PDP

Tinubu to opposition: Stop blaming me for your failures

By Uzair Adam

President Bola Tinubu on Sunday advised opposition parties to accept responsibility for their internal crises rather than blame him for their inability to manage their affairs.

Tinubu said that political defections are neither new nor unique to Nigeria, citing examples from more advanced democracies where notable politicians have switched parties without controversy.

Speaking through his spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, Tinubu dismissed allegations that his administration is tilting towards authoritarianism, describing such claims as baseless and exaggerated.

He insisted that democracy in Nigeria remains vibrant and under no threat.

The President questioned why defections from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), such as that of former Kaduna State Governor Mallam Nasir el-Rufai to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), are celebrated, while defections to the APC are condemned.

In a statement titled, “Democracy strong and alive in Nigeria, ignore alarmists,” Tinubu said: “We have read the alarming claims of disgruntled opposition figures, some partisan human rights crusaders, and emergency defenders of democracy over recent defections of key members of opposition parties into the governing APC.”

He noted that recent political shifts, including Akwa Ibom Governor Umo Eno’s support for Tinubu, the defection of Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, and former PDP vice presidential candidate Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, had unsettled the opposition.

“While the opposition elements are understandably heartbroken over the failure of their grand coalition, it is disturbing they are resorting to false claims of promoting a one-party state against President Tinubu, who is working hard to reverse decades of economic mismanagement,” the statement said.

It added that accusations of bribery, blackmail, and weaponisation of state institutions are mere fabrications from politicians who have failed in their roles as opposition.

Tinubu stressed that he bears no responsibility for the internal disorganisation and incompetence within opposition ranks, saying it is not his job to manage or strengthen their parties.

He also criticised what he described as hypocrisy, saying those celebrating the formation of an anti-Tinubu coalition now cry foul when politicians defect to the ruling party.

The statement further reaffirmed Tinubu’s commitment to freedom of association, freedom of speech, and democratic principles, asserting that Nigerians freely migrating to the APC do so because they believe in the reforms being implemented.

It concluded that under President Tinubu, democracy remains strong, and Nigeria’s multiparty system will continue to thrive.

“President Tinubu is an avowed democrat whose political activism and democratic credentials in galvanising opposition to defeat a sitting president stand as proof of his commitment to multiparty democracy,” it said.

Nigerians were urged to support the administration in defending democracy and disregard alarmists promoting baseless narratives.

Coalition, 2027 power play and the need for unity 

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

In the move to ouster Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and the All Progressive Congress (APC) from the mantle of leadership in 2027, the need for unity among our political leaders can not be overemphasised.

The recent visit by Atiku Abubakar and other top politicians to former president Muhammadu Buhari for the post-Sallah, cast serious doubts in the minds of Nigerians who are yet to recover from the shocks of the former president’s betrayal of 2015 – 2023. The Wazirin Adamawa clearly stated that the visit has nothing to do with the proposed merger.

Be that as it may, Atiku as the prominent opposition leader should also be very careful with the crop of politicians is aligning with to achieve this objective, as some of those seen in his entourage during the visit are people with questionable backgrounds, whose their reigns in power left an indelible mark of anger and uncertainty in the minds of their people, they are heartless with no sense of sympathy to the people, they are not different with Tinubu.

As the Hausa saying goes, one need not select water in an attempt to squelch a fire, but in some situations, there is a need for that, as some waters may be more harmful than the fire. The selection of who to join hands with towards emancipating this country from the hands of incessant geezers is of the utmost importance. Sending President Tinubu out of the villa in 2027 is non-negotiable and shouldn’t be handled with kid gloves.

As it stands today, Nigerians yearn for someone who is ready to implement policies and programs that will make their lives very easy and promising, someone who will bring an end to the wanton killings all over the country caused by one insecurity or another, someone who is ready to ensure that Nigeria remains one and united. 

For this, the need for the political leaders to unite and make necessary adjustments to face the heartless APC administration head om is very paramount,  any move that can not guarantee the aspirations of common man in the streets can not move to an inch, and, it will be for the advantage of Bola Tinubu and his APC to remain in power beyond 2027.

To those power drunk, who are making a mockery of the movement, should be reminded that the pre-2015 merger that brought APC to power is still workable. APC and Tinubu should get prepared.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi,  a public affairs commentator and advocate for sustainable development,  writes from Bauchi. 

Is the PDP dead?

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD

By every objective measure, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has ceased functioning as a viable political entity in Nigeria. Its carcass continues to move but without pulse, purpose, or coherence. As a ruling party, the PDP had its moments, but its legacy is weighed down by monumental abuses of power, systemic electoral malpractice, and industrial-scale corruption. 

From the open manipulation of election results mid-process to the weaponisation of state institutions for partisan gain, the party leadership helped normalise impunity at the highest level. Two decades on, many of these cases—alleging theft of billions—are still unresolved.

But the party’s death didn’t happen overnight. It began in 2007, when President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed a sick candidate on Nigerians, followed by Goodluck Jonathan’s directionless presidency. In 2014, a mass defection gutted its internal cohesion, when five of its governors established the new PDP to challenge what they called a lack of internal democracy within the party. 

Losing power in 2015 should have been a moment for self-correction. Instead, the PDP lost its ideological compass. It abandoned the one role opposition parties must play in democracies: the duty to provide clarity, contrast, and credible alternatives. 

Even as the All Progressives Congress (APC) drifted into policy incoherence from 2017 onward and the confusion that followed – petroleum prices increase, ASUU and other university union strikes, economic recession, open stealing never seen before in the nation’s history, fuel subsidy removal, minimum wage controversy, etc.- the PDP remained inert—leaderless, rudderless, and largely invisible.

Today, what remains of the PDP is a loosely held patchwork of political actors in retreat. Governors are defecting. Its 2023 vice-presidential candidate has walked away. State-level structures are hollowed out. Internal leadership is fractured, and there is no unifying idea or strategic doctrine to rally around. What does this tell us? The PDP is not in decline. It is defunct.

Nigeria is experiencing a vacuum of governance across federal, state, and local levels. What is needed is a credible alternative with intellectual spine, strategic clarity, and moral authority. The PDP has forfeited that opportunity. Nigerians are now confronted with two bleak options: to stick with a failing ruling party or scavenge among opportunistic startups branded with catchy acronyms and no ideological soul.

The PDP’s collapse is more than a party’s fall—it is a signal of deeper systemic decay in Nigeria’s political architecture. But in every collapse lies an opening: for principled political entrepreneurship, grounded in values, competence, and execution. Who will offer that? The people that landed us in this mess in the first place or new faces? 

We need new faces in the political arena. These people parading themselves as opposition are no different from the PDP or APC; they are the same. Our youth need to return to their senses, and most people we see in leadership positions started showing their ability to lead in their early 20s. We must step forward if we want to see a Nigeria of our dreams. The time for lamentations is over.

The future belongs to those who can build systems, not just win elections.

APC, PDP, and the rest: A three-way battle for 2027

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

Rivers State: The dangers of political betrayal and unconstitutional interventions

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

I strongly disapprove of Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s betrayal of his political godfather. Fubara entered the political arena without established structures, financial resources, or widespread recognition; he was relatively unknown. 

Former Governor Nyesom Wike provided him with the platform, support, and influence that ultimately led to his rise as governor. Yet, despite this, Fubara has turned against the very person who paved the way for his political ascent. 

Both sides should share the blame for not shifting grounds. The declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State came at a critical time to address rising insecurity and unrest that threatened to spiral out of control. Left unchecked, the situation could have led to a resurgence of militancy and severely disrupted oil exploration activities, which are vital to both the state and national economy. 

Beyond the economic implications, the deteriorating security situation also risks derailing governance and has somehow ‘assisted’ Governor Fubara in escaping impeachment. President Tinubu may justify his decision—he has access to security intelligence and reports that the general public does not.

However, although addressing security concerns is essential, suspending an elected governor and members of the state assembly is not only unconstitutional but also sets a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy. This issue goes beyond the 2027 elections; it strikes at the heart of democratic governance and the principle of electoral legitimacy. 

Our democracy has matured to a point where a sitting governor can be removed only through due process, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). If we are not careful, one day—God forbid—a president or his allies could create chaos in a state simply to justify declaring a state of emergency and unseating an elected governor for political gain. Such actions would undermine democracy and erode public trust in the electoral process. They pose a danger to our future. 

The Rivers state or any political conflicts should be resolved within the framework of the law, not through forceful interventions that threaten democratic stability.

The key actors in Rivers State must set aside their personal and political grievances to prioritize reconciliation. Prolonged instability is unacceptable, as it harms the people, governance, and economic progress. A peaceful resolution is the only path forward.

An elected Governor’s mandate is sacrosanct and must be respected. He is the top citizen in the subnational.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

Not all that glitters is gold

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the wave of politicians leaving various political parties, especially the ruling party, to join the SDP gains momentum, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

During the buildup to the 2015 general elections, some politicians capitalized on the failures of the PDP administration at that time. They formed what is now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC), a decision we all regret in unison. 

As observers, and considering the caliber and number of individuals joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP), I must confess that the county’s political landscape leading up to 2027 will be fascinating in the days, months, and years ahead. 

Before then, we should not fold our arms while watching the gullibility of our people and how it has led us to where theAPC administration has brought us today. It is crucial that we examine the actors involved in this process of decamping, reminding ourselves not to be swept away by the razzmatazz of this drama and to avoid making another unforgivable mistake, as not all that glitters is gold. 

We should be very observant of who joined SDP from our states and from which political party. What are their contributions to the development of the state? Are they relevant to the party they left? Are they capable of changing the narratives in the scheme of things, or is it just to make headlines? 

While they have the right to make whatever political decisions regarding 2027, we shouldn’t be naive enough to believe that the ongoing alignments and realignments are unrelated to us. Remember the pervasive nature of politics.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote from Bauchi State via makwalla82@gmail.com.

Wike revokes PDP’s new secretariat land over unpaid dues

By Uzair Adam 

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has revoked the land allocated for the new National Secretariat of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Abuja’s Central Business District.  

The Daily Reality reports that the 12-story building, which has remained uncompleted for two decades, was initially estimated to cost N16 billion when construction began in 2008. 

Despite raising over N62 billion through fundraisers and electoral activities, the project remains unfinished.  

A letter confirming the revocation, signed by the Director of Land Administration, Chijoke Nwankwoeze, on behalf of the minister, was addressed to the PDP National Chairman. 

Dated March 13, 2025, the letter cited the party’s failure to pay annual ground rents for 20 years—spanning from January 1, 2006, to January 1, 2025—as the reason for the decision.  

The letter referenced several public notices issued by the FCT Administration since 2023, urging allottees to clear outstanding dues on their properties. 

It also cited Section 28, Subsection 5 (a) and (b) of the Land Use Act, which grants the government the authority to revoke land over breaches of the terms of occupancy.  

With the revocation now in effect, the land has reverted to the FCT Administration, which plans to take immediate possession. As of the time of filing this report, PDP had yet to issue an official response.

Lamido rejects El-Rufai’s call to join SDP, defends loyalty to PDP

By Uzair Adam 

Former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido, has dismissed an invitation from former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, urging opposition politicians to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP).  

El-Rufai, who recently defected from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to the SDP, made the appeal in an interview with BBC Hausa, inviting prominent figures such as Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and Rauf Aregbesola to join him in the party.  

Responding in a separate BBC Hausa interview on Sunday, March 16, 2025, Lamido described El-Rufai’s call as an insult, emphasizing that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was instrumental in shaping the former Kaduna governor’s political career.  

“The party we built, the PDP, is what gave birth to El-Rufai. He is not in a position to make us abandon it,” Lamido said.  

He also criticized El-Rufai’s leadership approach, questioning his sudden shift to the SDP after years in the APC.  

“Leadership requires patience, vision, and commitment to the peace and stability of the country. It should not be driven by anger or personal interests,” he added.  

Reaffirming his allegiance to the PDP, Lamido stated that he had no reason to leave the party, saying, “If I wanted to leave, I would have done so in 2014 when the APC was formed.”  

He advised El-Rufai to prioritize national interest over political grievances, stressing that the PDP remains focused on rebuilding its strength after losing the 2015 presidential election.

Ex-Jigawa gov rejects El-Rufai’s call to join SDP

By Anwar Usman

Former Jigawa State Governor and chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party, Sule Lamido, has rejected a call by former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, calling on opposition leaders to join the Social Democratic Party.

El-Rufai, who recently announced his defection from the All Progressives Congress to the SDP, made the call in an interview with BBC Hausa.

Though he did not mention Lamido by name, he urged key opposition figures, including Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and Rauf Aregbesola, to join him in the SDP.

While responding in a separate BBC Hausa interview on Sunday, Lamido rejected the invitation as an insult, insisting that the PDP, which he helped build, laid the foundation for El-Rufai’s political career.

Lamido was quoted saying “The party we formed, the PDP, is the one that gave birth to El-Rufai.

“You’re not enough to make us leave the PDP,” Lamido said.

He added that, “He once said that there are no adults in Nigeria in politics, but now he is calling on us to join him in the SDP.”

The former governor also questioned the motives behind El-Rufai’s for defection from the APC to the SDP.

“He said he told President Buhari about his decision to leave the APC, but now he is saying that he is one of the adults in Nigerian politics,” Lamido stated.

Lamido further argued that the PDP had not done anything to warrant his defection, emphasizing his long-standing loyalty.

“If I was going to leave the PDP, I would have done so in 2014 when the APC was formed,” he said.

Lamido also challenged El-Rufai’s leadership style, noting that leadership is not about anger or selfish ambition.

Lamido advised El-Rufai to put patriotism first instead of showing anger towards others, saying, “What should be done is to put patriotism first, instead of showing anger towards someone”.

Borno opposition leader sues state govt over shopping mall demolition

By Uzair Adam

A former senatorial candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in Borno Central, Hon. Attom Magira, has filed a lawsuit against the Borno State Government following the demolition of his multi-million naira shopping mall in Maiduguri.

The demolished property, a four-story commercial shopping complex with a multi-purpose hall, was situated along Sir Kashim Ibrahim Road, opposite the state low-cost housing estate.

In a press statement issued on Saturday, Magira’s lawyer, Hamza N. Dantani of Kayode Ajulo & Co., described the demolition as an unlawful act. He revealed that his client had sought legal protection against the action through a suit filed at the Borno State High Court (Suit No. BOHC/MG/CV/8/2025) against the Borno State Urban Planning and Development Board (BOSUPDB).

Dantani alleged that the demolition was politically motivated and carried out under the direct instruction of Governor Babagana Zulum’s administration.

He also criticized the state government for disregarding legal procedures, arguing that the demolition undermined the rule of law and economic development in the state.

“The demolition of my client’s plaza is not just an attack on his investment but a blatant disregard for judicial authority and the economic future of Borno State,” Dantani stated.

According to him, Magira had obtained all necessary approvals, including a statutory right of occupancy and a development permit (No. BSUPDB/DC/2194). He added that no concerns were raised by BOSUPDB during the construction phase.

Dantani further claimed that after the building’s completion, BOSUPDB revoked the development permit and issued an ultimatum, demanding the removal of a supposed “fifth floor” within seven days or face full demolition. He insisted that the property had only four stories.

Despite Magira’s appeal against the revocation, which should have automatically halted any demolition under the law, the government allegedly proceeded with the destruction of the property.

“The law is clear—where a statutory provision outlines a procedure, it must be strictly followed,” the lawyer argued, citing relevant constitutional provisions and legal precedents. The court has adjourned the matter to April 22, 2025, for a hearing.

Dantani maintained that the demolition, carried out while the case was still in court, violated due process and constituted an abuse of power.

As of press time, the Borno State Government has not officially addressed the reasons behind the demolition. However, past demolitions in the state have often been linked to urban planning regulations and public interest concerns.