Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The death of Nigeria’s former President Muhammadu Buhari in a London hospital has once again spotlighted the country’s long-standing crisis in healthcare delivery, especially among its elite. 

Buhari, 82, died on Saturday, July 13, after a prolonged illness reportedly linked to leukaemia. Despite leading Africa’s most populous nation and the continent’s largest economy, he died not on Nigerian soil, but under foreign care.

His passing mirrors a now-familiar pattern among Nigeria’s political class: fleeing abroad for treatment, even for routine ailments, only to eventually die in foreign hospitals. Buhari, who frequently sought medical attention in the United Kingdom during his presidency, had once campaigned on the promise of reducing medical tourism. Instead, he became one of its most prominent symbols.

Public reaction has been swift and critical. Muhammad Shakir Balogun, a resident advisor with the Nigeria Field Epidemiology and Laboratory Training Program (NFELTP), condemned the trend in a widely shared Facebook post. Drawing comparisons with African icons like Nelson Mandela and Jerry Rawlings—both of whom received treatment and died in their home countries—Balogun wrote:

“They were not flown to London, Paris, or Amsterdam. They were attended to in their own countries by their own doctors… What of Nigeria, the giant of Africa? Even those who campaigned on the moral pedestal of not going abroad for treatment turned out to be the worst offenders ever.”

He called on current President Bola Tinubu to “break the despicable and shameless tradition” by ensuring at least one world-class hospital exists within Nigeria—“even if it’s a military hospital.”

Yet, President Tinubu himself has also faced criticism for continuing the same tradition. Since assuming office in May 2023, he has reportedly travelled to Paris multiple times for medical checkups, reinforcing the perception that Nigerian leaders lack confidence in the very healthcare system they oversee.

Critics argue that the reliance on foreign healthcare is not just a failure of policy but a profound betrayal of public trust. Nigeria’s public hospitals suffer from underfunding, dilapidated infrastructure, and a mass exodus of medical professionals, many of whom now work in the very countries to which Nigerian leaders turn in times of illness.

With Buhari’s burial scheduled for today in his hometown of Daura, Katsina State, attention is turning not just to the legacy of his leadership, but to the urgent need for healthcare reform at home, so that future presidents may live, heal, and if necessary, die on Nigerian soil.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Former Nigerian Vice President and presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar has criticised the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration over unpaid wage awards and the detention of labour activist Comrade Andrew Uche Emelieze.

In a statement shared on his social media accounts, Atiku accused President Tinubu of worsening economic hardship through the “hasty and thoughtless” removal of fuel subsidy on his inauguration day, which he said plunged Nigerians into inflation, hunger, and despair.

Atiku said the government promised a ₦35,000 monthly wage award to federal civil servants pending the conclusion of a new minimum wage deal. Ten months later, only six months have been paid, leaving ₦140,000 owed per worker.

He condemned the arrest of Comrade Emelieze, who was detained for attempting to organise a peaceful protest over the unpaid wages, calling it “an affront to democracy.”

“We demand the immediate and unconditional release of Comrade Emelieze,” Atiku said. “Nigerian workers will not be silenced, intimidated, or forgotten.”

The Federal Government has yet to respond to the statement.

By Muhammad Abubakar

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to the ideals of the BRICS bloc, emphasising the need for financial restructuring and a reimagined global order that reflects the aspirations of emerging economies.

Speaking at the ongoing BRICS summit in Rio, Tinubu stated that the group must evolve beyond its economic identity to become a “beacon for emerging solutions” based on solidarity, self-reliance, sustainability, and shared prosperity.

Talking about Nigeria’s youth-driven demographic, the President emphasised the importance of shaping global policies that address the specific concerns of young people, who comprise 70% of Nigeria’s population.

“Nigeria is not a passive participant in global affairs,” Tinubu declared. “We are taking bold, homegrown steps to accelerate renewable energy, mainstream climate action, strengthen urban resilience, and expand healthcare access.”

He concluded with a strong message of determination: “The world is changing. Nigeria will not be left behind. We will help lead the way.”

 By Nasiru Ibrahim 

The channels of distribution from exploration to consumers in Nigeria’s oil industry—before Dangote’s refinery—began with crude oil extracted by NNPC Ltd. and international companies such as Shell, Mobil, and Chevron. The crude was sold to NNPC or exported. Due to the poor performance of local refineries, such as those in Warri and Port Harcourt, Nigeria relied on importing refined fuel through NNPC and major marketers, including TotalEnergies, Oando, and Conoil.

Once imported, the fuel was stored in depots like Apapa, Atlas Cove, Ibru Jetty, and Calabar. From there, independent transport companies such as Petrolog, TSL Logistics, AA Rano, and MRS transported it by tanker to filling stations. These stations—both major and independent—sold the fuel directly to consumers. 

Alhaji Aliko Dangote is on the verge of taking full control of Nigeria’s downstream oil sector, covering everything from marketing and retail to transportation and distribution of petroleum products. In economic terms, this is known as vertical integration. Many Nigerians are now raising concerns that Dangote could dominate the entire fuel market. This comes after Dangote Petroleum Refinery released a press statement outlining its upcoming plans for fuel supply and distribution.

In the statement dated June 16, 2025, the company announced that it will start selling petrol (PMS) and diesel in the Nigerian market from August 15, 2025. To support this, it plans to roll out 4,000 Compressed Natural Gas (CNG)-powered trucks across the country to deliver fuel directly to buyers at no additional logistics cost.

Dangote also revealed that it will offer credit facilities to credible buyers who purchase at least 500,000 litres of PMS or diesel. 

These buyers include registered oil marketers, manufacturers, telecom companies, airlines, and other large fuel consumers. The company states that this move will enhance fuel availability, reduce reliance on imports, and bolster Nigeria’s energy security by overseeing both refining and distribution.

With Dangote’s new initiative, he buys crude oil from NNPC and refines it here in Nigeria. Then, using his trucks, he moves the fuel to his storage depots and delivers it straight to filling stations. This means no need for middlemen or prominent marketers—everything is handled by Dangote’s team from start to finish.

However, while this could lower fuel prices and ease supply challenges, it has also sparked fears about reduced competition. Some worry that giving too much power to one player could lead to a market monopoly, calling for proper regulation to ensure fairness in the downstream sector.

Economists, policymakers, businessmen, entrepreneurs, and economics students like myself are actively considering the potential impact of this new initiative on oil marketers, the Nigerian economy, employment, exchange rates, consumers, filling stations, climate change, and other critical factors. Many are questioning whether this move will yield positive results. However, we cannot understand the implications unless we first examine the structure and components of Nigeria’s downstream sector, including Dangote himself, his competitors, those affected by his actions, and all other players in the supply chain up to the final consumer.

In economics and policy development, a long-standing debate exists about how policies should be evaluated. Some scholars argue that policies should be judged by their outcomes, while others believe they should be assessed based on their intentions. For example, Milton Friedman emphasised that policies must be judged by their results, not their intentions. 

In contrast, economists like Paul Samuelson acknowledged the importance of considering both intent and context, especially when outcomes are not yet visible. This debate is relevant here. It may be premature to conclude whether Dangote’s new initiative is positive or negative solely based on expected results, as those outcomes have not yet materialised. 

Nevertheless, some would argue that judging the initiative by its intention — such as improving fuel availability, reducing logistics costs, and enhancing energy security — is still meaningful, especially in economic policy, where many decisions are based on projected or long-term effects. Evaluating intentions enables us to gauge the direction of policy, even in the absence of immediate evidence.

Nigeria’s downstream sector is responsible for refining, retailing, distribution, transportation, and marketing of petroleum products. It comprises several companies and regulatory bodies, including NNPCL, Dangote Refinery, Oando, MRS, AA Rano, ExxonMobil, Danmarna, Aliko Oil, and many others. While Dangote operates across both the midstream and downstream sectors, his actions may also indirectly affect the upstream sector, particularly through their influence on demand, supply, and the pricing of petroleum products.

Instead of focusing solely on the structure of the downstream sector, I believe we should carefully consider both the potential benefits and drawbacks of this new initiative by Dangote Refinery, without completely dismissing Friedman’s view on judging policies strictly by results.

Potential Positive Implications of the New Initiative

Firstly, Dangote’s new initiative will reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported oil from the Gulf and Europe. This is beneficial for Nigeria’s foreign exchange (FX) reserves, as less demand for imported fuel means the country will need fewer U.S. dollars for imports. As a result, this could lead to an appreciation of the Naira due to a fall in demand for foreign currency. Additionally, it will improve the trade balance and increase GDP contribution from the domestic oil refining sector.

Secondly, the initiative will create both direct and indirect jobs in Nigeria. Direct employment opportunities will arise for truck drivers, mechanics, technicians, depot workers, and logistics personnel. If Dangote deploys between 2,000 and 4,000 trucks, and each truck requires one to two drivers, along with at least one support mechanic, one depot staff member, and logistics coordinators, this could result in approximately 20,000 direct jobs. Indirect employment opportunities will arise for consultants, accountants, lawyers, filling station managers, as well as workers in catering, cleaning, petrochemicals, fertiliser, plastics, and related industries.

Thirdly, the initiative will enhance fuel accessibility and improve supply chain efficiency, thereby reducing waste and environmental pollution. By taking direct control over storage and distribution, the initiative can eliminate middlemen inefficiencies, potentially reducing fuel scarcity and hoarding, which often drive up inflation. With direct sales to filling stations, illegal practices like tanker swaps and product diversion by middlemen can be curbed. Furthermore, the use of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG)-powered trucks will lower transportation costs, reduce emissions, and increase domestic gas utilisation, thereby boosting gas revenue.

Fourthly, the initiative is expected to lower fuel prices, which is a major driver of inflation in Nigeria. By eliminating international shipping fees, foreign refinery profit margins, and import levies—all of which form a significant portion of the overall fuel cost—the retail price per unit of fuel could drop. Lower fuel prices can ease the cost of living, reduce inflationary pressures, and improve economic stability.

Fifthly, the initiative will strengthen Nigeria’s energy security in the face of global supply chain disruptions. For instance, ongoing conflicts such as the Israel-Iran and Russia-Ukraine wars, or geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, can threaten the global fuel supply. Additionally, OPEC+ efforts to raise oil prices increase external vulnerabilities. By reducing dependence on imported fuel, Nigeria becomes more resilient to global shocks, ensuring steady availability of fuel at domestic filling stations even during international crises.

Sixthly, from a broader perspective, this initiative positions Nigeria as a regional supplier of refined petroleum products in Africa, reducing the continent’s reliance on Europe and the Gulf. This shift enhances Nigeria’s foreign policy leverage and strategic influence, particularly within regional and international institutions such as ECOWAS, AfCFTA, AfDB, and Afreximbank. A robust domestic refining industry enhances investor confidence and may attract more foreign direct investment (FDI) in the long term. Investors are more likely to commit to economies with stable energy supply, regional trade advantages, and reduced exposure to global price shocks.

Potential Negative Implications

Firstly, there is a serious economic fear that this could lead to a monopoly, and many Nigerians have already raised concerns about that. The Petroleum Tanker Drivers and Owners Association of Nigeria (PATROAN) and the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) have both expressed worry that Dangote might dominate the entire downstream oil sector. In economics, when a single company controls the whole supply chain, from refining to selling, it stifles competition. And when there’s no competition, prices can be fixed unfairly, small businesses get pushed out, and consumers suffer in the long run.

Secondly, there’s the risk of predatory pricing. This occurs when a powerful company sells at very low prices—sometimes even below cost—to drive smaller competitors out of the market. Dangote might do this since he doesn’t import fuel and can afford to sell at a lower price. However, after chasing them out, he can raise prices at any time, leaving people with no choice and putting consumers at risk of exploitation. This leads to what is called “deadweight loss” in economics, where both individuals and the economy lose out.

Thirdly, many jobs could be lost, especially among small fuel marketers, distributors, and transporters who previously imported and sold fuel themselves. Dangote is now doing everything directly—refining, distributing, and even retailing—which means companies like AA Rano, Danmarna, Aliko Oil, and many others might be pushed out or forced to operate under unfair terms. This is already affecting their businesses, especially in the North, and could lead to job losses in areas that rely heavily on these companies.

Fourthly, government policy interference and the role of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) could create more problems. NNPCL also operates in the downstream sector and has partnerships and influence that could either support or conflict with Dangote’s activities. Past issues, such as unclear pricing, fuel subsidy mismanagement, and delays in policy implementation, demonstrate that when government agencies operate without transparency, it can create more confusion than solutions. This could make it easier for big companies like Dangote to influence decisions in their favour while others suffer.

Fifthly, new investors might avoid the sector. If one company already controls everything, what’s left for others to invest in? People may view the fuel business in Nigeria as a “one-man game,” making it challenging to attract new ideas, competition, and investment. This can slow down innovation and limit the country’s long-term progress in energy.

Sixthly, there’s a risk of regional imbalance. Dangote might focus more on high-demand urban areas where there’s more profit, and this could lead to fuel shortages in rural or northern regions. Small marketers who once served these communities may not survive, and that means remote areas could suffer more from fuel scarcity. This may exacerbate existing regional inequalities.

Possible solutions 

Firstly, don’t ban fuel imports immediately. Let other marketers continue importing fuel, at least for the time being. If only one company controls the supply, prices may rise or stay unstable. The government can grant import waivers to others, ensuring that competition remains alive and fuel remains affordable.

Secondly, we should repair our old refineries and support the development of new ones. Dangote shouldn’t be the only one refining fuel. If we repair the Warri, Port Harcourt, and Kaduna refineries and encourage small private ones, we’ll have a more local supply. That also helps in the future if we want to export after meeting our own needs. 

Thirdly, ensure that other players can access storage and transportation facilities. If only Dangote had the port, pipelines, and trucks, smaller marketers wouldn’t survive. The government can step in to make sure these facilities are shared fairly, with clear rules and affordable fees.

Fourthly, don’t forget far places like Northern states and rural towns. Most fuel may remain in the South, where Dangote is located. Therefore, the government should support distribution to remote areas by encouraging group buying or establishing shared fuel depots. Everyone deserves access, not just those near the refinery.

Fifthly, expand the availability of fuel alternatives like CNG to more locations. If we’re shifting to compressed natural gas (CNG), it should not be exclusive to the rich or city dwellers. Rural and remote areas require the same support,including CNG buses, filling stations, and awareness initiatives.

Finally, monitor prices and ensure fairness. We need a simple system that tracks and shows fuel prices across regions. That way, if one company tries to raise prices unfairly, the public and the government will be aware.

Ibrahim is an economist and writer based in Jigawa State, Nigeria. He holds a degree in Economics from Bayero University, Kano. With a background in journalism at Forsige, he currently works as a research assistant and contributes expert commentary on economics, finance, and business.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The growing political controversy surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket for the 2027 general elections came to the fore at the Northeast Zonal Meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held in Gombe on Saturday, June 14, 2025. Party leaders, stakeholders, and delegates gathered to endorse Tinubu for a second term, amid rising internal debates over the party’s viability, unity, and future direction ahead of the next electoral cycle.

If President Tinubu decides to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima in favour of another Muslim from the North, it could reignite the deeply divisive Muslim-Muslim ticket debate that stirred significant controversy during the 2023 presidential election.

Retaining Vice President Kashim Shettima may help the Tinubu camp avoid reigniting the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket debate, but it also raises questions about the ticket’s continued strategic value. While the pairing was originally calculated to consolidate support among Muslim voters in the North during the 2023 election, changing political dynamics suggest that the ticket may no longer hold the same appeal. With growing dissatisfaction in parts of the North and shifting voter sentiments nationwide, some within the APC believe that the Tinubu/Shettima combination may now offer diminishing electoral returns.

Even if President Tinubu opts for a new Muslim running mate, the Muslim-Muslim ticket may no longer deliver the same political dividends in the North. A growing number of Northern-Muslim voters reportedly feel underrepresented or sidelined in the current administration, despite the religious alignment of the top two offices. 

Discontent over perceived sidelining in federal appointments, economic policies, and security outcomes has weakened the assumption that religious pairing alone can secure Northern loyalty. As such, simply replacing Shettima with another Northern Muslim may not be enough to re-energise the base or guarantee widespread support in 2027.

Should President Tinubu replace Shettima with another Muslim from the North, it would likely provoke renewed backlash from Christian communities nationwide, especially in the North. Many would raise the familiar and legitimate question: Are there no capable Northern Christians fit to serve as Vice President? In a country where religious identity plays a central role in politics and representation.

If President Tinubu chooses a Northern Christian as his running mate, he risks alienating a core part of the APC’s support base. These Northern Muslim voters have historically been the backbone of the party’s electoral strength in the north. Many within this bloc view the Muslim-Muslim ticket as both symbolic and strategic. Without votes from the north, Tinubu’s second term will have key-leg

Selecting a running mate from the Northwest could trigger resistance or even quiet rebellion from the Northeast, which may interpret the move as a political slight or marginalisation. Having produced the current Vice President, the Northeast might expect to retain the position as a matter of continuity and recognition of its contribution to the party’s 2023 victory. Overlooking the region could stir resentment among its political leaders and grassroots supporters, potentially weakening the APC’s hold in key Northeastern states. It may also open the door for opposition parties to exploit regional grievances and rally disaffected voters under the banner of regional justice and equity. The  NorthCentral will also ask some questions- Tinubu won four states in north central- Kogi, Benue, Kwara and Niger

Choosing another Muslim running mate from the Northeast, but outside the Borno-Yobe axis, could provoke backlash from that axis. The Borno-Yobe axis, long considered the APC’s stronghold in the Northeast, may view such a move as a betrayal of loyalty, especially given that Borno was the only state in the region that delivered a win for Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election. Overlooking this issue in favour of another Northeastern state could result in protest votes or political apathy from key stakeholders and voters who feel their support is being taken for granted. In a tightly contested 2027 race, such fractures could prove costly.

Ultimately, the debate surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima ticket for 2027 is shaping up to be an early and avoidable self-inflicted wound for the APC. Rather than uniting the party around governance and strategy, it has reopened an unnecessary debate and controversy. This is fueling unnecessary tension within the party ranks and distracting from core governance issues that could strengthen the APC’s re-election prospects. 

Yet, amid all the speculation and lobbying, it is important to remember that the selection of a running mate remains the sole constitutional prerogative of the presidential candidate. While input from party leaders and stakeholders matters, the final decision rests with President Tinubu, who must now weigh loyalty, optics, regional dynamics, and electoral viability in making a choice that could define both his legacy and the APC’s future.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Audu Bulama Bukarti is a noisemaker who understands nothing about politics. His recent comments on the newly formed opposition coalition are not only shallow but also dangerously misleading. While millions of Nigerians are applauding this coalition as a timely and necessary step to challenge the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and rescue the country from economic suffocation, Bukarti — a London-based lawyer — chose to mock the effort on social media.

Rather than supporting a credible and coordinated opposition, he is promoting a vague, unstructured “youth political party,” claiming that only the youth can bring about change. This may sound attractive on paper, but it shows just how politically naive he is. Politics isn’t wishful thinking — it’s a game of structure, influence, visibility, and strategic alliances.

Just like filmmaking, where unknown actors rarely carry a blockbuster, political success depends on familiar, trusted, and tested figures. The leaders in the ADC-led coalition may not be perfect, but they possess the political weight, experience, and resources to help Nigeria emerge from this crisis. They are not saints, but they know what the people are going through, and their unity reflects the seriousness of the moment.

We must not forget the damage the Tinubu-led APC government has caused: the reckless removal of fuel subsidy, the crippling naira devaluation, inflation that has turned food and transportation into luxury, and a general sense of hopelessness among ordinary citizens. Nigerians are hungry and angry — and they need relief, not political experiments.

Bukarti’s idea that youth alone can take over now is not only unrealistic, but also risky. It will divide the opposition, weaken the resistance, and give the APC a smooth ride into another term of hardship. The youth are important, yes. However, they must join hands with established political structures to make an impact, rather than isolating themselves in emotional idealism.

The ADC coalition brings together people who understand Nigerian politics, who have reach, recognition, and machinery. That’s what it takes to defeat a regime that has weaponised poverty and punished the poor. Unity is the only way forward. This is not a time to gamble or experiment — it is a time to act wisely and strategically.

Bukarti’s obsession with promoting his “youth party” at this critical point raises serious questions. Is it merely ignorance, or is he playing a hidden role to distract and sabotage the coalition’s genuine efforts? Either way, Nigerians must not be fooled. The real enemy is not the coalition, but the hunger, insecurity, and hopelessness forced on us by the Tinubu government.

This is not the time for ego or empty noise. What Nigerians need are leaders with courage, experience, and structure, not social media loudspeakers who offer nothing but confusion. Bukarti should either contribute meaningfully or step aside.

The ADC coalition may not be perfect, but it is Nigeria’s best shot at ending the nightmare. This moment demands unity, not division — strategy, not noise — and above all, action, not confusion.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai wrote from Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has declared that its 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, no longer has the party’s platform to contest against President Bola Tinubu or any other presidential hopeful in the upcoming 2027 elections.

This was announced in a statement on Saturday by the party’s National Chairman, Dr. Agbo Major, in response to comments made by Buba Galadima, who claimed that Kwankwaso would remain in the NNPP and contest the next presidential election on its ticket.

Galadima had dismissed speculations that Kwankwaso was defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), insisting the former governor would strategically stay in the NNPP until the 2027 political whistle is blown. He also urged Nigerians to support Kwankwaso’s presidential ambition.

However, Dr. Agbo refuted Galadima’s claims, stressing that both Kwankwaso and Galadima had long been expelled from the party for anti-party activities and therefore could not speak for or use the NNPP for any political ambition.

“Our Memorandum of Understanding with the Kwankwasiyya Movement, led by Kwankwaso, ended shortly after the 2023 elections. We cannot allow Kwankwaso back into the NNPP because of the internal crises and legal battles he caused,” Agbo stated.

He alleged that Kwankwaso attempted to hijack the party by changing its logo to reflect the Kwankwasiyya movement’s identity, which was later reversed through court intervention after a controversial convention in Abuja.

Agbo also dismissed the possibility of Kwankwaso receiving another automatic ticket from the NNPP, stating that such a privilege would not be granted again.

“Kwankwaso is known for joining only political parties where he can control leadership. But here, that era is gone. His ambition is dead on arrival,” Agbo added.

While affirming Kwankwaso’s constitutional right to contest any office, Agbo emphasised that the NNPP would not be involved in any antagonism against the President or other political parties.

He said the party is now considering fresh aspirants ahead of 2027 and will ensure due process and transparency in selecting its next presidential candidate.

“The NNPP has moved on. We will not be drawn into needless controversies. We advise Kwankwaso to form his own party if he still wants to pursue his ambitions,” Agbo concluded.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

On Thursday, June 26, 2025, President Bola Tinubu signed into law four landmark tax bills that the National Assembly had recently passed.

Whether one agrees or disagrees with Tinubu’s style of governance, the new tax bills signal a new beginning for Nigerians, businesses, and governments, both at the subnational and federal levels.

Some key  highlights of the Reforms are:

Elimination of Duplication in Tax Collection: One major reform is the establishment of the new Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS), which will now collect revenues that were previously handled by numerous agencies, such as the Nigeria Customs Service, Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), NIMASA, and others.

Tax Exemption for Low-Income Earners: With the new provisions, individuals earning ₦800,000 or less per year are now fully exempt from income tax. This is a masterstroke, especially for many people in the North. It removes a huge burden and creates space for their small and medium-sized businesses to grow and flourish.

New Personal Income Tax Rate: 

Only those earning above ₦50 million annually will be required to pay the new 25% personal income tax rate. This is both fair and reasonable.

Another significant win for the North, which has the highest concentration of impoverished people in Nigeria, is the removal of VAT on essential goods and services, including school fees, medical services, food, pharmaceuticals, and electricity. This is a significant relief for the poor and small to medium-sized businesses.

The corporate tax rate will now be reduced from 30% to 25%, and small businesses will be fully exempt from paying income tax.

The controversial VAT issue has now been ‘fairly’ settled, and again, it’s a big win for the North, which had previously raised concerns. The new revenue-sharing formula is as follows:

Federal Government: 10%

States: 55%

Local Governments: 35%

Even more importantly, the VAT sharing formula has been revised in a way that favours the North. If northern states seize the opportunity to harness and develop their economies and markets, especially in agriculture, they will benefit significantly.

The new sharing criteria are:

50% of VAT is shared equally among all states

20% is based on population

30% is based on where goods/services are consumed

One of the most important features of these tax reforms is how they protect and uplift the poor and small businesses,especially in the North, where:

About 65% of Nigeria’s poorest people live

Over 52% of the country’s states are located

More than 60% of the population resides

Nearly 70% of Nigeria’s landmass is found

And almost 80% of agricultural production takes place

It’s time for northern states to tap into local knowledge and deploy homegrown experts to thoroughly study the four landmark tax laws in line with each state’s peculiarities and needs, yet with the whole North as the unifying objective.

If well studied and strategically implemented, Tinubu’s new tax reforms could be the silver bullet the North has been waiting for.

They offer fiscal justice, decentralisation of revenue, protection for the poor, incentives for businesses, and a practical opportunity to lift millions out of poverty.

However, as always, it will take visionary leadership, technical expertise, and political will to translate policy into meaningful impact. The opportunity is here. The North must not waste it.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Oladoja M.O

In the annals of Nigeria’s healthcare odyssey, the narrative has long been marred by systemic inertia, infrastructural decay, and a pervasive sense of despondency. For decades, the nation’s health sector languished in a state of neglect, characterized by underfunded primary healthcare centers, a dearth of medical personnel, and an overreliance on foreign aid. The corridors of our hospitals echoed with the silent cries of the underserved, while policymakers offered platitudes devoid of actionable substance.

Enter the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in May 2023, heralding a paradigm shift that seeks to redefine the contours of Nigeria’s health landscape. At the heart of this transformation lies the comprehensive overhaul of the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF), a mechanism previously crippled by bureaucratic bottlenecks and inadequate financing.

The reimagined BHCPF now boasts a projected infusion of at least $2.5 billion between 2024 and 2026, a testament to the administration’s commitment to fortifying the primary healthcare system. This financial renaissance is not merely a numerical augmentation but a strategic realignment aimed at enhancing service delivery at the grassroots.

The direct facility funding to primary healthcare centers has been escalated from ₦300,000 to a range between ₦600,000 and ₦800,000 per quarter, ensuring that resources are channeled efficiently to where they are most needed. Such fiscal decentralization empowers local health facilities, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability that was hitherto absent.

Complementing this financial strategy is an ambitious infrastructural agenda. The administration has embarked on a mission to double the number of functional primary healthcare centers from 8,809 to over 17,600 by 2027, a move poised to bridge the accessibility gap that has long plagued rural and underserved communities. These centers are envisioned not as isolated units but as integral components of a comprehensive emergency care system, ensuring a seamless continuum of care.

Human capital development forms another pillar of this transformative agenda. Recognizing the critical shortage of healthcare professionals, the government has initiated the training of 120,000 frontline health workers over a 16-month period, encompassing doctors, nurses, midwives, and community health extension workers. This initiative not only addresses the immediate workforce deficit but also lays the groundwork for a resilient health system capable of withstanding future shocks.

In a bold move to stimulate local pharmaceutical production and reduce dependency on imports, the administration has eliminated tariffs, excise duties, and value-added tax on specialized machinery, equipment, and pharmaceutical raw materials. This policy is anticipated to catalyze the domestic manufacturing sector, ensuring the availability of essential medicines and medical devices while fostering economic growth.

Public health initiatives have also received a significant boost. Nigeria has become one of the first countries to roll out the Oxford R21 malaria vaccine, a landmark development in the fight against a disease that has long been a scourge in the region. Additionally, the administration has launched targeted programs aimed at reducing maternal and neonatal mortality, focusing on 172 local government areas that account for a significant proportion of such deaths.

However, amidst these commendable strides, challenges persist. The sustainability of these reforms’ hinges on robust monitoring and evaluation frameworks to ensure transparency and accountability. The specter of corruption, which has historically undermined health sector initiatives, must be vigilantly guarded against. Furthermore, the success of these programs requires the active collaboration of state governments, civil society, and the private sector.

In conclusion, the Tinubu administration’s approach to healthcare reform seemingly represents a departure from the perfunctory gestures of the past. It is a comprehensive, well-funded, and strategically articulated plan that addresses the multifaceted challenges of the sector. While the journey towards a fully revitalized health system is fraught with obstacles, the current trajectory offers a beacon of hope. It is imperative that all stakeholders coalesce around this vision, ensuring that the momentum is sustained and that the promise of accessible, quality healthcare becomes a reality for all Nigerians.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

In a significant move to overhaul Nigeria’s educational infrastructure, the Federal Government has inaugurated a high-level committee to develop comprehensive Public-Private Partnership (PPP) guidelines aimed at attracting private sector investment into the sector.

The initiative, led by the Honourable Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Olatunji Alausa CON, seeks to address persistent infrastructural and capacity deficits, particularly in secondary and tertiary institutions.

Speaking at the committee’s inauguration, Dr. Alausa emphasized the need for innovation and collaboration in education financing. “Government cannot do it alone… We must leverage private funding to modernize and sustain our educational system,” he said, noting that while current funding efforts—such as the 2025 education budget and TETFund interventions—are commendable, they remain inadequate.

The newly inaugurated committee, chaired by the Honourable Minister of State for Education (represented by the Director of Special Duties), includes key directors from the ministry, and representatives from the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC), Ministry of Housing, and other stakeholders.

Its mandate includes formulating PPP benchmarks, reviewing legal frameworks, clarifying stakeholder roles, establishing performance indicators, designing oversight mechanisms, and recommending penalties for non-compliance. The committee has been given three months to submit its report.

“If we do this right, this document can be a model for other ministries,” Dr. Alausa noted.

Other speakers at the event, including ministry officials and stakeholders, expressed strong support for the initiative and its potential to transform Nigeria’s education landscape.