Month: July 2023

Wike confirmed as minister

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

The Nigerian Senate on Monday confirmed the immediate ex-governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, as a minister. 

Wike, after reeling out his Curriculum Vitae and achievements, noted that his passion for Nigeria propelled him to accept the ministerial offer. 

He was quoted as saying, “I accepted the offer to serve as a minister because of my passion to serve Nigeria.” 

During the screening, the lawmaker representing River State, represented by Senator Barinada Mpigi (PDP, Rivers Southeast), said that he was the best in the state. 

He said, “His Excellency former Governor Nyesom Wike is our best in Rivers State. He is our leader and role model. 

As of the time of filing this report, there was no information about the ministry Mr. Wike is expected to lead.

The hidden costs of free education in Jigawa state

By Ibrahim Musa

Education is a critical component of a child’s development, and a lack of quality education can have lasting consequences. The Jigawa state government’s “free education” program was intended to improve educational standards and make education more accessible. However, the so-called ‘free education’ program in the state may be doing more harm than good. While it’s true that the program removes the financial burden of education from parents, it also has hidden costs that may outweigh the benefits.

Students in the government’s “free education” program are not motivated to succeed. They know their education is already paid for, so they don’t need to study or work hard. This has led to declining grades and test scores, and students are unprepared for the future. Without motivation, students are less likely to engage with schoolwork and may have difficulty developing skills and knowledge. This can lead to a downward spiral where a lack of motivation leads to poor performance, further decreasing motivation.

Along with a lack of motivation among students, the “free education” program has led to a lack of accountability for teachers. Teachers are not motivated to do their best without the incentive of student performance. They are not held accountable for their student’s progress, which has led to a decline in the quality of teaching, and students may not reach their full potential. Without good teachers, students cannot learn the skills they need to succeed.

In addition to the issues with motivation and accountability among students and teachers, there is also a lack of motivation and accountability among parents. Since parents are not directly paying for their children’s education, they may feel less invested in their child’s success. This lack of investment can hurt the child’s education and the overall quality of education in the area.

In conclusion, the Jigawa state government’s “free education” program has serious hidden costs. It has led to a lack of motivation among students and teachers, leading to a decline in educational standards. This decline has serious implications for the future of the state, including economic decline, social problems, and an overall loss of competitiveness.

The government needs to re-evaluate the program and find a way to improve education without causing these negative consequences.

Ibrahim Musa is a primary school teacher at Egyptian Modern Model schools, Hadejia, Jigawa. He can be reached via imhadejia95@gmail.com.

Toro lawmaker builds security outpost in Magama

By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

Amidst the persistent insecurity challenge bedevilling Toro, the member representing Toro federal constituency, Hon. Ismail Haruna Dabo, has laid a foundation for building a modern security outpost in Magama.

Flagging off the project in Magama Gumau on Saturday, the lawmaker reiterated his commitment to improving Toro citizens’ life and standard of living by working closely with federal authorities to safeguard the lives and property of Toro citizens and Nigerians.

Similarly, the events mark the closing ceremony of the first phase of the Haske Care Fertilizers program, whereby over 3000 farmers benefited from the scheme. Also, the lawmaker has sworn in 76 aides who will assist in his transformation agenda of moving Toro to a greater political and economic pedestal. 

While administering the oath, the lawmaker tasked the appointees to work harmoniously with him to develop policies and programs to reduce alarming youth restiveness and support women to be self-sufficient. Out of the 76 slots, there are nine legislative aides, ten media aides, 25 Project Monitoring Assistants, six personal Assistants and 25 Special Advisers. 

Speaking, the retired military officer Col. Umar Tilde applauded the gesture and tagged it the best in the history of the Toro federal constituency since the nation’s return to a democratic regime in 1999. 

In their separate remarks, the new appointees promise to work tirelessly and to the best of their ability by positively contributing to formulating policies that would improve the quality of life and standard of living of Toro citizens and Nigeria.

WAMY to establish Islamic university in Jigawa State

By Uzair Adam Imam

The World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY), a famous Saudi-based non-governmental organisation, has pledged to construct a prestigious Islamic university in Jigawa State.

The Jigawa State Chief Press Secretary, Hamisu Mohammed Gumel, who disclosed this in a statement on Sunday, said the decision was unveiled during a visit by the state governor, Umar A. Namadi, to the WAMY office in Kano on Saturday.

According to the statement, WAMY also plans to construct a mosque with an Imam’s residence in a strategic location within the state.

Gumel stated that Governor Namadi was received by the Director of WAMY, Hashem Mohammed Abdelsalam, who said their purpose was to contribute to the spiritual well-being of the local communities of the state and beyond.

The statement read in part, “In line with their mission to empower communities and promote education, WAMY is now embarking on a monumental project to establish an Islamic university in Jigawa State. 

“Following the success of Alhikmah University in Ilorin, the organisation aims to replicate this model of excellence in Jigawa, fostering educational growth and uplifting the state’s educational landscape.

“Additionally, WAMY plans to construct a mosque with an Imam’s residence in a strategic location within the state, further contributing to the spiritual well-being of the local community,” the statement added.

Mr. President, subsidy removal is good but…

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

The removal of fuel subsidy by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has had far-ranging consequences, amplifying the existing economic hardships faced by millions of Nigerians. The nation is currently grappling with an unprecedented inflation rate in essential commodities, transportation and other services. As a result, a large proportion of Nigerians find themselves living below the poverty line, struggling to make ends meet. 

This development has directly contributed to the spiraling inflation rate, which has hit the prices of foodstuff, transportation and essential services the hardest. This has created a burden on the average Nigerians, as their meager income is further stretched, making it increasingly difficult to afford necessities. 

As I write this article, the bus fare from Maiduguri to Abuja is N10,500 which was previously N7,500 as reflected on a circular released by Borno Express Cooperation on June 1st, 2023. Kaduna to Maiduguri, which used to be N6000, is now N9000. 

In the event whereby vehicles are scarce at the garage, travelers pay N12,000 from Maiduguri to Kano which was formerly N6,500, a non-Borno Express driver confirmed. This is unbearable and unacceptable!

The economic downturn occasioned by subsidy removal has disproportionately affected the most vulnerable segments of society as many Nigerians are now living below the breadline, struggling to feed their families and maintain a decent standard of living. 

Nobody is spared from the unbearable consequences of the removal of fuel subsidies. Not even the bourgeois elites’ empire in the country. They, too, hide and cry. Who the subsidy removal benefits then? 

Civil servants, especially those working in state and local governments are among the primary victims of the removal of fuel subsidies as many of them can’t feed their families. A 100% increase in their salaries is a necessary step to restore their purchasing power and improve their quality of life. 

Additionally, an increase in civil servant salaries would contribute to the overall improvement of public services. It would attract and retain talented professionals who are essential for efficient service delivery. Adequate compensation would motivate civil servants to perform at their best, leading to a more productive and effective public sector.

Now, what about the unemployed and jobless massive population in the country? How would their well-being be improved? Who would provide for them? A larger portion of Nigeria’s population is suffering in silence as a result of the monstrous inflation rate occasioned by the removal of the stubborn fuel subsidy. Some people eat once a day while others, the better-rich eat twice a day, skipping lunch. Therefore, President Tinubu must acknowledge the grave consequences of the current economic situation and the suffering experienced by Nigerians. 

As the leader of the nation, he has the power to reverse the economic downturn and alleviate the suffering of Nigerians. It is imperative that the President takes into account the plight of the citizens and work towards restoring their faith in the government. 

While the road to economic recovery may be challenging, President Tinubu needs to consider the long-term benefits of prioritizing the well-being of Nigerians by implementing a 100% increase in civil servant salaries and creating job opportunities for our overwhelming jobless population thereby contributing to poverty reduction, improving living standards, and restoring hope for the nation’s future. 

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Yobe State and can be reached via email:lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com

Hon. Ismail Dabo swears in 76 aides

By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

To ensure inclusive administration, the member representing the Toro federal constituency of Bauchi State, Hon. Ismail Haruna Dabo, has sworn in 76 aides across the 17 local government wards.

Delivering their oath at the Musa Salma Event Centre Magama, the lawmaker tasked the appointees to work harmoniously with him to move Toro to a greater height.

Admonishing the appointees, Hon. Dabo challenges them to take their duty with a sense of seriousness, adding that they shouldn’t hesitate to inform the problem facing the grassroots populace as his door will always be open for that. He further stated that his core agenda is to transform the lives of Toro citizens. 

“In line with my core agenda of transforming Toro, I want all of us to work harmoniously and closely with one another without hesitation to move Toro to greater heights by feeding me with the necessary information that can add value to the grassroots populace”, said Hon. Ismail Haruna Dabo.

Out of the 76 aides sworn in by the lawmaker, who are mainly youths, include nine legislative aids, six Personal Assistants, 25 Project Monitoring Assistants, ten media aids and 25 Special Assistants. 

Similarly, the event marks the closing ceremony of the first phase of the Haske Care Fertiliser, which was distributed to over 3000 farmers across the local government. The gesture was done to cushion the hardship experienced by the farmers amidst the fuel subsidy and the soaring cost of living.

In their separate remarks, the new appointees promise to work tirelessly and to the best of their ability by positively contributing to formulating policies that would improve the quality of life and standard of living of Toro citizens and Nigeria.

Police arrest man over attempt to use son for money ritual in Lagos

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) in Lagos State have arrested a fifty-one year-old man, Mr. Poni Bada, for attempting to use his son for ritual.

The man recounted how he lured his 9-year-old child and took him before a habalist to be sacrificed for money rituals because of the rising inflation which resulted to a bitting economic hardship in the country.

The man said he had ten children from three wives but he can not feed himself, let alone feeding them.

He stated that looking at the way things kept changing from bad to worse, he decided to use the 9-year-old kid, Agbe, who is his last child for a money ritual so that he could train the other children and have better living conditions.

However, the child was rescued when a team of policemen from the Zone 2 Command, Onikan Lagos, who acted on intelligence, stormed the herbalist’s shrine and arrested the man and other suspects.

Explaining how he came up with the idea of using his son for money rituals, the father of the boy, Bada, said: “I have 10 children from three wives.

“The situation of things kept going from bad to worse. I could not feed my children. I then decided to use my last child, Agbe, for a money ritual, so that I could train the other children and have better living conditions.

“In May 2023, I left my home town in Jakotome, Benin Republic for Nigeria, to visit my brother, Benjamin Balobi, at Ilaro, Ogun State, who earlier told me he was doing well as a farmer and that the owner of a farmland was looking for labourers.

“That was how I brought Agbe to Nigeria to work. But the thought of using him for a money ritual came up when I realized that the money paid as salary to my son was very poor.

“I told Balobi to help me get a herbalist that would help me with the money rituals; he said he knew no one but promised to help me find a herbalist who might have information on it.

“He informed Ige Koshelu (one of the suspects) who found someone that promised to take us to the herbalist’s place in Sango.

“But we were taken to another herbalist’s place in Owode, where we were arrested,” he stated.

On Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” and the challenges faced in Nigeria

By Muhammad Sagir Bauchi

John Maynard Keynes was an economist who lived in the 1930s. He developed macroeconomic ideas parallel to the classical school of economics that believe in absolute economic freedom, which needs no government intervention to stabilise an economy when it’s disequilibrium.

The classical school ideas were centred around economic growth and freedom. During the 1930s great depression, many Western policymakers were proponents of classical schools. They believed that the economic downturn would be corrected by less government intervention (deregulation) in the economy and by encouraging businesses and investors to take advantage of the lower input and prices to pursue their businesses-interest.

In that regard, it would return output and prices to equilibrium. But to Keynes, the economic meltdown proved the classical notion flawed and needs rejigged. As there was low output corresponded with a high rate of unemployment and price instability. These inspired Keynes to think differently, which led him to develop the macroeconomic ideas that, according to him, represent the reality of economic downturn.

Keynes advocates for government intervention during an economic meltdown through spending, which will create jobs to stimulate more demand in the face of the economic slump, restoring the economy to equilibrium and not allowing businesses and investors to determine the fate of the economy. Although this theory is practicalised and in constant play in a capitalist model of the economy, it has the major implication of pushing the government to excessive borrowing to spend, making it a constant state of indebtedness without an end in sight. These formed the basis of Keynes’s famous quote, “In the long run, we are all dead”.

In Nigeria, the previous administration of President Muhammadu Buhari succeeded in administering poor economic policies, which plunged the economy into a slumpy state. Despite his huge spending, his utopian economic policies yielded close to zero positive results. Likewise, his border closure policy enriched a few local intensive rice farmers and deprived millions of their cross-border businesses. Even as the local farmers could not bridge the demand gap in rice production, he blocked major rice importers from bridging the gap.

No thanks to his performance in transportation and insecurity, where major roads in some parts of the country were constructed/renovated, while other populated regions were neglected, railways began to function. On the security side, fewer successes were recorded in the fight against secessionists, banditry and kidnappings, thus leaving some regions at the mercy of bandits, kidnappers and IPOB terrorists. Although, a remarkable success was recorded in the fight against Boko Haram terrorists.

Inflation, insecurity, communal clashes, unemployment, epileptic labour strike and high cost of living became the hallmark of the last administration, borne out of poor economic policies.

Tinubu, Renewed Hope and New Nigeria

In his effort to correct the economic sufferings caused by the wayward policies of the previous administration, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is trying to implement economic policies that have long-term impacts. This has started with subsidy removal on some essential goods and services, more government spending, the introduction of students loan, unification of exchange rates, suspension of taxes on some commodities and services,  and others. These and many more policies are classical economic policies that have long-run positive impacts on the economy. In the long run, the downturn would be corrected, and the hardworking would have something to take home.

During his inauguration, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the removal of subsidies on petroleum products. Without a doubt, the subsidy is a heavy burden to Nigeria’s economy, which few exploit to their advantage. Due to the problematic nature of the subsidy scheme, almost all the previous democratic presidents had promised to remove it at a time, for the same reasons that it has become a burden to the state, it is riddled with corruption, and only a few are enjoying it at the expense of the state, leaving the majority with negative consequences.

The country is entangled in a constant state of borrowing to finance the subsidy payment, which hinders it from funds to finance major infrastructural projects, social welfare programs and reforming the security sector to a variant capable of meeting these modern-day challenges. Therefore, if the subsidy scheme is abolished, funds will be available to finance all the critical sectors. If it can be done honestly and transparently, it is a legitimate cause worthy of support and sacrifice, but corruption in all levers of governance is what makes one sceptical of the government’s commitment to transparency and accountability in governance and its sincerity in abolishing the subsidy.

However, looking at the current state of the nation’s economy, petroleum subsidy is the only guaranteed general state welfare that will be enjoyed by all and has a general impact on the whole population. It directly links to transportation, manufacturing, energy, school fees, foodstuff prices, services and many more necessities. Any slight impact on the prices of petroleum products leads to inflation, a hike in transport fees, job cuts and high unemployment prospects.

Subsidy Against Subsidy Removal:

According to reports, the government has proposed a monthly N8000 allowance to be shared with 12 million households in the country for six months. Additionally, One Hundred Billion is marked for road construction, several billion for the judiciary, Seventy Billion for the national legislative welfare, and Eighteen Billion for agriculture. These are proposed as remedies to cushion the effect of petroleum products subsidy removal for the time being. No doubt, there are clear misplacements of priorities in this proposal.

If the policymakers are honest to cushion the effect of the subsidy removal, the agricultural sector is the most critical sector that needs urgent intervention to create windows that would encourage farmers to access soft loans, low-cost hybrid seeds, subsidised chemicals and fertilisers, and other farming implements. This would allow them the plant with ease; as such, the multiplier effects would be: the availability of food products in the market and the moderate prices of food items due to the subsidised mechanisms that farmers enjoyed. This would have a real positive impact on the common man’s life. But giving out Eight Thousand Naira to 12 million families could only cushion the immediate impact, exposing them to more suffering and an uncertain long-term future.

Now, let us examine the palliative distribution formula according to regions as reported; if numbers are anything to go by in governance, the majority must have his way, while the minority can have a say. If this is true, one will find it difficult to understand the rationale behind giving out 57% of N500bn to the South West Region of 47 Million people at the expense of the North West, a region with a stunning population of over 49 Million which was given only 4% out of that total amount. If population matters in the distribution of wealth, then there is an undeniable discrepancy here.

What is more alarming and unbalanced is how the Northeast region is almost left out of this allocation, even with its unprecedented challenges in social, political and economic destruction by Boko Haram insurgency, high poverty index and outrageous numbers of out-of-school children, it was reported that only 1% of that N500Billion is allocated to the region. This region comprises six states, with a population of 26 million and millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from within and neighbouring regions.

Frankly, I don’t want to believe that this administration has started on the wrong footing, with a preference for nepotism and sectionalism in the administration of appointments and lopsided distribution of the country’s wealth in this critical economic period. I hope President Tinubu will work hard to change this narrative and give hope to a renewed Nigeria.

This is a clear indication that some parts of the country will continue to be preferred over others by the present administration, even that fortnight, it was the primary beneficiary of the immediate administration of a Northerner, a president who mysteriously supervised the underdevelopment of his region to developed other regions economic future.

Muhammad Sagir Bauchi wrote via ibrahimsagir1227@gmail.com.

Muhammad Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir – Dr Ismail Hashim Abubakar

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

In this interview with The Daily Reality, Ismail Hashim Abubakar, who finished his doctoral program at Mohammed V University, Rabat, in the Kingdom of Morocco, gives a synoptic picture of his PhD thesis titled “Contemporary Islamic Thought in Northern Nigeria: Shaykh Ja’far Mahmud Adam as a Case Study”. The thesis, which appears in 4 volumes, was written in both Arabic and English. Enjoy: 

At the beginning and as a background, the reader would like to know what propelled you to embark on academic research in this area and to select this topic with the personality of Shaykh Ja’afar as your case study.

I was propelled to undertake this research by many factors. Perhaps the most current and academically engaging factor was the aftermath of the 2009 Boko Haram uprisings when documentation of the saga started outflowing in different forms, including academic studies and media reportage. I observed that the Boko Haram saga was used by many writers – local and international – to, in the process of researching the evolution, growth, ideological base and all other issues associated with the insurgency, direct their attention on the late Shaykh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam and devote some portions in their works on the relationship between Shaykh Ja’afar and the founder of Boko Haram, Muhammad Yusuf.

While I acknowledge that these writers have relevant information and facts regarding this dynamic, I can confidently assert that many facts have been twisted, distorted and misrepresented. In fact, too much attention on Ja’far’s interaction with the leader of Boko Haram would certainly swerve readers’ attention to the grand reform mission Ja’afar had carried out in his career that spanned about two decades.

Furthermore, some writers made absurd and explicit allegations that should not be allowed to pass without a solid, verifiably intellectual response. Besides, the career of Shaykh Ja’afar was full of captivating and interesting episodes that would add up to the history of postcolonial Islam, contemporary religious movements, the interplay of Ulama with civil society and authorities in northern Nigeria and the Hausa-speaking world in general. In other words, if you like, confining the career of Shaykh Ja’afar to an engagement with an estranged disciple is an act of cruelty and tyranny to history.

If this is the case, how does your work differ from the previous works on Boko Haram, and what do you particularly object in them?

In my thesis, I review the representation of Ja’afar and his engagement with Boko Haram as cited in studies and reportages. I endorse what appears to be true and verifiable, while I counter what is a distortion of facts. For example, I tackle the question of Muhammad Yusuf’s studentship and mentorship under Ja’afar; here, there are two visible opinions. One opinion suggests that Yusuf was the mentee, star, protege and possible successor of Ja’afar, while the other view objects to the point of almost debunking any teacher-student relationship between the two men. I seek to stand in between these positions. Based on fieldwork I carried out in Maiduguri in 2019 and in addition to the literature I consulted, I draw a conclusion that Yusuf had, of course, studied under Ja’afar.

Nonetheless, as confirmed by several informants, Yusuf was never punctual during Ja’afar’s lessons; in fact, he did not study a complete book under Ja’afar. Consequently, I re-examined the assertion of the closeness of the two men; it manifested to me that Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir, nor was he considered intellectually capable of taking over from Ja’afar.

Meanwhile, I make reference to Yusuf’s ideological trajectories and terminals of religious activism, starting as an ambitious young man looking for fame. As such, he took a leading position in Muslim Brotherhood, Jama’atu Tajdid al-Islam, before finally joining the Izala, which he would also break from within a couple of years. Finally, on this point, I compare Ja’afar and Yusuf, what the two figures represent to Nigerians and the legacies each one has left behind. 

What else do you address besides the Boko Haram phenomenon in your project?

Hmmm. Like I said initially, Boko Haram is a small (though most popularised) aspect of Ja’far’s career. I set a background where I give a snapshot of the state of Islam and Muslims in postcolonial Northern Nigeria, highlighting the engagement of Muslims in politics and governance while appraising the debates of Shari’ah implementation and discourse on secularism which characterised the Nigerian public sphere after the turn of the 21st century.

I also look at the relations between Muslims and Christians, pointing to the areas of divergence, which are quite many, but also the few areas where Muslims and Christians united in pursuit of a common goal. I also survey the fragmentation of Islamic society along sectarian lines by first tracing the emergence of major and minor religious sects, groups and movements and their major views and arguments. I also illuminate the interplays between these two groups and what brings/brought them together to speak in one voice. All these are meant to give much insight into the religious and landscape sociopolitical contexts in which the figure of my study lived and conducted his mission. This represents the first significant section of the work, which, as you can see, represents the first epithet in the thesis title. 

I supply a relatively detailed biography of Ja’afar, focusing on his family background, the phases of his knowledge acquisition and the factors that contributed to his public visibility as a young man, all before his sojourn to the Islamic University of Madina. 

The work dwells on Ja’afar’s reunion with the Da’awah arena after his study at Madina and how unlike before, he concentrated on the transmission of knowledge and cultivation of disciples while minimising open-air preaching. In this regard, I supply comprehensive information on the major sites and centres of Da’wah, which used to host and coordinate Ja’far’s public engagement and private study circles.

In Kano, for instance, I reserve sections in which I discuss in detail the majalis of Ja’afar, such as the Triumph Mosque in Fagge, the Beirut Road Mosque, Usman Bin Affan Mosque, Gadon Kaya, Almuntada Mosque in Dorayi and the majlis in Ungogo Road. I explicate all the activities Ja’afar conducted, such as leading prayer, teaching for open and private audiences and presentations of sermons, lectures and seminars.

In Bauchi, I make reference to sites that hosted Ja’far’s mission, such as Gwallaga Jumaat mosque, Shaykh Awaq mosque at Old GRA, Baban Godi Mosque in Mallam Goje Street and Women Centre of Bauchi located at Gombe Road. Moreover, in about thirty pages, the thesis unpacks the mission of Ja’afar in Maiduguri, with a particular reference to the activities he conducted within the Indimi Mosque, hinting at the challenges Ja’afar confronted at the beginning and the strategies he adopted in the process of consolidating his Da’wah. The work here emphasises the Qur’anic interpretation exercise Ja’afar led during Ramadan at the mosque and how it became an annual conference that attracted audiences from different parts of northern Nigeria.

But Ja’far’s mission was also characterised by other features: teaching, presenting lectures and seminars and rigorous engagements in civil and political issues. Does your work take a look at this also?

Yeah, of course. I dedicate a full and lengthy chapter that surveys and appraises Ja’far’s interactions and engagements with some events that affected Nigerian contemporary developments, Islam and Muslims, and Ja’afar’s relations with various government and public figures, religious groups and individuals. It focuses on Ja’afar’s role in the return of Shari’ah in northern Nigeria, how he collaborated with religious leaders of other groups, and how this resulted in the implementation of Shari’ah in some northern states. It also refers to Ja’far’s participation in the implementation of the Shari’ah process in Kano.

The chapter further lays bare Ja’far’s engagement with Nigerian politics, governance, politicians and public figures, taking a look at his criticism of General Obasanjo’s administration and different political and government institutions, including Kano state, his base, but also figures such as Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar, Ahmed Yarima, Ibrahim Shekarau, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Ahmed Adamu Muazu, Ahmed Makarfi, Abubakar Habu Hashidu, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Baba Impossible, among others.

The work also relates Ja’afar’s interplay with traditional institutions, which connects to his position on the royal fathers of the northern emirates and how they disagreed with some and collaborated and had cordial relationships with others. Still in the chapter, Ja’afar’s engagement with religious groups is narrated, beginning with Salafi networks to which he belonged, the Sufi brotherhoods with whom he disagreed most of the time and the peripheral groups like the Shia, Boko Haram and others. 

As a complement to a cleric biography, the chapter categorises Ja’far’s disciples and followers into four tabaqat, just as it mentions some of his colleagues, teachers and role models. It also provides insightful information relating to Ja’afar’s assassination, including the events that preceded the tragedy and what followed it, such as the posthumous attraction of the Muslim public toward the legacy and mission of the murdered cleric. 

The final chapter in the thesis extracts the thoughts, ideas and philosophical views and visions of Ja’afar on a plethora of issues such as education, economy, sociocultural topics, marriage and women issues, politics, global politics and international affairs, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims and the prospects of peaceful coexistence. The chapter presents at the end what the researcher believes is the central position of Ja’afar on Jihad, which further unravels the extent to which he conceived violent extremism in a world and time when Islamophobia was rising high.

But how have you encountered all this stuff, which appears to involve huge materials you had to engage?

Yes, I gathered my data through multiple sources. First, I laid my hands on the available recordings of Shaykh Ja’afar, including cassettes and online content. I listened to his entire Tafsir tapes, available Friday sermons, and many of his lectures and public and private lessons on Islamic texts. I also conducted fieldwork where I travelled to many states in Northern Nigeria and met about a hundred informants. Needless to say, I consulted a great deal of literature that ranged from published books, journals, newspapers and magazines, and reliable internet pages.

What challenges did you face while undertaking this research?

A lot of daunting challenges, but a researcher must always be ready to confront them. It suffices to say that one has to be away from family to a distant land to carry out this task. But before then, I faced challenges as regards accessing some informants. For example, although the work discusses Boko Haram, I could not interview any Boko Haram members to hear some things from him directly. But the most appalling of all the challenges was the lack of positive cooperation from some of Ja’afar’s colleagues and disciples. While some of them delayed, procrastinated and even cancelled my appointments with them, some of them even avoided me and refused to give me any audience at all. Paradoxically, I got positive responses and warm accommodation from personalities who might be well counted among Ja’afar’s rivals and competitors, including Sufis and Shiites.

Which plan do you have now for this work after you have been awarded a doctoral degree?

I just remembered that the work is bilingual and in four volumes, or if you like, two volumes in Arabic and two in English. My ambition is to publish it as a book or as two books. I will be glad to edit the Arabic version and publish it in a press in an Arab world like Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar or any other country, while the English version is to be hopefully published by a Western (preferably university) press.

Is there any point you disagree with Shaykh Ja’afar in your work?

Of course, there are. I can count almost ten. 

Can you give an example?

Certainly! During one of his lessons to women at Gadon Kaya, a woman asked if it was permissible for her to make a supplication – a prayer – to ask God to prevent her husband from marrying a second wife. Shaykh Ja’afar answered that it was not permissible since marriage is lawful, and no one has the power to make unlawful something that was made lawful by God. My argument here is that in a situation where women have turned adding a second wife into their earthly hell, so much so that they go to any extent, including dangerously deadly means to thwart their husbands from the second marriage, giving a fatwa with the permissibility of praying against this wish seems to be safer for all the parties involved. If God wishes, he would answer, and if He doesn’t answer, the woman would accept fate like that. 

Are there journal articles that have been published out of this thesis?

Yes, two articles have been published so far. One was published in a journal at an Islamic University in Uganda. I examined the thoughts and ideas of Shaykh Ja’afar on education. It is available here.

The second one was published in an Indonesian journal, and it talks about Ja’far’s views on women, marriage and family institutions. It can be accessed via this link.

I expect to publish two more before the end of the year, in sha Allah. One of them presents a contextual analysis of a sermon that Ja’afar delivered at Almuntada Mosque in Kano in the aftermath of the OPC massacre of northerners in Southwestern Nigeria. In the essay, I argue that the sermon, despite its strident nature and use of highly harsh language, served as one of the rhetorical instruments that calmed frayed nerves and tensions amid the possibility of reprisal attacks. The second essay examines Ja’afar’s engagement with Boko Haram and violent extremism. 

What are your concluding remarks?

I will conclude by stressing that the clerical career of Shaykh Ja’afar has provided one of the most interesting and attractive pages in the history of Islamic activism in contemporary Nigeria and Hausa speaking world. With millions of followers and his ideas circulating within public domains, Ja’afar’s mission is worth reading and researching. I proposed in my work what I call “Jafarology”, which refers to the process of studying the legacies of Ja’afar in different dimensions and from different perspectives.

I will close by expressing my immense gratitude to all the people who supported me in one way or the other. I must thank my parents for putting me through this path early. I thank my mentor Professor Salisu Shehu, to whom I dedicate this work. I still recall his visit to Morocco in June 2022 and consider it a fatherly concern that gave some moral comfort to a son away from home. In the same vein, I thank Professor Alexander Thurston, who read my chapters and offered me invaluable suggestions and recommendations. My success in this work owes greatly to his mentorship. The same gratitude goes to Dr Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido, whose mentorship and frank counsel encouraged and motivated me to delve into this research area. I also thank a colleague of mine here, Osho Iskil Kehinde, who has greatly supported me.

I also use the medium to appreciate the Federal University Gusau management for releasing me to undergo this program. In this vein, I must thank Dr Abubakar Masama, the Dean, Faculty of Arts; Dr Qasim Badamasi, the former HOD, Islamic Studies; Malam Abdallah Bashir Bakori, Dr Ja’far Agaji, the present HOD, and all the colleagues within the Department of Islamic Studies and Faculty of Arts of the University.

Last, I must reiterate my thanks to Dr Anas al-Shaykh Ali, the Director of the IIIT London Office. Sister Shiraz Khan, a coordinator at the Office, the Director of the Institute of Epistemological Studies Europe (IESE) in Brussels, Dr Beddy Ebnou al-Murabity and Dr Naima Daoudi for being of great help to me. It was these institutions that sponsored my entire studies here in Morocco.

Edinson Cavani nears contract termination with Valencia

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

Edinson Cavani is poised to part ways with Valencia, as both parties are on the verge of reaching an agreement for contract termination. 

The Uruguayan striker’s departure from the Spanish club seems imminent, making him a free agent in the transfer market. 

While the news of the contract termination has stirred interest among various clubs, Boca Juniors from Argentina wasted no time in expressing their desire to secure the services of the experienced forward. 

Boca Juniors have reportedly sent a formal proposal to Cavani, signalling their keenness to acquire the talented player for their squad. 

As talks between Cavani and Boca Juniors have progressed swiftly, the Argentine club is hopeful of finalising the deal in the near future. 

The prospect of signing a player of Cavani’s calibre has left Boca fans buzzing with excitement, and it could prove to be a significant coup for the club if the deal is successfully sealed.