. However, the celebration was tinged with tragedy. Despite the presence of emergency services, reports emerged of the death of two participants in the water relay competition after Red Cross officials gave emergency assistance.

As dusk fell, the majestic Kabi Durbar transformed the atmosphere. A magnificent procession of decorated horses and riders, reflecting the Emirate’s martial history and equestrian excellence, offered a spectacle of regal splendour.

The Grand Finale: A 59kg Triumph

The week-long celebration culminated in the main event on Saturday, February 14. Over 40,000 fishermen entered the Matan Fada River, a river of humanity awaiting the starter’s signal. The formal commencement was timed with the arrival of the Special Guest of Honour, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was joined by a host of dignitaries from within and outside the country.

The result was historic. Abubakar Usman from Maiyama Local Government Area of Kebbi State emerged as the champion, landing the festival’s biggest fish, weighing 59 kilogrammes. His feat earned him two brand-new Toyota vehicles, generously donated by the Sokoto State Government, along with a N1 million cash prize.

Abdullahi Garba from Argungu secured second place with a 40kg fish, receiving a Toyota saloon car from WACOTT Rice Miles Limited and N1 million. The third position was jointly claimed by Danlansu Dankani from Jega and another contestant, who each caught fish weighing 34kg, going home with N1 million and a motorcycle apiece.

President Tinubu, in his address, encapsulated the festival’s essence, describing it as “a historic event and a powerful symbol of unity and resilience and peaceful coexistence amongst Nigerians. It reflects the richness of our culture, the strength of our tradition and the opportunities that lie in harnessing our natural resources for national development.”

Echoes from Argungu: A Look to the Future

The festival’s impact resonated deeply with local residents. For Shamsu Usman and Ishaka Kabir,  among others, the event is more than a cultural showcase. They believe it is a vital economic driver, with income generated poised to be channelled into other productive activities, reinforcing the festival’s role in grassroots development.

The success of the 61st edition was also significantly amplified by the vital role of legacy media, news platforms, social media influencers, and content creators, whose coverage projected the images of Argungu to a global audience.

As the festival continues to attract tourists from every corner of the world, its position as a premier cultural tourism destination in Nigeria is firmly cemented. The collective vision now is for the Argungu Emirate Council, the Kebbi State Government, and the Federal Government to work in concert. By investing in modern strategies, infrastructure, and sustainable practices, they can further enhance the festival, ensuring it remains a powerful engine for socio-economic development in Argungu, Kebbi State, and the nation at large for generations to come.

Nigeria’s political arena has never been short of strong personalities, but few figures have remained as consistently relevant as Nasir El-Rufai. Love him or dislike him, it is difficult to ignore the fact that he has been one of the most consequential actors in Nigeria’s political journey since the return to civil rule in 1999. His recent confrontation with security authorities and the attempt to detain him without clear evidence speak less about law enforcement and more about the anxiety within the ruling establishment.

To understand the current political tension, one must first understand El-Rufai’s place in the system. From his early role in the administration of Olusegun Obasanjo to his strategic alignment in the political transitions that produced Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, and later Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai has repeatedly demonstrated a rare understanding of how power works in Nigeria. Few politicians can claim to have operated so close to multiple presidencies across different political eras.

His experience is not accidental. As a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and later governor of Kaduna State, El-Rufai built a reputation for being both strategic and outspoken. That combination has earned him loyal supporters and fierce critics. Yet even his opponents concede that he understands the inner workings of Nigerian politics better than most of his contemporaries.

What makes the present situation intriguing is the reaction of the current government under President Bola Tinubu. Political watchers note that the administration appears unusually sensitive to El-Rufai’s moves and statements. The attempted arrest at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja, which was resisted by supporters who had gathered to welcome him, has only deepened public suspicion that political motivations may be at play.

In any democratic society, the rule of law demands that allegations be backed by evidence. Detaining a prominent political figure without a clear justification risks sending the wrong message to the public. It creates the impression that state institutions are being deployed as political tools rather than impartial guardians of justice. Such actions can weaken public confidence in democracy at a time when many Nigerians are already questioning the direction of the country’s governance.

Beyond the immediate controversy, El-Rufai’s political relevance lies in his networks and influence. In Northern Nigeria, he maintains relationships with traditional leaders, religious authorities, and political elites. His connections with groups such as the Arewa Consultative Forum and his standing among many northern political actors make him a figure whose voice carries weight in national conversations.

This is also why his reported involvement in strengthening the African Democratic Congress has attracted attention. In a political environment where alliances and coalitions often determine electoral outcomes, any figure capable of mobilising political forces across regions automatically becomes a strategic concern for those in power.

El-Rufai himself has long argued that political dominance in Nigeria can be challenged through direct engagement with voters. During a public lecture in Lagos years ago, he pointed out that millions of registered voters often stay away from the polls. His argument was simple. If a politician can mobilise even a fraction of those disengaged citizens, entrenched political structures can be defeated. That message resonates strongly in today’s political climate.

The lesson from his remarks is that Nigerian democracy still holds untapped potential. Electoral participation remains one of the most powerful tools available to citizens. When politicians connect directly with voters rather than relying solely on elite political arrangements, the balance of power can shift dramatically.

The current political drama surrounding El-Rufai, therefore, reflects a deeper struggle within Nigeria’s political system. It is not merely about one individual. It is about the anxiety that emerges whenever established power structures sense the rise of alternative political forces.

Whether one agrees with his politics or not, attempting to silence a figure like El-Rufai through intimidation or questionable legal action does not strengthen democracy. If anything, it elevates his profile and reinforces the perception that he represents a genuine challenge to the status quo.

Nigeria’s democracy should be strong enough to accommodate dissent, criticism, and competition. The country has endured decades of political turbulence and should have learned by now that suppressing political voices rarely solves problems. Open contestation, debate, and accountability are the true pillars of democratic progress.

As the political landscape gradually shifts toward the next electoral cycle, figures like Nasir El-Rufai will continue to shape conversations about leadership, power, and the future of governance in Nigeria. The real question is not whether he will remain relevant. The real question is how Nigeria’s political system will respond to voices that challenge the existing order.

If democracy means anything, it must allow strong political actors to participate freely without fear of intimidation. The strength of a nation’s democracy is measured not by how it treats its friends, but by how it treats its critics.

Interesting time ahead.

Muhammad Umar Shehu wrote from Gombe and can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.