Politics

By Uzair Adam

Senator representing Kano Central, Rufa’i Sani Hanga, has explained that he voluntarily relinquished his Senate ticket to former Kano State Deputy Governor, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, in the interest of unity and success within the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Kwankwasiyya Movement.

Speaking during an interview with DC Hausa, Hanga said the decision followed extensive consultations among party stakeholders aimed at strengthening the party ahead of future elections.

According to him, Gawuna’s political influence, widespread support base, and contributions to the movement made him a strong candidate for the Kano Central Senate seat.

“Gawuna joined us and expressed his desire to be part of the movement. We understand his political strength, his supporters, and the role he has played over the years.

If our objective is victory, it would not be right to insist that only one person must get the ticket.

After consultations, it was agreed that he should fly the party’s flag for Kano Central, and he accepted,” Hanga said.

The senator noted that members of the movement have always sought candidates capable of securing electoral victories and advancing their political objectives.

He expressed optimism that the movement’s national leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, would continue to achieve political success in Kano and eventually attain higher national leadership positions.

Hanga also dismissed claims of unfairness in the party’s nomination process, insisting that all aspirants and interest groups were carried along before decisions were made.

“Anyone familiar with our structure knows that a fair arrangement was reached. Consultations were held with all concerned groups, everyone’s interests were considered, and no one was sidelined,” he stated.

Reaffirming his loyalty to Kwankwaso, the senator pledged to remain steadfast in his support for the former Kano governor.

“I will continue to stand with Kwankwaso in every circumstance because I believe in his commitment to improving the lives of ordinary people,” he said.

Hanga further revealed that party leaders, including himself, participated in discussions leading to all major nominations, stressing that Gawuna’s emergence as the Kano Central candidate occurred with his full consent and support.

He added that members of the movement would continue to work collectively towards electoral success and the development of Kano State.

By Uzair Adam 

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has responded to recent remarks by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, saying the former Kano governor was also once under his political mentorship.

Ganduje, who is currently in Saudi Arabia performing the Hajj pilgrimage, made the response in a statement released on Friday through his Chief of Staff, Comrade Muhammad Garba.

The statement followed comments credited to Kwankwaso in which he reportedly said, “Even Ganduje was once my boy.”

Reacting to the remark, Ganduje said politics thrives on mentorship, sacrifice, support and long-standing relationships, noting that no politician attains prominence without assistance from others along the way.

According to the statement, Ganduje recalled playing a significant role in Kwankwaso’s early political journey, especially during the National Assembly election that led to his emergence as Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives.

“At that period, Ganduje could comfortably have described Kwankwaso as his political boy, considering the moral and financial support he offered him,” the statement read.

The former APC chairman further recalled that during his time as a senior civil servant in the Federal Capital Territory and later as Kano State Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport, Kwankwaso frequently visited him in both Abuja and Kano.

Ganduje said reviving “boy-master” narratives in present-day politics was unnecessary at a time citizens expect leaders to focus on governance, peace and development.

He also revisited the 1998 Kano governorship primaries, claiming that many party stakeholders believed he won the contest but that senior political figures persuaded him to accept the deputy governorship position alongside Kwankwaso in the interest of party unity.

Despite their political disagreements over the years, Ganduje noted that he and Kwankwaso worked together successfully as governor and deputy governor between 1999 and 2003, and again from 2011 to 2015.

He added that political relationships naturally evolve, citing the example of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, who once served as Kwankwaso’s Personal Assistant but later rose to become governor of the state.

“Politics should not be reduced to who is superior to the other. A father can nurture a child who eventually surpasses him in influence and status,” Ganduje stated.

He urged political leaders and supporters in Kano State to avoid divisive comments and instead concentrate on promoting unity, peace and development across the state.

By Ukasha Kofarnassarawa 

Like almost everyone, I saw that Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami is now PDP’s gubernatorial flag bearer for Gombe State. Congratulations to him. Pantami is now everything he once criticised. But that’s not my focus here; the internet has receipts for anyone interested in digging.

The real calculation:

Amid all the “consensus-coronation” drama unfolding nationwide, many observers expected Sheikh to defect to either ADC or the NDC, which are seen as the strongest opposition blocs. But Abuja is playing a different game. This looks calculated.

Right now, the entire core North — both North-West and North-East — is held by APC governors, except Bauchi, which lately switched to APM. The party’s structure and acceptability are widely seen as weak, and the state is likely to return to APC in the next election, given its current flag bearer, the former governor of the state.

For the President’s party, having zero opposition across the whole core north would be a dangerous optics problem. It would look like a monopoly. To avoid that, Abuja needs to “sacrifice” 2  core northern states to the opposition, just to create balance. One in the northwest and the other in the northeast.

And among all opposition parties, PDP is the “lesser evil” from Abuja’s view because one of its sons controls a major faction there. So Pantami decamped to the PDP, which functions as an extension of the APC. The plan: he gets “appointed” governor to create the illusion of balance, then switches to the main APC immediately after winning.

Abuja’s handwriting is not hard to understand.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via Ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

A major crisis has erupted within the Peoples Democratic Party in Gombe State following the emergence of former minister Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami as the party’s governorship candidate ahead of the 2027 election.

One of the aspirants, Alhaji Abdulkadir Hamma Saleh, alongside other contenders including Khamisu Ahmed Mailantarki, Usman Aliyu Garry, and Monica Kaltho, rejected the outcome of the PDP primary held on Tuesday. Pantami was declared winner through a voice vote after delegates affirmed him as the party’s sole candidate.

The aggrieved aspirants argued that Pantami was ineligible to contest the PDP primary because he had only recently left the ruling All Progressives Congress after participating in its internal political process. They claimed electoral laws do not permit a politician to contest in two different party primaries within the same election cycle.

Saleh also questioned the sudden postponement of the PDP primary from Sunday to Tuesday, describing the process as unfair and unlawful. He confirmed that his legal team had begun preparations to challenge Pantami’s emergence in court and urged his supporters across Gombe State to remain peaceful while the matter is resolved legally.

Pantami, who recently defected from the APC after criticising the party’s consensus arrangement that produced Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna as a candidate, said his decision to join the PDP was driven by a desire to tackle poverty and improve governance in Gombe State.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Yusuf Tuggar, former minister of foreign affairs, has failed in his bid to secure the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship ticket for the 2027 general election in Bauchi State.

The primary election, held on Saturday, produced Mohammed Abubakar, a former governor of the state, as the party’s candidate after he defeated Tuggar and five other aspirants.

John Abang, who chaired the APC governorship and house of assembly primary committee in Bauchi, announced that Abubakar emerged winner with a total of 57,517 votes.

Tuggar came second with 26,001 votes. Nura Manu Soro polled 13,638 votes, while Bala Wunti scored 13,648 votes. Kabir Ma’aji recorded 8,157 votes.

Abang said the votes were collated after the exercise conducted across the state and confirmed Abubakar as the party’s flagbearer for the 2027 election.

On March 30, Tuggar stepped down from his ministerial position following a directive from President Bola Tinubu, which required political appointees seeking elective offices in 2027 to resign.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) of blocking access to former Kaduna State Governor, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, following the denial of a party delegation to visit him at the Commission’s headquarters in Abuja.

A delegation comprising the ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi; and Salihu Lukman, Secretary of the ADC Policy and Manifesto Committee, was refused entry to see El-Rufai, who remains in ICPC custody.

According to the party, the situation escalated when at least three truckloads of armed police officers arrived at the facility, creating a tense atmosphere. The ADC described the heavy security deployment as disproportionate and unnecessary, given the peaceful nature of the delegation.

“The heavy deployment… created the unmistakable impression that the authorities feared that the mere presence of opposition leaders at the Commission could trigger public outrage,” the party said in a statement signed by Abdullahi.

The ADC noted that it had previously written to the ICPC Chairman, Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, requesting visitation rights for El-Rufai amid concerns raised by his family over alleged denial of access to doctors and food. The party recalled that Hajiya Asia El-Rufai had publicly alleged that her husband was refused access to his doctor and that she was prevented from delivering food to him.

While acknowledging that the ICPC has denied these allegations, the ADC insisted that the continued refusal to allow party leaders to see El-Rufai deepens suspicions about the nature of his detention.

“Mallam Nasir El-Rufai is not a fugitive. He voluntarily submitted himself to the authorities. Under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he is entitled to dignity, medical care, family access, and fair treatment under the law,” the statement read.

The ADC warned that “Nigeria and the world are watching” and demanded that the ICPC immediately grant unrestricted access to El-Rufai by his family, doctors, lawyers, and party leaders, threatening to mobilise party members nationwide if access continues to be denied.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami, has pulled out of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election in Gombe State.

Pantami announced his withdrawal on Tuesday through a statement issued by Barrister Ibrahim M. Attahir on behalf of the Pantamiyya Movement.

The former minister said his decision followed alleged violations of the Electoral Act 2026 and what he described as the APC leadership’s failure to provide information needed for a transparent and credible primary election.

According to the statement, Pantami joined the race after pressure from political leaders, women, youths and other stakeholders in the state. It added that he complied with the party’s guidelines and fulfilled all requirements expected of aspirants.

The statement also noted that Pantami was the only APC governorship aspirant who sent a representative to the Peace Accord meeting organised by the Nigeria Police Force, Gombe State Command, on May 14, 2026. It said his representative was also the only one who signed the agreement during the meeting.

Pantami, however, accused the party of denying him access to important details concerning the conduct of the direct primaries.

The statement said letters written by his solicitors to party officials over concerns surrounding the exercise were neither acknowledged nor answered.

“In a democracy, the law must guide the process. Non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2026 and the party guidelines renders the exercise unsafe and illegitimate,” the statement said.

It further alleged that irregularities marred the APC National Assembly direct primaries conducted in the state on May 16 and 18.

“The people of Gombe State witnessed what transpired during the direct primary ‘elections’ for the National Assembly held on 16 and 18 May 2026,” the statement added.

Pantami maintained that many grassroots party members, especially women and youths who form the bulk of his support base, were excluded from the process.

The statement said the former minister decided to withdraw after consultations with stakeholders across the state.

“After extensive consultations with stakeholders and careful reflection on the developments in Gombe State, Prof. Pantami has taken the difficult decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primary election scheduled for 21 May 2026, under protest. Peaceful protest is a fundamental pillar of democracy,” it stated.

The movement also accused party leaders of ignoring directives by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the need for free and credible direct primaries.

According to the statement, details relating to accreditation of agents and observers, voting procedures and collation centres were not provided to aspirants before the exercise.

“Even though President Bola Ahmed Tinubu insisted on the necessity of free, fair, and credible direct primaries, his directives were, unfortunately, not implemented,” the statement said.

Pantami also expressed appreciation to supporters who contributed money for the purchase of his nomination and expression of interest forms through crowdfunding.

The statement disclosed that donations ranged from ₦5,000 to ₦4 million and were publicly acknowledged online.

He thanked youths, women, campaign coordinators, elders and members of his media and campaign teams for their support.

Pantami urged his supporters to remain peaceful and law-abiding despite the development.

“Democracy rests on the rule of law, peace, and security,” the statement added.

The Pantamiyya Movement said it would announce its next political steps in due course.

A response to Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk.

My dear learned brother, Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk, as I pledged to respond to your post, let me briefly add a few lines, as my learned friend, Barr Hassan Saraki, has already engaged you on the other issues you raised, which I think makes my work easier. 

According to the Nigerian Constitution, any Nigerian aged 35 years and above can contest the senatorial seat. This legal provision makes Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed fully qualified to run for the Bauchi South Senatorial District seat in the 2027 general elections. 

As a retired director from the federal service, a senator for about 3 years, a minister for more than 5 years, and currently a sitting governor serving a 2nd 4-year term, these alone are exceptional qualities that make Senator Bala Abdulkadir the best choice for the Bauchi South senatorial district. Could this ring a bell for you?

His contributions to the Senate gave him an edge over all the contestants across all political parties. His brief sojourn in the red chamber was notable for his active legislative role and key administrative positions within the Senate. His contributions during this period primarily focused on committee leadership, advocacy for reform, and a landmark constitutional motion. 

Key among his legislative contributions was the Doctrine of Necessity Motion during the political uncertainty of late 2009. He courageously moved the motion that empowered then-Vice President Goodluck Jonathan as acting president during President Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s illness, effectively resolving a looming constitutional crisis. 

Senator Bala Mohammed was recognised as one of the most outspoken and vibrant legislators during plenary sessions. He championed bills focused on public service reform and anti-corruption, advocating for greater transparency in governance. During his two years in the Senate, Senator Bala Mohammed tackled essential social issues by providing water and sanitation infrastructure, improving health facilities, and addressing youth unemployment and other social challenges, among other initiatives. 

Senator Mohammed served as a member of several committees and held strategic leadership positions, including Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Aviation, Secretary of the Northern Senators Forum, and member of the Committees on Communication, Finance and Public Accounts, Rules and Business, Environment, Labour and Productivity, and Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Jos Crisis. 

As Governor for seven years, Bala Mohammed has implemented a series of reforms and projects aimed at transforming Bauchi State. His administration focuses on a blueprint designed to revitalise critical sectors of the economy. His achievements in health, education, and infrastructural development are clear examples of a representative and responsible government. 

This piece has done justice to the four items you presented as the reasons why Governor Bala Mohammed is the least suited to represent the Bauchi South senatorial district in the red chamber. 

Governor Bala Mohammed is contesting the Senate position not as a retirement home but to continue with the good works he started between 2007 and 2010. Don’t forget that His Excellency defeated a sitting governor, Dr Ahmad Adamu Mu’azu, with a landslide victory to win the Bauchi South senatorial seat in 2007. 

With these few paragraphs, I hope my learned brother can see the differences between His Excellency Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed and the other contestants, which are far below his pedigree, given his educational qualifications and requisite experience in governance and national assignments.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As political parties in the country gear up to conduct primary elections in preparation for the 2027 general elections, they should ensure strict adherence to the laid-down procedures put in place by electoral acts and those of their parties to avoid further internal wranglings and legal tussles that will ultimately harm the party’s chances of winning the election or maintaining victory in courts. 

The process adopted by some political parties in some states for selecting the party’s flag bearers for different posts exposes how stakeholders underestimate voters’ power by fielding candidates who are far below the electorate’s goodwill and requirements for winning elections. 

The electoral acts recognise only two processes that political parties can follow in conducting primary elections: direct primaries, which allow party card-carrying members to elect their candidates, or consensus, which allows contestants to withdraw their contests and announce their support for one person among themselves. 

As seen in many states that adopt the consensus process in selecting their candidates and the issues that followed so far, it is clear that stakeholders neglect the powers of voters by anointing persons with questionable political values as their preferred candidates without considering the legal implications of such decisions (remember Zamfara state) or the electoral values of the persons they selected.

If public acceptance and popularity are the selling points of any politician, then some candidates do not possess the qualities of a counsellor, but present themselves as gubernatorial aspirants, either because they can afford the nomination forms and want to trend and remain relevant in the scheme of things or because they are playing a deceitful game in the event of joining the negotiations table.

While appealing for a peaceful conduct of free and fair process from the remaining political parties that are yet to conduct their primaries, they should also be mindful of the people they will present for elections, as winning elections do not limited to the platform (political party), it is about goodwill, clear and practicable manifesto and the electoral values of the persons they presented as their flag bearers. 

To the electorate, they should ensure their voter cards are accessible. To those who do not possess the ‘electoral weapon’, the third phase of the Continued Voter Registration (CVR) will commence today, Monday, 11th May 2026, and end on Friday, 10th July 2026. During this period, eligible citizens who have reached the age of 18, as well as those who were unable to register in earlier phases, should seize this opportunity to do so.

We at the Initiatives for Sustainable Development (I4SD) are committed to ensuring free, fair and peaceful conduct of the 2027 general elections in the country. 

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Aremu Haroon Abiodun

Let me begin with clarity and sincerity. I write this not as a partisan actor, not as a loyalist of any political party, and certainly not as a hired megaphone for any candidate. I write from the standpoint of an analyst, a student of democratic behaviour, and a public relations strategist who understands that politics is not only about power; it is also about perception, timing, trust, and structure.

This piece is not designed to insult President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, attack the ruling APC, mock the opposition, or discredit any politician. Rather, it is an honest attempt to interrogate one of the most defining questions of Nigeria’s approaching democratic race: Is the new coalition a movement of salvation or merely a market of ambition?

In every democracy, coalitions can either rescue nations or ruin trust. In Africa, where democracy is still battling poverty, elite capture, and personality politics, the answer matters deeply. Across the continent, from Kenya to South Africa, Senegal to Zimbabwe, fragmented opposition groups often unite to challenge incumbents. Sometimes they succeed; sometimes they collapse under the weight of ego and suspicion.

Coalitions are usually built on five promises: to rescue the nation, restore democracy, defeat bad governance, unite the opposition vote, and provide a better alternative. But behind these promises often lie hidden motives: personal ambition, ticket negotiation, political survival, revenge against former allies, and access to state power. This is why many coalitions look holy in public but bleed distrust in private.

Nigeria may now be entering that exact season. The African Democratic Congress (ADC), once a relatively minor platform, is suddenly being discussed as a possible shelter for heavyweight politicians dissatisfied with their former homes. But before Nigerians clap, they must ask a dangerous question: Do the coalition members even trust themselves? 

Parties are not built by logos; they are built by loyalty, and loyalty cannot be photocopied overnight.

Nigeria’s politics has become a railway station where leaders keep changing platforms while asking voters to stay loyal.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not emerge by accident. His journey moved through the AD, AC, ACN, and finally the APC. He mastered a core truth that many others underestimated: structure beats noise.

While others chased headlines, Tinubu built networks, state influence, and grassroots machinery. Whether loved or criticised, he represents a masterclass in long-term political engineering.

Atiku’s route has been equally dramatic, moving from the PDP to the APC, back to the PDP, and now toward discussions with ADC. No politician in modern Nigeria has contested the presidency with as much persistence. 

Supporters call it resilience; critics call it endless ambition. But as time moves on, the ADC coalition may represent strategic urgency rather than just ideology, a final gamble in a house where the inheritance is uncertain.

Peter Obi’s path from APGA to the PDP, the Labour Party, and now ADC tells the story of a reformer searching for a machine. Obi proved in 2023 that popularity can shake systems, but popularity without nationwide structure has limits. 

If Obi brings credibility and a coalition brings machinery, the equation is powerful. However, can a reformist brand coexist with old political warlords? Movements are powered by hope, but coalitions are powered by compromise.

Moving from the PDP to the APC, the NNPP, and now the ADC, Kwankwaso commands a loyal bloc in the North. He has what every coalition needs—a dedicated voter base—but he also has what coalitions fear: independent ambition. The success of any merger will depend on whether arithmetic can overcome ego.

The urgency for a coalition is often driven by the stark reality of election data. In Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election, the opposition’s fragmentation was clear. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu won with 8,794,726 votes (36.6%), while the combined votes of the three main opposition candidates, Atiku Abubakar (6,984,520), Peter Obi (6,101,533), and Rabiu Kwankwaso (1,496,687), totalled 14,582,740.

Mathematically, the opposition held over 60% of the total vote, but their inability to unite resulted in a win for the incumbent’s structure. This “voter math” is the primary engine behind the current migration toward the ADC; politicians realise that without a unified front, sentiment rarely defeats a settled structure.

Having that in mind, can Atiku trust Obi? Can Obi trust establishment figures? Can Kwankwaso trust a ticket arrangement? Coalitions often fail not because they lack votes, but because they lack trust.

Sooner or later, the “Ticket War” arrives. If Atiku wants one last shot, Obi believes his momentum was stolen, and Kwankwaso believes northern arithmetic favours him, the smiles will disappear. A coalition before a primary is romance; a coalition after a primary is war.

Furthermore, many underestimate the “Tinubu Factor.” Hatred of an incumbent is not a development plan. Tinubu remains a formidable strategist because he controls incumbency power and understands coalition management better than many of his rivals. To defeat a strategist, anger is insufficient, but superior organisation could be the way out.

From a strategic communication perspective, the narratives are already forming. APC’s narrative centres on stability, continuity, and ongoing reforms. ADC represents a force for “Rescue Nigeria,” unites the opposition, and restores hope.

Both parties face a risk. The ADC risks being seen as a shelter for serial defectors, while the APC risks seeming disconnected from economic pain.

Lastline 

Nigeria does not merely need a coalition of politicians; it needs a coalition of ideas, competence, and national healing. If the ADC becomes a real reform movement, it can change history. If it becomes only a marketplace of ambition, it will prove that parties change names faster than systems change realities.

The real contest of 2027 may not be APC vs. ADC. It will be structure vs sentiment, trust vs suspicion, and nationhood vs ambition. On that day, Nigerians, not politicians, will deliver the final verdict on who rules in the next four years.

Haroon Aremu is a public relations strategist and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.