Southern Nigeria

By Muhammad Abubakar

Nigerian social media sensation and traditional herbal vendor Eniola Fagbemi, widely known as Sisi Alagbo, has issued a public apology after an explicit video involving her, her husband, and another woman was leaked to the public.

The video, which initially circulated via private messaging apps before reaching broader social media platforms and gossip blogs, sparked intense debate and immediate backlash. Many expressed shock at the footage, given Fagbemi’s prominent digital presence as a wellness and traditional medicine entrepreneur based in Ibadan.

Breaking her silence on her official Facebook page, Fagbemi admitted to her mistakes and pleaded with her massive following not to castigate her or destroy the brand she has built. In her statement, she revealed that the fallout from the leak has triggered severe emotional distress, leaving her unable to properly eat or sleep.

Fagbemi emphasised that her social media platform is her primary source of livelihood and asked the public to separate her private choices from her commercial enterprise.

Her husband, Adesola Akeem, also stepped forward to address the scandal in a separate public statement. He accepted full responsibility for the file leak and expressed deep regret.

Despite the wave of criticism, a section of her fanbase has actively called for empathy, urging the public to show kindness given the heavy mental health strain the influencer is currently experiencing.

By Mohammed Bello Doka 

History is a stubborn thing. It does not bend to the whims of revisionists, nor does it dissolve under the weight of repeated falsehoods. For some time now, a particular narrative has been carefully cultivated and spread across social media platforms and traditional dinner tables. This narrative suggests that during the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, the North maintained a conspiratorial silence, shielding itself while the country drifted. It paints an entire region as a monolith of blind loyalty. But as the saying goes, a lie can travel halfway around the world while the truth is still putting on its shoes. Today, the truth is fully dressed and ready to walk.

If the people making these claims are truly ignorant of the facts, this record will serve as a much-needed education. If they are speaking from a place of hypocrisy, then this record will serve as a mirror to their own intellectual dishonesty. To suggest the North was silent is to erase some of the most daring, scathing, and consequential political and intellectual battles fought against the Buhari administration from within its own base.

Let us begin with the most intimate of critics. On October 14, 2016, through the BBC Hausa Service, the First Lady of Nigeria, Aisha Buhari, stunned the world. She did not just offer a mild critique; she declared that her husband’s government had been hijacked by a few people who did not even know the party’s vision. She stated plainly that out of fifty people the President had appointed, he probably didn’t know forty-five of them. 

This was not a Southern critic or an opposition politician speaking; this was the President’s own wife. She followed up on December 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, during a leadership summit in Abuja, where she challenged Nigerian men to stand up to two or three people dominating the government. On May 25, 2019, as reported by Channels TV and Daily Trust, she attacked the administration’s Social Investment Programme, labelling it a failure in the North and questioning the procurement of mosquito nets. If the North was silent, was the First Lady’s voice not Northern enough?

The intellectual and traditional pushback was equally fierce. As the Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi used his platform to deliver economic lectures that the presidency found deeply uncomfortable. On August 24, 2016, during the 15th meeting of the Joint Planning Board in Kano, as reported by Punch Newspapers, he warned that the Buhari administration was on the path of the Jonathan government if it did not end its flawed foreign exchange policies. Years later, as reported by Vanguard on August 20, 2023, he provided a post-mortem, stating that the administration had decimated the economy and left a thirty trillion naira debt through illegal central bank borrowing.

Then there is the Northern Elders Forum. For years, this group acted as a stern watchdog. On June 14, 2020, as reported by The Guardian and The Cable, the Chairman of the forum, Professor Ango Abdullahi, issued a statement titled Life has lost its value under Buhari. He described the administration as a total failure in the face of escalating banditry and insurgency. He noted that the North was completely at the mercy of armed gangs. 

This sentiment was echoed repeatedly by the forum’s spokesperson, Doctor Hakeem Baba Ahmed. In April 2022, following the Zabarmari massacre, Baba Ahmed appeared on Channels TV and was quoted in Daily Trust stating that in any civilised nation, a leader who failed so spectacularly to provide security would have resigned. He was one of the most consistent voices debunking the myth that the North was satisfied with the status quo.

Even the clergy did not stay silent. Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, once considered a supporter of the President’s integrity, became a vocal opponent. In an interview with Punch on July 7, 2018, Gumi stated that he knew Buhari would make Nigeria worse than it was when Jonathan left. He accused the administration of being worse than its predecessor and criticised what he called the deification of the President.

When we turn to the political theatre, the evidence of Northern opposition is even more undeniable. Consider Buba Galadima, one of the original signatories to the formation of the APC. On July 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, Galadima led a faction to form the Reformed APC. He held a press conference in Abuja where he described the party’s leadership as a charade and the government as a disappointment. In an exclusive interview with Premium Times on July 22, 2018, he accused Buhari of betraying the loyalists who built his political career to empower a clannish inner circle.

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano, also broke ranks early. On July 24, 2018, he was among the senators whose defection was reported by Punch and Premium Times as part of a mass exodus from the APC to the PDP. Throughout 2018 and into the 2023 election cycle, Kwankwaso was a relentless critic. 

On August 27, 2018, as reported by Punch, he stated in Owerri that Buhari lacked the capacity to improve the economy. Later, on April 15, 2022, as reported by Channels TV, he expressed deep worry that a retired General could allow insecurity to reach such levels, calling the administration’s second term a missed opportunity.

The most dramatic phase of Northern criticism occurred in the build-up to the 2023 general elections. 

This was not just rhetoric; it was a legal and constitutional war. Nasir El-Rufai, the then Governor of Kaduna State, became the face of internal resistance. Long before the currency crisis, El-Rufai’s critical stance was documented in a 30-page memo dated September 22, 2016, which was eventually leaked by Sahara Reporters on March 16, 2017. In that memo, he warned the President that the APC was losing its supporters’ trust and that the government was adrift. 

By 2023, the tension culminated in a Supreme Court lawsuit. On February 3, 2023, as reported by Channels TV and The Punch, El-Rufai, along with Governors Yahaya Bello and Bello Matawalle, sued the Federal Government over the naira redesign policy. On February 16, 2023, after Buhari’s national broadcast, El-Rufai issued a counter-broadcast in Kaduna, which was transcribed by Vanguard and The Cable, where he told his citizens to continue using the old notes, effectively challenging the President’s authority in a way no Southern governor dared at the time.

Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the then Governor of Kano, was equally confrontational. On January 28, 2023, as reported by The Niche and Daily Post, Ganduje officially asked the President to postpone a visit to Kano because the people were too angry over the currency policy to guarantee a peaceful reception. 

In early February 2023, a viral video reported by Daily Trust and Sahara Reporters showed Ganduje mocking the President’s political history, noting that Buhari only won after a merger was formed for him and was now trying to destroy the party on his way out. On February 14, 2023, as reported by The Cable, Ganduje threatened to demolish any bank in Kano that refused to accept the old notes, promising to replace such banks with schools.

How then can any honest person say the North was silent? We have the names, the dates, and the publications. From the First Lady’s BBC interview in 2016 to the Supreme Court case in 2023, from the intellectual rebukes of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to the scathing memos of Nasir El-Rufai, and the open defiance of Abdullahi Ganduje, the North was a hotbed of criticism. Those who claim otherwise are either victims of a deep ignorance or are intentionally peddling a hypocritical double standard.

The North is not a monolithic political entity that blindly follows a leader. It is a region with a rich tradition of debate, dissent, and internal correction. When the Buhari administration faltered, it was the Northern elders who first called for his resignation. When the economy drifted, it was Northern intellectuals who provided the most data-driven critiques. When the currency policy threatened to trigger a social crisis, it was Northern governors who took the President to the Supreme Court.

To repeat the lie that the North never criticised Buhari is an insult to the courage of those who risked their political standing to speak truth to power. It is an attempt to rewrite history to fuel division and promote a false narrative of regional complicity. But the records are in the archives of Daily Trust, Punch, Vanguard, Premium Times, and Sahara Reporters. 

The records are in the transcripts of the BBC and Channels TV.

Let this be a final answer to those who peddle this falsehood. The facts do not just speak; they shout. The North did not just criticise Buhari; it provided some of the most formidable and effective opposition his administration ever faced. Whether it was on the pages of newspapers, in the chambers of the Supreme Court, or from the pulpits and palaces of its traditional leaders, the North spoke up. To ignore this is to choose a lie over the truth, and to repeat it after reading these facts is to move from the camp of the ignorant to the camp of the hypocritical. The truth has been told, the evidence has been presented, and the myth of Northern silence is hereby destroyed.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via bellodoka82@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

The desperation to fail President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by some politicians and their consistent attempt to recruit others into believing their rhetoric will always be an anticipated issue in the realm of politics, but whenever myopic outlooks like sectarianism, blame games, and regionalism are used, that’s what irritates my conscience into responding at the expense of whatever others may label me. What I believe is to stand for what I think is right, even if I have to stand alone.

The level of those campaigns was to the extent that you can’t say anything good about the Tinubu government without being portrayed as anti-North or even a heretic. This is preposterous!

Politics should not be built on emotions, and governance should not be like inheritance, where no matter who it is, if they’re not your kinsmen, all is not well. This is not the original personality of a typical Northerner. 

I’m not a party card-carrying member but an ordinary student, so I have the liberty to express my views based on my limited understanding. I would like to address the issue of labelling every project undertaken by President Tinubu as nepotistic, especially when it is situated in the South-West. 

Let me give an example with the recent trip President Tinubu led to the United Kingdom, where he secured a deal to revamp the Tin Can and Apapa ports in Lagos. Sealing a deal to revamp Tin Can and Apapa ports should be viewed with such an open mind as a national investment. Lagos would remain the economic bloodline of this country for the time being, hence supporting its economic growth. 

Among the notable achievements of even the most pro-Arewa leaders, like the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Muhammad, during his short stint, was the decongestion of the Lagos Apapa port led by the famous brig. Benjamin Adekunle (The Scorpion).  

I’m not promoting the idea of continuing channelling of funds to develop Lagos at the expense of other regions, but it would be absurd when overnight we heard the FG seal a deal to start importing goods through Niger-Maradi or the Lake Chad basin or create artificial ports in the North linking us to the transatlantic trade (it’s possible, but not overnight like in Libya or the UAE).

The North should have focused more on ensuring that fighting illiteracy included at least a mandatory universal secondary school education with skills. The ‘right education’ would solve 60% of all this menace. 

An enlightened self would not be used as a tool to create and perpetuate insecurity in the form of banditry and suicide bombings. An ignited mind wouldn’t be fertile ground for sectarian conflicts. You can’t woo an educated person into choosing a leader whose focus is to distribute spaghetti.

We should accept the fact that the North is a landlocked region. We are surrounded by Niger, Cameroon, and Chad. We have our own priorities that, if well executed, can boost the regional economy. Comparing ourselves to Lagos wouldn’t help matters. Lagos was an island inhabited by whites centuries ago. It was the former national capital for almost thirty years and home to almost all the country’s major industries. 

As to the second part of the rhetoric, which was also the ultimate agenda, to wrest power from President Tinubu and hand it over to another ‘Arewa politician’. Governance returning to Arewa would never be our solution. This was tried in 2015 by removing Jonathan through every possible means, only to regret a similar decision less than 4 years later.

A bitter truth to swallow was that, since our return to democracy in 1999, leaders from the South-West have proved to contribute more to issues of national development. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 8 years would always be remembered for bringing a near-normal political stability to the country, improved national security, an improved economy, the cancellation of national debt, improved foreign relationships, the introduction of several empowerment programmes, the introduction/subsidisation of telecommunications, and a decisive leadership unparalleled when compared to late President Buhari’s 8 years of bewilderment.

It’s not about Tinubu prioritising Lagos and intentionally killing Arewa. The seed of sustainable national development was sown long ago, when Awolowo’s Action Group was fighting for universal education and ideological politics in their region, while our NPC was busy seeking alliances to dominate the Parliament. It’s better to hold our governors more responsible instead of the federal government.

Between 2007 and 2015, the Southwest Governors (Aregbesola, Fashola, Mimiko, Adams Oshiomhole, etc.) used their opposition to create massive developmental programmes for their region, consolidate power around the leading opposition figure, Tinubu, and enhance their regional security, while we were busy trying to wrest power from Jonathan.

To the question of ‘Arewa-2027′, who should be the candidate? The inconsistent Baba Atiku, or politicians renowned for vengeance politics, or those lacking an accommodating mind for others to win national elections, or politicians without international exposure? Tinubu is not the ideal for Nigeria, but the aforementioned politicians are no match for his governance track record as governor and, 2 years into the presidency, as president.

The current insecurity menace is a testament to how one man is incapable of addressing it. Many among the top security brass are from the North: the NSA, the Federal and State Ministers of Defence. In a region with the highest illiteracy rate, things worse than this could happen. Spaghetti and religious affiliation can woo the masses to vote for a candidate.

We should focus better on finding the RIGHT MAN rather than on which part of the country he came from.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Ugochukwu Ugwuanyi

The agenda-setting theory of mass communication seems to have gone the way of good old traditional journalism, as its distortions and corruption are writ large in this present age.  Content creators and curators in the digital space have been busy setting the agenda without regard for the module’s original intent. In pursuit of virality, they limit shorts and reels to the salacious and outlandish, deliberately precluding elements that would contextualise and add meaning for audiences. The need to empower audiences with inspiring information is secondary. This is one evil I’ve seen under the sun!

The (mal)practice is not in keeping with the gatekeeping theory either, since they are not acting in the interest of the social fabric but opportunistically farming for views and engagements or even chasing clout. If taken to task, they will readily say, “Bad (scandalous/controversial) news always sells.” Admittedly, bloggers have been quite successful in attracting attention and sparking conversations online with abridged and abrupt content. However, the jury is still out on whether these citizen journalists’ brand of agenda setting is guided by their prejudices, the attention span of audiences, mischief, or sheer misinformation. In a milieu where users run with the caption/headline, one can imagine the impact of half-information on them, nay, what it robs them of.

A fortnight ago, the Nigerian blogosphere buzzed with reports that Pastor David Ibiyeomie bragged about being gifted a $2 million wristwatch, stressing that Nigerians on social media would faint if they saw his collection of exotic wristwatches. The sensational spin of the story on social media makes the unsuspecting assume that the man of God climbed the pulpit just to promote grifting prowess. But that couldn’t have been the preacher’s mission. What trended online was an aside or anecdote used to drive home his point. But bloggers opted to set the agenda with a clickable straw rather than the didactic core. Now that they must have got the online traction they craved, let’s bring to the surface the vital aspect of the sermon that was buried. This is because the unsung aspect of the preacher’s message can be of great benefit to whoever subscribes to it. 

After disclosing the following: “someone gave me a watch worth $2 million. I have not even worn half of my watches. The one they show on social media is just small, I have many watches. If they see all my watches, they’d just faint,” the Port Harcourt-based pastor asserted that “I’m getting watches because I’m solving problems.” This last line is the crux that would do viewers a world of good if they caught the revelation. It is a given that the one who diligently solves problems will stand before kings and shall not stand before mean men.

That was the story of Joseph. The ability to solve problems took him straight from prison to the palace. By the time he solved Pharaoh’s problem, the falsely accused felon became the prime minister of the world’s superpower at the time, despite being an immigrant. If solving problems can be this rewarding, then it shouldn’t be surprising that a problem solver like Ibiyeomie is receiving mouthwatering gifts. No one should faint upon seeing his wristwatches or come with the vanity-upon-vanity moral posturing! If you look around, you’d find that many of his peers have been stupendously rewarded by those who consult them for spiritual guidance and prayers. There are instances where people struggle to give to these men of God.

Yet, these cherished pastors are only vessels through which the actual problem solver expresses Himself. I’m talking about the Holy Spirit, who inhabits whoever believes in the resurrected Christ and confesses Jesus as their Lord and personal saviour. He is the one about whom John 16:13 says, “He will guide them into all truth, speak only what He hears from the Father, and declare things to come.” With this spiritual insight, you would be able to solve quandaries and mysteries. It is this same Spirit who enabled the mighty works of Jesus’ earthly ministry. He is all the believer needs. Nothing is too big or small for Him to provide direction.

There was a community where livestock breeding was the locals’ prime preoccupation. A stray sheep was found and taken to the king’s palace. In time, two men came forward to claim ownership of the animal. Each of them was quite assertive and unyielding in demanding that they be handed the sheep as the rightful owner. None of the palace courtiers could rightly divide the dispute. Thankfully, the king is a born-again Christian, so he opted to pray for wisdom over the situation. He gave both parties a date to hear his verdict. The night prior, the king prayed intensely, and the Lord ministered John 10:4-5 in his heart. He immediately knew that his prayer had been answered and was no longer troubled.

By the next morning, the claimant came with some members of the community. The sheep was tethered with a long rope right before everyone who gathered to witness how the contention would be resolved. The king challenged each of the contenders to do all they could to attract the sheep’s attention. The one it responds to and follows will be allowed to return home with the animal. To make the test even harder, the sheep was distracted with fodder. The first tried all the communication cues he could devise to no avail. The sheep continued feeding, barely looking up to acknowledge the stranger. When the stipulated time elapsed, the second claimant was given the floor. Soon enough, the sheep abandoned the fodder and followed him, leaving everyone convinced about the actual owner! 

That’s one way God inspires His people to solve problems. But you must know the Word. With Scripture containing solutions to every problem and need, God wells up in your heart a bespoke Word for each situation. When diligently implemented, everyone will be awed by the efficacy. As you do this for yourself, you’ll soon be able to apply the tried and tested formula to what troubles others – thereby becoming a problem solver. It takes the Word with a heart yielded to God for this to happen. Train your spiritual antenna to clearly hear God. You’ve got to do this every so often. But when you start hearing, be sure that what you hear aligns with the Word of God! 

Indeed, the sons of God are prized and given bounties because they solve problems. Romans 8:19, “For the earnest expectation of the creation eagerly waits for the revealing of the sons of God.” Although the grace is available, not many anointed ones have primed themselves to the level where they can call forth answers from Heaven. The child of God can have the unction of Moses, whom God taught His ways, so that he could manifest His acts by solving the problems of the children of Israel. 

However, the avaricious who are easily lured by lucre must be wary not to go the way of Gehazi (1 Kings 5:19-27). The Master’s charge in Matthew 10:8 is “Give as freely as you have received”. If you operate that way, God can, as in Pastor Ibiyeomi’s case, inspire you with the solution to someone’s problem and prod the same person to bless you with choicest gifts money can buy. I’m referring to cheerful givers who would insist that God sent them to be a blessing to you, even when psyched that the gifts they are bearing must be meant for God.

VIS Ugochukwu is a Sage, Storyteller and Brand Strategist who engages with readers via Twitter (now X) @sylvesugwuanyi

By Oladoja M.O

There comes a point in every nation’s existence when it must interrogate the very myths that forged its being, and it appears Nigeria has reached that juncture. “One Nigeria”, a slogan as old as our independence, repeated in classrooms, parliaments and pulpits alike, has gradually morphed from a patriotic creed into a hollow incantation that adorns speeches, but no convictions. A rhetoric that unites in sound but not in substance. And yet, like an overused balm, it is still generously applied to wounds that have long become septic.

When the British, in their cartographic arrogance, decided that the roaring rivers of the Niger and Benue could somehow dissolve the ancestral boundaries of a hundred nations into a single name, they planted both a promise and a peril. The promise was the strength of size, the illusion that numerical vastness equals greatness. The peril, however, lay in presuming that different civilisations, with their own gods, economies, memories, and destinies, could be hammered into a coherent polity without a shared philosophy of being. What emerged was less a federation of equals than a fragile patchwork held together by coercion and cliché.

History is replete with examples of states that mistook enforced coexistence for genuine unity. The Soviet Union once imagined that the subjugation of difference equalled solidarity until it collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. Yugoslavia thought nationalism could be suppressed by ideology until ethnic passions burned Sarajevo into ash. Even Sudan, our continental cousin, insisted on an indivisible state until the centre could no longer contain the centrifugal cries for dignity and recognition, and the South tore itself free in a baptism of blood. Each of these polities preached “oneness,” but none could manufacture mutual trust. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s situation, though cloaked in democratic pretensions, bears an unnerving resemblance.

Decades after independence, we continue to stagger under the illusion of unity while exhibiting every symptom of division. Our politics remains a theatre of tribal anxieties. Our economy, a contest of regional grievance. Our institutions, battlegrounds of exclusion and suspicion. Every census, every election, every policy debate collapses into the arithmetic of ethnicity. We have created a federation in name, but a feud in practice. The Nigerian state, like a badly tuned orchestra, plays the anthem of unity while each instrument screams in its own discordant key.

What has deepened the tragedy is not merely that we are divided, but that we have learned to romanticise our dysfunction. The myth of “One Nigeria” has been elevated to the level of moral blackmail, as though questioning it were heresy. Yet, the facts are unflinching. From the coups and counter-coups of the 1960s, to the Biafran war that drenched this soil in youthful blood; from the endless agitations of the Niger Delta, to the violent insurgencies of the North, and the secessionist murmurs of the East, we have been a nation perpetually negotiating its own existence.

Even now, in the twenty-first century, the markers of mistrust remain, only deepened by new forms of betrayal. We have witnessed, time and again, how national security efforts are quietly sabotaged by regional sympathies where the pursuit of peace against terror becomes a political chessboard, and those who menace the state are garlanded as champions in their communities. In some quarters, it has almost become an identity to excuse barbarity in the name of kinship, to embrace those who burn the nation’s fabric as heroes rather than outlaws.

There are regions where individuals, through their character and conduct, have dragged the nation’s image into global disrepute, staining the diplomatic standing of millions, and forcing the country to spend years rebuilding bridges of trust with the international community. Elsewhere, the spirit of entitlement fosters a belief that governance is a turn-by-turn inheritance, that “it is our time now,” and so positions of influence must rotate along bloodlines and geography rather than merit. Even the recent rumblings of military adventurism, the whisper of coup sympathies and their architects seem disturbingly traceable to predictable corners of the polity, confirming that our divisions have not merely survived time; they have evolved.

Thus, we remain a country trapped in its contradictions: differential justice, uneven development, selective outrage, and an ever-widening gulf between the governors and the governed.

How then do we continue to recite the catechism of unity with straight faces? When the “one” in “One Nigeria” has become a question rather than a statement. For unity cannot be decreed by constitutions nor enforced by soldiers; it must be earned by fairness, equity, and mutual respect. When a nation’s prosperity is monopolised by a few, when power circulates within predictable bloodlines, when regions are treated not as partners but as provinces, the rhetoric of unity becomes an insult to intelligence.

We deceive ourselves with patriotic songs while ignoring the dissonance in our reality. The world is changing; nations are redefining themselves in pursuit of justice and balance. Ethiopia, after decades of internal conflict, restructured its governance to reflect its ethnic federalism. The United Kingdom, once rigidly centralised, conceded autonomy to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland to preserve its union. Even Belgium, split by language and identity, discovered that devolution was the price of stability. In each case, political maturity triumphed over sentimental unity. Why then should Nigeria, with its far deeper pluralities, cling to a system that has neither delivered prosperity nor peace?

It is at this critical juncture that Nigeria must summon the courage to confront itself, not with nostalgia or denial, but with truth and pragmatism. The time has come for an honest national conversation, a sober rethinking of our structure, values, and vision. We must ask: What truly binds us, and on what terms should we continue this union? This is not a call to disintegration, but to redefinition. 

If genuine unity is to be sustained, it must be built on a framework that reflects our peculiarities rather than suppresses them. Perhaps it is time to revisit the foundations of our federalism to decide, through dialogue and consensus, whether the present centralised model still serves our collective good.

If what we need is a restructured federation that grants greater autonomy to regions, then let us pursue it with sincerity. If what we require is a return to a confederation that allows each region to govern according to its social and economic realities, then let the people decide it freely. And if, after exhaustive dialogue, it becomes clear that coexistence itself has become unsustainable, then perhaps peaceful dissolution negotiated with maturity and justice may be the truest form of unity left to us.

Whatever the outcome, silence and pretense can no longer suffice. We must choose between a future defined by courage or a decline defined by denial.

It is time to stop pretending that unity is sacred when it has become suffocating.

If we refuse to confront this reckoning, we risk learning, as others have, that when unity becomes a prison, freedom will break the walls. For now, the cracks are visible in our rhetoric, our regions, our republic. Whether they widen into collapse or are sealed with courage depends on our collective honesty. But one thing is certain: the chant of “One Nigeria” will not save us if it continues to mean nothing more than silence in the face of inequality.

Until we replace illusion with justice, and ideology with sincerity, we will remain what we are, a country yoked together by history, but not joined by purpose.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached via mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

Nigeria, as a nation, has always struggled with the idea of unity. From the country’s very foundation, deception has played a central role in shaping the narrative we’ve been led to believe. The idea that we are “one people” is more of a slogan than a reality. The truth is, there has never been genuine unity in the way the state was formed or in how it is currently run.

The political class has done more to divide us than to unite us. Instead of promoting national interest, they manipulate ethnic, religious, and regional sentiments to serve their selfish goals. Over the years, these tactics have created deep hatred and mistrust among citizens. What should have been a diverse but united people has become a society fragmented by deliberate division.

Our leaders talk about unity during campaigns or national crises, but their actions show otherwise. Appointments, projects, and policies are often distributed along lines of loyalty, tribe, or religion rather than merit or national need. This is not only unfair, but also dangerous. It feeds resentment and makes many Nigerians feel like outsiders in their own country.

In almost every region, people feel marginalised. From the South East crying out over exclusion, to the North East lamenting underdevelopment, to the Niger Delta’s struggle over resources, the sense of belonging is weak. When some groups feel like second-class citizens, it becomes nearly impossible to build a strong national identity.

The younger generation is growing increasingly aware of these divisions. Many of them are no longer buying into the false narrative of unity. They see through the hypocrisy and want a country that treats everyone fairly, regardless of background. But without sincere leadership and bold reforms, their hope for a united Nigeria may remain a dream.

Unity cannot be built on lies. It cannot exist where injustice is the norm, where corruption thrives, and where the average citizen feels neglected. We cannot continue to pretend that all is well when millions feel disconnected from the system that claims to represent them.

If Nigeria is ever going to move forward, we must stop repeating slogans and start dealing with the hard truths. The illusion of unity must give way to honest conversations, equitable governance, and deliberate efforts to bridge our divides. Only then can we begin to build a nation where unity is not just a word, but a lived experience.

Muhammad Umar Shehu, who wrote from Gombe, can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

The safety and dignity of Hausa people in Nigeria are increasingly under threat. The recent spate of brutal killings targeting innocent Hausa travellers across various regions of the country is both alarming and unacceptable. 

Disturbingly, the North Central and Southern parts of Nigeria, in particular, are turning into graveyards for members of the Hausa community, despite the hospitality and freedom non-indigenes continue to enjoy in Hausa land—where people from across the country have settled peacefully, enjoying all rights guaranteed under the Nigerian Constitution, including freedom of movement and residence.

The recent killing of two Hausa tanker drivers in the South-East came as a shock. They were attacked and butchered while trying to repair their broken-down vehicle. Similarly, the horrific massacre of Hausa hunters in an incident that sent shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond speaks volumes about the rising hostility against the Hausa community.

Equally tragic was the killing of Hausa travellers in Plateau State who were on their way to honour a wedding invitation. Their brutal slaughter reflects the growing dehumanisation of Hausa people, treated like cockroaches in a country they call home. In Benue State, two sons of renowned Islamic scholar, Malam Ibrahim Khalil, were also gruesomely murdered, as though their lives meant nothing.

These atrocities raise serious questions: Are we to fold our arms while our people are slaughtered day after day? Where are our political leaders? Where are the Hausa individuals within the security and intelligence networks? Is silence the best they can offer? Or is the Hausa community being pushed to a point where it might be forced to retaliate?

This alarming trend must not be ignored. The examples highlighted are only a fraction of the broader pattern of persecution being endured by Hausa people across the country. Despite being one of the most accommodating and detribalized ethnic groups in Nigeria, the Hausa are being pushed to the wall—and if this continues, the unity of the Nigerian federation could be at serious risk.

Urgent action is required. These barbaric attacks must stop, and those responsible must be brought to justice. The time to act is now.

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

Let’s stop sugarcoating it. Nigeria’s leaders have failed the very people they swore to serve. The signs are everywhere. Millions go to bed hungry, communities are under constant threat from bandits and terrorists, and families bury loved ones over avoidable tragedies. The cry from the North to the South is the same: “Where is the government?”

For decades, we have watched politicians campaign with promises and disappear after elections. We have listened to speeches full of hope, only to wake up to worsening hardship. Whether in education, healthcare, security, or the economy, Nigerians are primarily left to fend for themselves in a country that seems to work only for the elite.

Electricity is unstable. Public schools are underfunded. Hospitals lack basic equipment. Roads are death traps. Jobs are scarce. The police often protect the rich while the poor face brutality. The gap between government and the governed has become dangerously wide.

But the failure didn’t start yesterday. It results from years of corruption, mismanagement, and lack of vision. Successive governments, both military and civilian, have chipped away at the country’s foundations while enriching themselves. The civil service, once respected, is now known more for inefficiency and bribery than service delivery.

What’s worse is that people have grown tired. Tired of voting without results. Tired of protesting with no response. Tired of hoping for leaders who never come. This fatigue is dangerous because when people lose faith in the system, they seek alternatives. And that is where chaos begins.

Still, all hope is not lost. The first step is honesty. We need to admit that things are not okay. Then, we must demand better. Louder. Consistently. In unity. Good governance doesn’t happen by chance. It happens when citizens hold leaders accountable during elections and every day after.

Nigeria is not poor. Nigerians are not lazy. The failure lies in a leadership that treats public service like a private business. Until that changes, the suffering will continue. But if the people find their voice and use it, we may turn this broken system into something that works for all.

Muhammad Umar Shehu wrote from Gombe and can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

I want to share an inspiring story about perseverance and determination. Some time ago, Malam Aisara Fagge, a visionary educator from Kano, conceived an innovative idea to empower youths with knowledge about Artificial Intelligence (AI) and train them to utilize ChatGPT effectively. 

Malam Aisar took his enthusiasm to social media, publicly announcing his intention to collaborate with Professor Abdullah Uba Adamu on this project. Although the project didn’t come to fruition, an interesting turn of events unfolded. 

Shortly after, I stumbled upon banners advertising training programs on ChatGPT in southern Nigeria with prices that seemed exorbitant. I shared these banners with Malam Aisara, whose response was profound: ‘When you have an idea, many people will try to replicate it.’ His words echoed the age-old adage that ‘imitation is the sincerest form of flattery.”

This experience came flooding back when I connected with Dr. Idris Ahmed on social media. He shares a similar passion for educating people about computer appreciation and AI and plans to make this vision a reality through his NGO, CUPS. I was impressed by his dedication, and I offered him my support.

What’s truly remarkable about Dr. Idris’s endeavor is his commitment to training many people, thereby pioneering a movement in this field. His initiative has the potential to bridge the knowledge gap and make AI more accessible to a broader audience in Nigeria and beyond.

I sincerely hope Dr. Idris receives the support and recognition he deserves to make this project a resounding success. I pray that Almighty Allah grants success to both Malam Aisara Fagge and Dr. Idris Ahmed in their endeavors, and may their efforts bring about positive change in the lives of many.

Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi wrote via prof4true1@gmail.com.

By Ishaka Mohammed

My employers often commended my efforts, increased my salary and gave me bonuses even when I didn’t see any significant impact of my tutelage as a private school teacher. I was worried about my studentsʼ poor comprehension, negative attitude towards learning, and low morals. I couldn’t even stop them from cheating in tests and exams.

Although it was safe to link my failure to a lack of formal teaching qualifications, I expected the impact of the workshops I attended. And to cap it all, most of the teachers I knew (with the required qualifications) weren’t getting any better results. I was frustrated; I blamed parents, society and inadequate facilities—in that order.

However, I was joyous to get a job with an international school in 2024. The school offered excellent educational facilities, teacher training, a six-figure salary, pension, heavily subsidised lunch, and transport and accommodation allowances, among other things. Everything about the school was promising.

Nonetheless, my first meeting with the students ended my excitement. I worked harder than ever before, but as each new week brought tougher challenges, I conceded that I could neither minimise nor tolerate the disruptive behaviour and utter disrespect of the children of politicians, diplomats, business tycoons, etc. They came to the school for two reasons: to have fun and build rapport with their future business partners or political allies.

I quit the job after a term. While I was leaving, some senior colleagues commended my courage to do what they had been unable to do for years despite facing the same challenges that prompted my resignation.

I became jobless but happier, and I didn’t wish to teach again. But a call from a school proprietor in a distant state changed my mind. The head of the department I resigned from recommended that I attend a school he believed would suit me.

This happened when I was already preparing to start a new position in a different industry. My prospective employer is notorious for delaying salary payments.

After weighing the salary factor and the state of education in Yorubaland, I chose to return to teaching, and bingo! My new students meet all my criteria, particularly regarding their morals. Even though they come from privileged backgrounds, they are humble, respectful, and eager for knowledge. 

There was a day when we didn’t have enough teachers to invigilate the tests, and I was the only one who seemed concerned. Two halls were left without invigilators, yet everything went smoothly. I was impressed by the students’ maturity and honesty.

My meeting with these students has reminded me of many things, one of which is the importance of being oneself. While I recognise the significance of adaptability, I still believe that some principles should not be compromised. I appreciate the gentleman who referred me to my new employer. I commend the parents and guardians of these learners, the school management, and all the staff for nurturing such remarkable members of society. Once again, I am optimisticthat Nigeria will be better in the future.

Ishaka Mohammed wrote via ishakamohammed39@gmail.com.