Politics

By Imam Malik ABDULLAHI Kaga

Your Excellency, Sir,

Permit me to respectfully introduce myself. My name is Imam Malik Abdullahi Kaga, a young advocate for youth inclusion in governance in Borno State. I hail from Wajiro village in Kaga Local Government Area and currently reside in Jere Local Government Area.

Your Excellency, I write this letter with two sincere intentions. First, to express my profound appreciation for the remarkable transformation that Borno State has experienced under your leadership. Second, to humbly advocate for the emergence of a worthy successor who will continue, and perhaps even surpass, the legacy you have built.

History often remembers leaders not only for what they achieved while in office, but also for the institutions, systems, and leaders they helped shape for the future. In this regard, your tenure stands out as one that will be remembered for courage, sacrifice, and a relentless commitment to rebuilding a state that once stood at the centre of one of the most difficult humanitarian and security crises in our nation’s history.

Since assuming office as Governor, Borno State has steadily moved along the path of recovery, stability, and development. Across critical sectors, specifically security stabilisation, education revival, healthcare expansion, infrastructure rebuilding, and human capital development, your administration has restored confidence and renewed hope among citizens.

Across the state, the impact of your leadership is visible. The name Zulum has come to represent resilience, discipline, and purposeful governance. In the eyes of many citizens (both indigenous and non), you have demonstrated that leadership is not merely about holding office, but about service, courage, and responsibility.

Indeed, like every human endeavour, governance inevitably carries moments that fall short of expectations. Yet the weight of your accomplishments far outweighs such moments. May Allah forgive your shortcomings and reward your sincerity and dedication in the service of the people of Borno State.

Your Excellency, Sir,

As elections gradually approach, conversations about the future leadership of Borno State will naturally intensify. This moment, however, not merely presents a political transition, but an important historical responsibility. 

The foundations your administration has laid must not only be preserved but strengthened. The Borno 25-Year Development Framework provides a clear vision for transformation and development; the leadership that succeeds you will be responsible for ensuring this vision continues to move forward with the same discipline and determination.

Over the years, Your Excellency, you have mentored and entrusted many young, capable individuals with leadership responsibilities across government parastatal and ministries. Many of them have grown under your guidance and have demonstrated commitment, discipline, and service in various capacities. This is one of the enduring strengths of your administration. You have not only governed but also cultivated leadership.

Among those who have served under your watch are individuals who have observed your work ethic, your decisiveness, and your relentless focus on results. Such individuals understand the philosophy that has driven your administration. 

Your Excellency, therefore, you are uniquely positioned to recognise who among those you have mentored possesses the character, vision, courage, and administrative capacity required to sustain the momentum of your achievements.

Your Excellency, sir, across the world today, younger leaders are increasingly demonstrating the capacity to drive reform, strengthen institutions, and accelerate economic development. When youthful energy is combined with discipline, experience, and mentorship, it often yields bold, transformative leadership.

Sir, closer to home, the youthful leadership within your administration stands as clear proof that young minds can bring innovation, energy, and integrity to governance. These qualities speak directly to the four enabling foundations of the Borno 25-Year Development Framework. 

One of the most defining qualities of your leadership has been decisiveness. At critical moments, your ability to make firm and timely decisions restored confidence in governance and accelerated progress across many sectors. This quality has become a hallmark of your administration.

As Borno looks toward the future, it is important that the leadership which follows continues to embody this same strength of character, clarity of purpose, and courage in decision-making. Such leadership will ensure continuity, preserve stability, and sustain the progress already achieved.

Your Excellency, sir, many citizens across the state quietly share a hope that the next phase of Borno’s leadership will not only preserve your legacy but also elevate it even further. In most conversations across the state, one often hears a phrase that captures this aspiration in simple language, the desire for what some describe as a “Zulum Pro Max.”

By this, people mean a leader who embodies the courage, discipline, integrity, and commitment to service that have defined your tenure, while also building upon the strong foundation you have established.

Your Excellency, the decision regarding the future leadership of Borno State carries immense significance. History will remember not only the progress achieved during your tenure but also the path charted for the years that follow.

May Allah continue to guide your wisdom, strengthen your resolve, and bless Borno State with lasting peace, stability, and prosperity.

In my next letter, I intend to respectfully share my thoughts on one of your mentees, whom many Bornoans believe reflects the qualities needed to advance this vision and carry Borno State to the next level of development.

Yours sincerely,
Imam Malik Abdullahi Kaga.

By Mohammed Bello Doka 

History is a stubborn thing. It does not bend to the whims of revisionists, nor does it dissolve under the weight of repeated falsehoods. For some time now, a particular narrative has been carefully cultivated and spread across social media platforms and traditional dinner tables. This narrative suggests that during the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, the North maintained a conspiratorial silence, shielding itself while the country drifted. It paints an entire region as a monolith of blind loyalty. But as the saying goes, a lie can travel halfway around the world while the truth is still putting on its shoes. Today, the truth is fully dressed and ready to walk.

If the people making these claims are truly ignorant of the facts, this record will serve as a much-needed education. If they are speaking from a place of hypocrisy, then this record will serve as a mirror to their own intellectual dishonesty. To suggest the North was silent is to erase some of the most daring, scathing, and consequential political and intellectual battles fought against the Buhari administration from within its own base.

Let us begin with the most intimate of critics. On October 14, 2016, through the BBC Hausa Service, the First Lady of Nigeria, Aisha Buhari, stunned the world. She did not just offer a mild critique; she declared that her husband’s government had been hijacked by a few people who did not even know the party’s vision. She stated plainly that out of fifty people the President had appointed, he probably didn’t know forty-five of them. 

This was not a Southern critic or an opposition politician speaking; this was the President’s own wife. She followed up on December 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, during a leadership summit in Abuja, where she challenged Nigerian men to stand up to two or three people dominating the government. On May 25, 2019, as reported by Channels TV and Daily Trust, she attacked the administration’s Social Investment Programme, labelling it a failure in the North and questioning the procurement of mosquito nets. If the North was silent, was the First Lady’s voice not Northern enough?

The intellectual and traditional pushback was equally fierce. As the Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi used his platform to deliver economic lectures that the presidency found deeply uncomfortable. On August 24, 2016, during the 15th meeting of the Joint Planning Board in Kano, as reported by Punch Newspapers, he warned that the Buhari administration was on the path of the Jonathan government if it did not end its flawed foreign exchange policies. Years later, as reported by Vanguard on August 20, 2023, he provided a post-mortem, stating that the administration had decimated the economy and left a thirty trillion naira debt through illegal central bank borrowing.

Then there is the Northern Elders Forum. For years, this group acted as a stern watchdog. On June 14, 2020, as reported by The Guardian and The Cable, the Chairman of the forum, Professor Ango Abdullahi, issued a statement titled Life has lost its value under Buhari. He described the administration as a total failure in the face of escalating banditry and insurgency. He noted that the North was completely at the mercy of armed gangs. 

This sentiment was echoed repeatedly by the forum’s spokesperson, Doctor Hakeem Baba Ahmed. In April 2022, following the Zabarmari massacre, Baba Ahmed appeared on Channels TV and was quoted in Daily Trust stating that in any civilised nation, a leader who failed so spectacularly to provide security would have resigned. He was one of the most consistent voices debunking the myth that the North was satisfied with the status quo.

Even the clergy did not stay silent. Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, once considered a supporter of the President’s integrity, became a vocal opponent. In an interview with Punch on July 7, 2018, Gumi stated that he knew Buhari would make Nigeria worse than it was when Jonathan left. He accused the administration of being worse than its predecessor and criticised what he called the deification of the President.

When we turn to the political theatre, the evidence of Northern opposition is even more undeniable. Consider Buba Galadima, one of the original signatories to the formation of the APC. On July 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, Galadima led a faction to form the Reformed APC. He held a press conference in Abuja where he described the party’s leadership as a charade and the government as a disappointment. In an exclusive interview with Premium Times on July 22, 2018, he accused Buhari of betraying the loyalists who built his political career to empower a clannish inner circle.

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano, also broke ranks early. On July 24, 2018, he was among the senators whose defection was reported by Punch and Premium Times as part of a mass exodus from the APC to the PDP. Throughout 2018 and into the 2023 election cycle, Kwankwaso was a relentless critic. 

On August 27, 2018, as reported by Punch, he stated in Owerri that Buhari lacked the capacity to improve the economy. Later, on April 15, 2022, as reported by Channels TV, he expressed deep worry that a retired General could allow insecurity to reach such levels, calling the administration’s second term a missed opportunity.

The most dramatic phase of Northern criticism occurred in the build-up to the 2023 general elections. 

This was not just rhetoric; it was a legal and constitutional war. Nasir El-Rufai, the then Governor of Kaduna State, became the face of internal resistance. Long before the currency crisis, El-Rufai’s critical stance was documented in a 30-page memo dated September 22, 2016, which was eventually leaked by Sahara Reporters on March 16, 2017. In that memo, he warned the President that the APC was losing its supporters’ trust and that the government was adrift. 

By 2023, the tension culminated in a Supreme Court lawsuit. On February 3, 2023, as reported by Channels TV and The Punch, El-Rufai, along with Governors Yahaya Bello and Bello Matawalle, sued the Federal Government over the naira redesign policy. On February 16, 2023, after Buhari’s national broadcast, El-Rufai issued a counter-broadcast in Kaduna, which was transcribed by Vanguard and The Cable, where he told his citizens to continue using the old notes, effectively challenging the President’s authority in a way no Southern governor dared at the time.

Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the then Governor of Kano, was equally confrontational. On January 28, 2023, as reported by The Niche and Daily Post, Ganduje officially asked the President to postpone a visit to Kano because the people were too angry over the currency policy to guarantee a peaceful reception. 

In early February 2023, a viral video reported by Daily Trust and Sahara Reporters showed Ganduje mocking the President’s political history, noting that Buhari only won after a merger was formed for him and was now trying to destroy the party on his way out. On February 14, 2023, as reported by The Cable, Ganduje threatened to demolish any bank in Kano that refused to accept the old notes, promising to replace such banks with schools.

How then can any honest person say the North was silent? We have the names, the dates, and the publications. From the First Lady’s BBC interview in 2016 to the Supreme Court case in 2023, from the intellectual rebukes of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to the scathing memos of Nasir El-Rufai, and the open defiance of Abdullahi Ganduje, the North was a hotbed of criticism. Those who claim otherwise are either victims of a deep ignorance or are intentionally peddling a hypocritical double standard.

The North is not a monolithic political entity that blindly follows a leader. It is a region with a rich tradition of debate, dissent, and internal correction. When the Buhari administration faltered, it was the Northern elders who first called for his resignation. When the economy drifted, it was Northern intellectuals who provided the most data-driven critiques. When the currency policy threatened to trigger a social crisis, it was Northern governors who took the President to the Supreme Court.

To repeat the lie that the North never criticised Buhari is an insult to the courage of those who risked their political standing to speak truth to power. It is an attempt to rewrite history to fuel division and promote a false narrative of regional complicity. But the records are in the archives of Daily Trust, Punch, Vanguard, Premium Times, and Sahara Reporters. 

The records are in the transcripts of the BBC and Channels TV.

Let this be a final answer to those who peddle this falsehood. The facts do not just speak; they shout. The North did not just criticise Buhari; it provided some of the most formidable and effective opposition his administration ever faced. Whether it was on the pages of newspapers, in the chambers of the Supreme Court, or from the pulpits and palaces of its traditional leaders, the North spoke up. To ignore this is to choose a lie over the truth, and to repeat it after reading these facts is to move from the camp of the ignorant to the camp of the hypocritical. The truth has been told, the evidence has been presented, and the myth of Northern silence is hereby destroyed.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via bellodoka82@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Politics often produces strange moments, but every now and then a controversy emerges that says more about a society than it first appears. The recent uproar in Kano over viral images of women displaying red underwear allegedly linked to supporters of the state government is one such moment. What began as social media comedy quickly evolved into a serious conversation about political culture, digital misinformation, public dignity and the growing danger of supporter excesses in Nigeria’s democracy.

At the centre of the controversy are competing narratives. One version claims the act was staged by enthusiastic supporters seeking to mock the red symbolism associated with Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya movement. Another insists no government official procured or distributed such items, and that the women involved purchased them independently as a form of protest. A third line of argument points to manipulated or AI-generated images, especially those showing Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s photograph printed on the underwear.

Whichever version one believes, the broader lesson lies elsewhere. In the age of instant virality, perception often outruns fact. Once provocative visuals hit the internet, they begin to live independent lives. By the time clarifications arrive, opinions are already formed, jokes already shared, and reputations already bruised. That is the brutal logic of modern information warfare.

This is why the Kano episode should not be dismissed as mere comedy. It highlights how politics in Nigeria is increasingly shifting from policy contests to symbolic warfare. Rather than debates over education, healthcare, water supply, youth unemployment or urban planning, public attention is hijacked by spectacles designed to humiliate opponents and energise online loyalists. The result is a shrinking space for serious governance discourse.

Kano is especially vulnerable to this kind of politics because of its unique political history. The state is one of Nigeria’s most politically conscious arenas, where colours, slogans, movements and personalities carry deep emotional weight. The red cap is not merely fashion; it represents a political identity. Any attempt to ridicule that identity will naturally provoke backlash. Supporters may consider such mockery clever mobilisation, but politics rooted in humiliation often boomerangs.

There is also an uncomfortable gender dimension to the saga. Across Nigeria, women are too often reduced to props in political performances—assembled for rallies, tokenised for optics, or used to dramatise partisan messages. Whether voluntary or orchestrated, any political theatre that places women at the centre of ridicule or sensationalism raises ethical questions. Political communication should elevate citizens, not use them as instruments of mockery.

For the Kano State Government, the greater challenge may not be the incident itself but how it is managed. Governments today do not only govern roads and budgets; they govern narratives. Silence can sometimes be wise, but in a digital environment, prolonged silence can also create a vacuum into which falsehood rushes. A vacuum of credible information often becomes fertile ground for stereotypes.

That is why communication experts increasingly advise a strategy of rapid clarification and narrative replacement. Rather than angrily chasing every rumour, a government can calmly provide facts, support independent fact-checking, and then redirect public attention to measurable achievements. If the public conversation is trapped on underwear for days, then governance has already lost valuable oxygen.

There is wisdom in the suggestion that the state should flood the public space with verifiable stories of schools rehabilitated, hospitals improved, roads completed, youth programmes launched, and social interventions delivered. This is not propaganda when the facts are genuine. It is simply the discipline of agenda-setting: ensuring governance performance is louder than viral nonsense.

Equally important is internal message control among supporters. Many governments underestimate the damage their unofficial defenders can cause. Overzealous loyalists often believe they are helping, while in reality, they create liabilities. Mockery, coded insults and reckless satire may thrill partisan circles, but they alienate undecided citizens and embarrass the leaders they claim to defend.

This is not a Kano problem alone. Across Nigeria, politicians increasingly face a paradox: their strongest online supporters can also become their biggest reputational risk. In a hyperconnected society, one foolish stunt can overshadow months of policy work. That reality demands more disciplined political engagement from parties and movements nationwide.

The final lesson is simple. Leadership should be measured by competence, compassion and delivery—not by who wins the latest viral skirmish. Kano deserves national attention for industrial revival, educational progress, urban reform and social development, not for underwear controversies. If this episode prompts a rethink of political conduct, media literacy and supporter behaviour, then an embarrassing moment may yet produce a useful correction.

Democracy is serious business. When politics becomes a permanent performance, everyone eventually loses.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has rescheduled its presidential primary election to May 23, 2026, moving it from the previously proposed May 15–16 dates, the party announced on Thursday.

The party’s Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Duro Meseko, disclosed the changes after the 186th National Working Committee (NWC) meeting in Abuja. According to Meseko, the adjustments comply with the Constitution, the Electoral Act 2026, and the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) revised timetable for the 2027 general elections.

Under the new schedule, the governorship primaries will now hold on May 21, 2026.

The sale of nomination forms will run from April 25 to May 2, 2026, with a submission deadline of May 4, 2026.

Screening of aspirants is scheduled as follows:

1· May 6–8, 2026: House of Assembly, House of Representatives, Senate, and Governorship aspirants

2· May 9, 2026: Presidential aspirants

Screening results will be published on May 11, 2026, while screening appeals will be heard on May 12–13, 2026.

Primary election date:

a· May 15, 2026: House of Representatives

b· May 18, 2026: Senate
· May 20, 2026: State House of Assembly

c· May 21, 2026: Governorship

d· May 23, 2026: Presidential

Post-primary appeals are slated for May 18 (Reps), May 20 (Senate), May 21 (Assembly), May 23 (Governorship), and May 25 (Presidential).

Meseko also released a schedule for ward, local government area (LGA), and state congresses in Zamfara State, beginning April 28, 2026. Ward congresses will hold on April 30, followed by LGA congresses, while state congresses are to wrap up by May 3, 2026, with appeals running concurrently.

The NWC adopted both direct primary and consensus options as provided in the Electoral Act 2026.

“Aspirants are free to decide their preference. Where consensus works, it stands. Where an aspirant disagrees, it automatically reverts to direct primaries,” Meseko said.

He dismissed claims that nomination forms would be restricted to select individuals, stating: “Forms are available for all aspirants under the APC, not exclusively reserved for anyone.”

INEC has fixed the Presidential and National Assembly elections for January 16, 2027, and Governorship/State Assembly polls for February 6, 2027. Party primaries must hold between April 23 and May 30, 2026.

Campaigns for presidential and NASS elections will begin on August 19, 2026, while governorship and assembly campaigns start on September 9, 2026.

The APC said state chapters were notified of the changes on April 20.

By Oladoja M.O

For some time now, the conversation has been quietly shifting from elections to succession. Not a clear constitutional succession. We are talking about political succession as design. The deliberate grooming of a successor within an existing power architecture so that leadership rotates but direction and influence remain within a defined circle.

In Lagos, many say it has worked since 1999. In Rivers, we saw what happens when the choreography fractures. Now, as 2031 sits faintly on the horizon, there are whispers again of names being mentioned, alignments being speculated, shadows being interpreted.

Let us remove names. Let us remove rumours. Let us interrogate structure.

The serious question is this: in a democracy built on four-year mandates and an eight-year ceiling, is protégé succession a stabilising mechanism for development, or is it a refined method of elite entrenchment?

To answer that, we must first admit something uncomfortable: Nigeria’s institutions are not yet strong enough to guarantee policy continuity through institutional design alone. Parties are weakly ideological. Bureaucratic insulation is thin. Policy reversals are common. In that environment, continuity through personal alignment can look attractive. It reduces disruption. It keeps long-term projects alive. It reassures investors. It avoids destructive resets every four or eight years.

This is the strongest argument in favour of succession politics and it is not foolish.

Lagos provides the most cited example. Over two decades, fiscal reforms were not dismantled. Internally generated revenue grew consistently. Infrastructure planning maintained coherence across administrations. Successors did not come in to burn down the previous house simply to prove independence. That continuity mattered. It produced an administrative rhythm.

But here is where analytical discipline must intervene.

Was Lagos successful because of succession politics or because it possessed economic density, commercial capital concentration, and revenue capacity that most Nigerian states do not? If succession were the decisive factor, then every state practising elite continuity would display similar outcomes. That is not what we observe.

Kogi has seen continuity patterns without transformative development. Cross River experimented with political coherence without fiscal stability. Rivers demonstrated how quickly elite alignment can dissolve into institutional paralysis when patron–successor relationships rupture. This tells us something critical: succession is not a development formula. It may coexist with development under certain structural conditions, but it does not produce development on its own.

Now let us go deeper.

Democracy is not defined merely by the holding of elections. It is defined by uncertainty. Adam Przeworski’s core insight remains powerful: democracy is a system where incumbents can lose. The possibility of loss disciplines power. When succession becomes predictable within a narrow elite network, that uncertainty diminishes. Elections may still occur, but the competitive field tightens.

Elite theory reinforces this concern. Political systems remain dynamic when elite circulation is open. When elite reproduction becomes concentrated within a single patronage chain, innovation slows, and access narrows. It does not immediately collapse democracy, but it gradually converts it into a managed rotation.

And this is where I lean.

Succession politics in Nigeria is a second-best adaptation to institutional weakness. It compensates for fragile parties and inconsistent policy frameworks. It can produce short- to medium-term stability in exceptional contexts. But it does not deepen democracy. It does not institutionalise continuity. It personalises it.

If continuity depends on one individual’s blessing, then institutions remain dependent. And dependency is not consolidation. It is controlled stability.

Supporters argue that Nigeria’s diversity requires careful continuity, that radical alternation could destabilise fragile coalitions. That concern is real. But if the only way to preserve stability is through personalised grooming, then we are admitting that institutions are too weak to survive open competition. And if institutions never learn to survive open competition, they never mature.

Development that relies on personal choreography is fragile. It works as long as the central figure remains politically dominant. Once that dominance weakens through age, miscalculation, factional drift, or simple political fatigue, the structure can wobble because it was never fully institutionalised.

This is why I do not romanticise succession politics, even when I understand its logic.

Endorsement is not anti-democratic. Every leader is entitled to support a preferred successor. That is politics. The danger arises when endorsement becomes determinative rather than persuasive when the system makes alternative emergence structurally improbable.

Nigeria does not need constant disruption. But it needs genuine contestation. It needs parties strong enough that continuity does not depend on lineage. It needs primaries that are competitive in substance, not ritual. It needs bureaucracies that can survive alternation without policy vandalism.

Succession politics may stabilise a weak system. But it does not strengthen it.

And a country of Nigeria’s scale cannot permanently depend on second-best solutions.

So, the issue is not whether someone is being groomed for 2031. The issue is whether our institutions are growing strong enough for grooming to become politically irrelevant. If they are not, then what looks like continuity today may become stagnation tomorrow.

That is where I stand.

Continuity is valuable. But continuity must be institutional not personal if it is to endure beyond the shadow of any one man.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

History has repeatedly shown us that when rulers or elites indulge in throwing ultimate parties, they are usually sealing their fate. This universal rule is applied not only to dictators but also to empires, organisations, business leaders, athletes, celebrities, and even individuals who reach a climax in their trajectories without the ever-useful self-restraint.

Examples of these parables can be found even in the holy scriptures. Qarun is a brother of Prophet Moses, whom God blessed with so much worldly endowment that people living around him watch in awe. It was reported that many of his kinsmen were openly praying to be blessed as Qarun was. To them, Qarun was a role model, a success, and someone to emulate. 

Qarun’s story was a typical grass-to-grace story we often hear. At the beginning, a humble soul, spendthrift, calculative, hungry and ambitious for success. He left no stone unturned, had no time to even count his fortune, and was always on the lookout for more until he later ‘made it’.

He later started throwing lavish parties, erecting large buildings with so many rooms that he wouldn’t occupy, and amassing fleets of beautiful horses not for war, domestic use or trade. It was reported that the keys alone to Qarun’s treasury were so many that people couldn’t even carry them!

And what of the things inside those stores, of gold, ornaments, and precious metals? Qarun was admonished by his people to express gratitude for the benevolence through giving alms to the less privileged. He famously stated that it was his handiwork, his tactics, and his spendthrift ways (in today’s world, his financial intelligence) that helped him become wealthy. Qarun sealed his fatal fate with those words; he drowned!

Founders of any kingdom or empire usually begin as brave warriors or loyal servants who earn the respect and love of their masters, then become part of the empire and, within a few centuries, become kings themselves. Throughout these transformative years, you would find them humble, hardworking, disciplined, and considerate, until the hard-worn ancestors passed away and the bounty passed to their progeny, who were neither aware of nor shared in the initial struggles, thinking they deserved it. It was those later kings who would build extravagant palaces with magnificent walls, not as protection but for the sake of beauty and elegance.

The early pharaohs of Egypt were not as haughty and arrogant as the pharaoh whom the prophet Moses fought. The last pharaoh feels so high of himself that he declared himself the sovereign being worthy of worship in the land. The magnificent pyramids built in Egypt alone could signify the level of cruelty slaves were subjected to and the grand mania behind erecting them. That was their ultimate party.

The sixteenth-century Brits (Englishmen) were so brave, energetic, curious, prodigious, and ambitious that they set out to conquer almost half of the world, from Asia to Africa to India to the Americas. They spread their influence, civilisation, and language to every nook and cranny of the world. Astonishingly, several decades of the British Empire were led by women like Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria. It was during the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria that Britain reached its peak.

At the beginning of their campaigns, they were just merchants, explorers, and missionaries. They were later partners before transforming into cruel colonial rulers, subjugating human beings into serfdom and slavery. It was during the early 19th century that Queen Victoria decided to host a lavish party in India, inviting delegates from every colony: Asians, Africans, Arabs, Indians, and Caucasians. The Durbar was so magnificent that only watching the video (on YouTube) could give you a sense of the congregation. Every culture was represented, and performances were made. 

What was wasted during these festivities was enough to ruin the economy of a continent. Those extravaganzas, the subjugation of people into labour, and unnecessary wars were later to seal the fate of the British Empire. The colonists were dismantled into sovereign nations, and finally, the sun set for Britain.

Before the 1979 Islamic revolution, Iran was under a monarchy led by Shah Reza Pahlavi, who inherited the throne from his father in the 1920s. Between those years, thanks to the discovery of oil and his alliance with Western countries, the Shah transformed himself into a world-class political figure and a strong voice in the Middle East. Although a Muslim, he became so delusional that he dreamt of converting Iran into its former Persian Empire with all its anti-Islamic elegance. 

This automatically put him in constant conflict with the religious establishment of Iran, especially the Islamic clerics led by the pious, ascetic, and reserved Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The level of enmity was so high that neither side was willing to give way until, finally, Khomeini fled to France as an exile. Despite Khomeini’s absence, he continued to preach to the Iranians, especially the youth, university students, and the less privileged masses who became his adherents.

In the 1970s, the Shah decided to throw a grand party in Iran to commemorate not only his anniversary but also the 2000-year anniversary of the Persian Pagan Empire. He coronated himself as ‘Shah of Shahs’ (King of Kings). The party was attended by thousands, including kings, prime ministers, presidents, heads of state, mistresses, business moguls and technocrats. Later analysis shows how that singular event almost threw Iran into debt despite its oil endowment.

That sealed the fate of Shah Reza Pahlavi, for a few months later, Iranian youths staged an uprising, culminating in the Islamic Revolution that brought Ayatollah Khomeini (the very person Pahlavi had sent into exile) to power.

 Similar stories can be narrated of Adolf Hitler’s rise to power and his expansionist, megalomaniac agenda, seeing himself as the Führer and Saviour of the German Reich, until he sealed his fate by mistakenly invading Russia and Poland and at the same time fighting several forces of France and the United Kingdom. The allied forces were rescued by the rising superpower of that time, the United States of America.

General Yakubu Gowon was in power from 1966 to 1975, the longest-serving military head of state. His period witnessed a surge in oil income never seen before in Nigeria, and even the government doesn’t know what to do with the sweet oil money. The Federal Government undertakes unnecessary construction and white-elephant projects just to get rid of the irritating money. 

Workers get unnecessary pay rises (Udoji salary award) without additional productivity. The General Yakubu Gowon government decided to sponsor a FESTAC celebration event in 1975, which cost a huge sum of money, throwing Nigeria into debt despite oil income. We didn’t wisely invest and save for the rainy days.

That sealed the fate of innocent and peace-loving General Yakubu Gowon. He was overthrown in a palace coup led by young officers, introducing the no-nonsense, disciplinarian Murtala Ramat. The rest was history….So watch out when you are sealing your fate by throwing the ultimate party!

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has welcomed former governor and senator, Ibrahim Shekarau, into the All Progressives Congress (APC), describing his return as a major boost to the party’s strength in the state.

This was contained in a statement issued on Sunday by the Governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Mustapha Muhammad, who said the development reflects the party’s growing appeal and consolidation in Kano.

Governor Yusuf said a date would soon be announced, in consultation with the party’s national secretariat, for the formal reception of Shekarau into the APC.

He noted that the party “continues to witness increasing support and consolidation,” positioning it as a dominant force in the state.

According to the statement, the governor expressed confidence in the party’s readiness for future elections, stressing that unity and strategic political alignments are key to its rising strength.

He added that the APC is “battle-ready to win all elective positions” in the forthcoming polls.

Yusuf further assured members that the leadership remains committed to strengthening internal cohesion and expanding its grassroots base across Kano.

He urged party loyalists to remain steadfast and intensify mobilisation efforts.

“We call on all party faithful to remain committed and continue mobilising support as we prepare for future political contests,” the governor said.

By Mohammed Usman (Noble-pen)

Let’s talk beyond political party affiliation. Let’s tell ourselves the brutal truth.

Believing that all these people under the shade of one political party, ADC, and many more to move into it, are after the interest of the poor, the masses, instead of themselves, is the gravest mistake one will ever make. 

All these people have their own vested and individual interests, which spurred them to cross-carpet into the party, which seems to them promising, full of potential, and offering vistas for achieving those interests. And you know what? The poor, the masses, are the last thing they think of. Let alone the country’s future. 

Let me give you a practical, relatable elaboration on this by picking the few and the major points among them. Maybe, that way, you will understand what I am trying to say here.

1. Atiku Abubakar 

This person has been investing heavily and persistently in his ambition to become the country’s president. He never reneged since he started. He had been spending billions of naira on it. Therefore, do you sensibly think working for the poor, the masses, will be his top priority when he attains the power he has been so adamantly vying for, instead of looking for a return on his financial and material investment for years before? Don’t forget, he is a business-oriented person. And you should know what I mean. 

2. Nasir El-Rufai 

This person was once one of the cocks of the work of the current brutal government under the auspices of the APC. They entrenched it with their sweat and blood. And he never felt sorry for the poor suffering under the coarse, clueless policies of the government until the government, headed by Tinibu, betrayed him and denied him the opportunity he was dying for: a ministerial post and a place at the driving force of the government. That marked the genesis of his enmity towards the government and turned him into one of its most blunt and fierce foes. Hence, his decision to move to SDP, which refused him, then to ADC. His mission is purely to take vengeance on the government which made him an outcast rather than to save the poor masses from the bondage and shackles of poverty and insecurity, which they have been grappling with for donkey’s years.

3. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso 

Just like El-Rufai, Kwankwaso is being driven by the force of spite and vendetta over the betrayal he suffered at the hands of his once political apprentice accomplice, Abba Gida Gida. His mission is driven solely by the quest to uproot the government of Abba Gida Gida, rather than by the welfare of the people of Kano State. However, he is a politician with very, very good antecedents. No one can deny that. But he is not into ADC for the masses. No. 

4. Nasiru Gawuna 

This was once an accomplice to the current merciless APC government, who fought a political battle—over his inspiration for the Kano state gubernatorial office—with Kwankwaso and his boy, Abba Gida Gida, but lost to them. He was once their worst enemy. But today, he and the Abba’s boss kwankwaso have leagued up as sweet friends in another political party (ADC) each with different and individual vested interest: kwankwaso to dislodge the assumed betraying government of Abba Gida Gida as well as to occupy an influencial office in the presidency; while Gawuna, to use it as an opportunity to become the kano state governor which he failed to in his previous opposition party APC. 

4. Peter Obi 

This person has the worst political andecedent, being the former governor of Anambra State and has—allegedly— a strong affiliation to IPOB, being the terrorist and outlawed political group in Nigeria, which had been perennially insurgent and rebellious to successive Nigerian governments with their impossible mission of dividing the country and taking their own share, which they aimed to call BIAFRA. So Peter Obi might clearly have this scheme hidden in his mind to, when he tapped the supreme power —presidency—become instrumental for the IPOB to finally make it possible to see the last light —they have been dying and killing people for—at the end of the tunnel, and reach their daydreamed-promised land. Polarising the country is the plot of his horizon. 

Likewise, if you pay very close attention to the other people who will be cross-carpeting into the party, ADC. You will notice that they were once fundamental figures in the previous governments who failed the masses and never took concrete, robust action to save their lives and property. Let alone improving their welfare and standard of living. Tell me, when did they change to be trusted with our mandates and entrusted with our lives once again, simply because they moved into another political party? The same applied to the others who are beneficiaries of the current APC government and are now quitting it for the shining party of the day, ADC.

Let me wrap up by telling you the secret of these Nigerian politicians. 

The fact is, they are always the same set of people.  They only switch color and identity by jumping from one political party to another— using the very public funds they looted while occupying the public offices they were once either elected or appointed into — with romanticized manifestations to sway the minds of the poor masses and pave a wider way for themselves to achieving their vested and selfish interest; increasingly impoverish the already poor masses, steal their future and the future of their children and grandchildren; while enriching themselves, their children and grandchildren, making their lives and future always the brighter.

And mind you, they switch political parties based on their analysis of which political party the poor masses lean their attention and hope towards. This means that it’s always the previous, unchanging enemies the masses mistake for their beloved ones and the beacon of hope, revolution, and transformation. 

Therefore, until the poor citizens of Nigeria understand these Nigerian politicians’ Machiavellian formula and devise a way to dismantle it—instead of continuing with their primitive thinking that their problems lie with one political party and that the solutions are in another—they shall continue to live in bondage, suffering, humiliation and destitution.

Mohammed Usman (Noble-pen) is the Author Of “Butterfly’s Wings.”

By Saifullahi Attahir

The desperation to fail President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by some politicians and their consistent attempt to recruit others into believing their rhetoric will always be an anticipated issue in the realm of politics, but whenever myopic outlooks like sectarianism, blame games, and regionalism are used, that’s what irritates my conscience into responding at the expense of whatever others may label me. What I believe is to stand for what I think is right, even if I have to stand alone.

The level of those campaigns was to the extent that you can’t say anything good about the Tinubu government without being portrayed as anti-North or even a heretic. This is preposterous!

Politics should not be built on emotions, and governance should not be like inheritance, where no matter who it is, if they’re not your kinsmen, all is not well. This is not the original personality of a typical Northerner. 

I’m not a party card-carrying member but an ordinary student, so I have the liberty to express my views based on my limited understanding. I would like to address the issue of labelling every project undertaken by President Tinubu as nepotistic, especially when it is situated in the South-West. 

Let me give an example with the recent trip President Tinubu led to the United Kingdom, where he secured a deal to revamp the Tin Can and Apapa ports in Lagos. Sealing a deal to revamp Tin Can and Apapa ports should be viewed with such an open mind as a national investment. Lagos would remain the economic bloodline of this country for the time being, hence supporting its economic growth. 

Among the notable achievements of even the most pro-Arewa leaders, like the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Muhammad, during his short stint, was the decongestion of the Lagos Apapa port led by the famous brig. Benjamin Adekunle (The Scorpion).  

I’m not promoting the idea of continuing channelling of funds to develop Lagos at the expense of other regions, but it would be absurd when overnight we heard the FG seal a deal to start importing goods through Niger-Maradi or the Lake Chad basin or create artificial ports in the North linking us to the transatlantic trade (it’s possible, but not overnight like in Libya or the UAE).

The North should have focused more on ensuring that fighting illiteracy included at least a mandatory universal secondary school education with skills. The ‘right education’ would solve 60% of all this menace. 

An enlightened self would not be used as a tool to create and perpetuate insecurity in the form of banditry and suicide bombings. An ignited mind wouldn’t be fertile ground for sectarian conflicts. You can’t woo an educated person into choosing a leader whose focus is to distribute spaghetti.

We should accept the fact that the North is a landlocked region. We are surrounded by Niger, Cameroon, and Chad. We have our own priorities that, if well executed, can boost the regional economy. Comparing ourselves to Lagos wouldn’t help matters. Lagos was an island inhabited by whites centuries ago. It was the former national capital for almost thirty years and home to almost all the country’s major industries. 

As to the second part of the rhetoric, which was also the ultimate agenda, to wrest power from President Tinubu and hand it over to another ‘Arewa politician’. Governance returning to Arewa would never be our solution. This was tried in 2015 by removing Jonathan through every possible means, only to regret a similar decision less than 4 years later.

A bitter truth to swallow was that, since our return to democracy in 1999, leaders from the South-West have proved to contribute more to issues of national development. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 8 years would always be remembered for bringing a near-normal political stability to the country, improved national security, an improved economy, the cancellation of national debt, improved foreign relationships, the introduction of several empowerment programmes, the introduction/subsidisation of telecommunications, and a decisive leadership unparalleled when compared to late President Buhari’s 8 years of bewilderment.

It’s not about Tinubu prioritising Lagos and intentionally killing Arewa. The seed of sustainable national development was sown long ago, when Awolowo’s Action Group was fighting for universal education and ideological politics in their region, while our NPC was busy seeking alliances to dominate the Parliament. It’s better to hold our governors more responsible instead of the federal government.

Between 2007 and 2015, the Southwest Governors (Aregbesola, Fashola, Mimiko, Adams Oshiomhole, etc.) used their opposition to create massive developmental programmes for their region, consolidate power around the leading opposition figure, Tinubu, and enhance their regional security, while we were busy trying to wrest power from Jonathan.

To the question of ‘Arewa-2027′, who should be the candidate? The inconsistent Baba Atiku, or politicians renowned for vengeance politics, or those lacking an accommodating mind for others to win national elections, or politicians without international exposure? Tinubu is not the ideal for Nigeria, but the aforementioned politicians are no match for his governance track record as governor and, 2 years into the presidency, as president.

The current insecurity menace is a testament to how one man is incapable of addressing it. Many among the top security brass are from the North: the NSA, the Federal and State Ministers of Defence. In a region with the highest illiteracy rate, things worse than this could happen. Spaghetti and religious affiliation can woo the masses to vote for a candidate.

We should focus better on finding the RIGHT MAN rather than on which part of the country he came from.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sani Ilyasu

Over the past few days, Kano’s political atmosphere has been gripped by what should have been a routine decision — the selection of a Deputy Governor. Instead, it has dragged, stretched, and unsettled expectations. As the Hausa proverb reminds us, wankin hula yana neman kai. Sooner or later, the moment of decision arrives, and when it does, it reveals more than preference. It reveals judgment.

But truthfully, this is not a difficult decision.
Once the list of nominees from the old APC bloc surfaced, one name did not merely appear — it stood apart. Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi. Not because of sentiment, and certainly not because of noise, but because of something far more scarce in today’s politics: substance.

This is a man shaped by governance, not just politics. He has moved through the system at its highest levels — serving as Secretary to the State Government, managing policy at the governor’s office, and working across institutions where decisions are not announced for applause but executed for impact. That kind of experience does not shout. It shows. And in moments like this, it matters enormously.

Yet the weight of this decision extends well beyond qualifications. The governor did not simply make a political realignment — he justified it with a principle: putting Kano first. That declaration raised the stakes. It transformed every subsequent decision into a test of consistency. Because once Kano becomes the stated priority, convenience must give way to capacity, and politics must submit to judgment.

You cannot declare Kano first and then treat this appointment as negotiable. The office of Deputy Governor is not ceremonial. It is not a token for balancing interests or rewarding loyalty. It is a quiet but powerful engine of governance — where coordination happens, where pressure is absorbed, and where experience prevents the kind of costly mistakes that erode public trust. It is not a place for learning on the job. That is precisely why Rabiu Suleiman fits this moment.

Rabiu Sulaiman Bichi carries a rare combination that politics often separates: administrative competence and genuine political experience. As a founding figure of the Kwankwasiyya movement, a former PDP State Chairman, and later Director-General of the APC’s 2023 campaign in Kano, he has operated credibly across political lines without losing his footing. That is not inconsistency. It is relevance across eras — the mark of someone who understands how power works without being consumed by it.

More importantly, he brings reach. His network — spanning national and international circles — is not ornamental. It is functional. It is the kind of capital that attracts serious partnerships, aligns policy with opportunity, and positions Kano beyond its immediate boundaries. At a time when states compete not only internally but on a broader stage, that kind of exposure is not a luxury. It is a strategic asset.

And then there is the other side of the equation — the part many would rather avoid, but which cannot responsibly be ignored. Leadership is defined not only by what is built but by what is tolerated. To elevate a deputy whose public record is clouded by ongoing court cases involving serious allegations of corruption and financial misconduct is not merely a political risk. It is a statement — and a loud one.

Because once made, that choice will not remain local. It will travel. It will shape perception, invite institutional scrutiny, and define the governor’s seriousness in the eyes of allies, investors, and the wider Nigerian public. You cannot stand on reform and lean on controversy. That is not balance. It is contradiction. And Kano cannot afford contradiction at this level of governance.

This is not a moment for experimentation. It is a moment for clarity — a moment to demonstrate that governance here is still anchored on competence, credibility, and consequence. In Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, that clarity already exists. Which is why this decision, despite the delay, remains straightforward.

If Kano truly comes first, the answer is already known. Anything else is not a strategy. It is a misstep.

Muhammad Sani Ilyasu writes from Maryland, United States of America and can be reached via msaniiliyasu@gmail.com