Nigeria

By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Reports of killings, beatings, intimidation, harassment, and violent attacks on migrant communities, including incidents affecting children, allegations of denied hospital access to pregnant women, and the targeting of foreign-owned businesses, raise serious concerns about South Africa’s ability to uphold basic human rights. Despite a population surpassing 63 million in 2024, with a youthful demographic and steady growth, the state faces ongoing challenges in protecting the estimated 2.4 to 3.9 million foreign-born residents, who make up about 5.1% of its population.

Migrants, largely from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Ghana, and other African nations, are widely reported to contribute significantly to the economy, often bringing skills, entrepreneurship, and labour. Yet xenophobic violence and social exclusion continue to persist in some areas. Critics argue that government responses have been insufficient or inconsistent, raising concerns about gaps in protection and accountability.

South Africa’s leaders frequently emphasise democracy, freedom, and equality. However, for many migrants, lived experiences are described as marked by fear and uncertainty. Nigerians are sometimes portrayed negatively in public discourse despite their economic contributions. Zimbabweans who fled economic hardship often face precarious working conditions, while Malawians, Mozambicans, and Basotho migrants also report experiences of discrimination. Observers say that inconsistent responses to xenophobic incidents risk creating the perception of official indifference.

Migrants are not a homogeneous group, and many contribute meaningfully to South Africa’s economy. Some studies indicate that immigrant-headed households may, on average, earn higher incomes or have higher levels of post-school qualifications. They also fill labour gaps and support small and medium enterprises. However, public narratives in some quarters continue to frame migrants as competitors for scarce resources, contributing to social tension instead of focusing on broader structural challenges such as unemployment, inequality, and governance issues.

Responses to xenophobia have sometimes fallen short of addressing root causes. Allowing the destruction of businesses or failing to respond swiftly to violence, they argue, reflects weaknesses in enforcement capacity. Others point to the need for stronger governance, improved economic policies, and clearer communication to counter misinformation and division.

South Africa can reinforce its role as a continental leader by strengthening protections for all residents within its borders, or it risks continued reputational and social challenges if violence and exclusion persist. The effectiveness of its response will likely shape both domestic stability and international perception.

Addressing recurring xenophobic incidents remains a significant responsibility for the government. While frameworks such as the National Action Plan against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance exist, implementation has been described as uneven. Law enforcement responses are sometimes criticised as delayed or insufficient, leaving victims vulnerable and raising concerns about accountability. These issues point to broader institutional challenges in treating xenophobia as a sustained national concern.

Systemic factors also contribute to tensions. Reports of discriminatory policing, the presence of vigilante groups, and political rhetoric linking migrants to unemployment and crime have influenced public attitudes. Groups such as Operation Dudula operate within this environment, while enforcement actions targeting undocumented migrants are sometimes perceived as contributing to broader hostility toward foreign nationals.

Xenophobic violence in South Africa has developed into a recurring and complex issue. Foreign nationals, particularly African migrants, continue to face risks of violence, intimidation, and exclusion. Commonly link these developments to socio-economic pressures combined with institutional limitations.

High unemployment, poverty, and competition for limited resources have created conditions of tension. Many citizens view foreign nationals, especially undocumented migrants, as competitors for jobs, housing, and services. Concerns about border control and immigration enforcement further shape these perceptions. In some cases, these frustrations manifest in vigilante actions by community groups.

Authorities have not fully addressed these underlying tensions, allowing xenophobia to persist. Over time, foreign nationals have often been scapegoated for broader socio-economic challenges such as crime and inadequate service delivery, contributing to exclusionary attitudes and, in some instances, violence.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly condemned xenophobic attacks and called for adherence to the principle of ubuntu, emphasising shared humanity and mutual respect. He has also highlighted the need to distinguish between undocumented migrants and lawful residents who contribute to society. Despite these statements, concerns remain that migration management and law enforcement responses could be strengthened.

Government responses continue to face scrutiny for inconsistency. While policies exist, implementation gaps remain a concern. Law enforcement agencies are sometimes criticised for delayed responses, while limited prosecutions may contribute to perceptions of impunity.

Concerns about systemic challenges persist. Reports of harassment by some authorities have contributed to mistrust among migrant communities. Vigilante groups have, in certain instances, operated with limited intervention. Movements such as Operation Dudula and Put South Africa First have gained attention for campaigns that emphasise citizenship verification in access to jobs and services, raising debates about exclusion and legality.

Political rhetoric has also shaped public perception. Statements linking migration to unemployment and crime have reinforced negative stereotypes in some quarters. While enforcement against undocumented migration may be lawful, broader messaging is sometimes interpreted as contributing to public hostility toward foreign nationals.

The historical pattern of xenophobic violence highlights the persistence of the issue. In 1998, three foreign nationals were killed in Johannesburg. In 2008, widespread attacks resulted in over 60 deaths, more than 1,700 injuries, and the displacement of approximately 100,000 people. Violence in 2015 required military intervention. In recent years, organised groups have continued to disrupt communities and enforce exclusionary practices.

Regional and international responses have varied. The African Union has faced criticism for what is perceived as a limited response. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights has condemned xenophobic attacks as violations of fundamental rights. Nigeria has called for improved security measures, accountability, and diplomatic engagement.

Several structural factors continue to influence xenophobia: weak law enforcement, political pressures, economic inequality, and social acceptance of vigilantism all play roles. A limited coordinated regional response may also reduce external pressure for reform.

Xenophobia in South Africa is not solely a spontaneous reaction but reflects deeper structural and institutional challenges. Addressing it will require stronger governance, consistent law enforcement, and sustained accountability. Long-term solutions will depend on coordinated national action and regional cooperation grounded in human rights, dignity, and African unity.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate in collaboration with Daniels Entertainment, and a policy analyst and can be reached at dan.okonkwo.73@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Saturday, 25th April 2026, coordinated attacks by gunmen in Mali are frightening and call for serious reflection. Several news outlets have reported that insurgents have attacked multiple locations across the country, including the capital, Bamako, and nearby Kati, as well as Gao and Kidal in the north, and the central city of Sévaré.

Observers say these attacks are well coordinated and “unprecedented.” Reports also indicate that fighting is ongoing in several locations, including areas near the airport in Bamako, an alarming development that underscores both the scale and audacity of the assaults. The ability of insurgents to strike multiple, geographically dispersed targets almost simultaneously suggests not only careful planning, but also a growing level of sophistication and operational confidence.

These coordinated assaults, particularly in the Malian capital, should be a cause for concern for everyone in West Africa, especially in the Sahel, a region already grappling with the activities of numerous armed groups linked to extremism, separatism, and organised crime. What is unfolding in Mali is not an isolated crisis; it is part of a broader regional security challenge that continues to evolve in both intensity and complexity.

If underfunding, weak training, corruption, and poor intelligence are persistent problems within the military, then such daring and large-scale attacks become not only possible but inevitable. The situation raises critical questions about the preparedness and effectiveness of Mali’s security architecture. It also highlights the urgent need for institutional reform, better coordination among security agencies, and a renewed commitment to professionalism within the armed forces throughout the Sahel

Assimi Goïta, the current military leader and head of state of Mali, seized power in 2020 and again consolidated control in 2021, largely on the grounds of addressing severe insecurity. His rise was justified as a corrective measure to restore stability and reclaim territory from insurgents. Yet, under his watch, Mali is now witnessing some of its most brazen and coordinated attacks, even right in the heart of Bamako.

This reality presents a stark contradiction. It forces both the leadership and the public to confront difficult truths about the current trajectory of the country’s security situation. Has the strategy changed in a meaningful way? Are the structural weaknesses being addressed, or merely managed? And perhaps most importantly, is the state regaining control, or gradually ceding more ground?

Beyond Mali, these developments carry serious implications for neighbouring countries across the Sahel and West Africa. Borders in the region are porous, and armed groups have repeatedly demonstrated their ability to exploit weak state presence to expand their reach. What happens in Mali rarely stays confined within its borders.

This moment, therefore, should serve as a wake-up call, not only for Mali’s leadership but for the entire region. It demands stronger regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, and a unified approach to tackling insecurity. Without this, the cycle of violence risks deepening, with consequences that could destabilise an already fragile region.

The attacks in Mali are not just headlines; they are warnings. And ignoring them would come at a high cost.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Nigerian social media sensation and traditional herbal vendor Eniola Fagbemi, widely known as Sisi Alagbo, has issued a public apology after an explicit video involving her, her husband, and another woman was leaked to the public.

The video, which initially circulated via private messaging apps before reaching broader social media platforms and gossip blogs, sparked intense debate and immediate backlash. Many expressed shock at the footage, given Fagbemi’s prominent digital presence as a wellness and traditional medicine entrepreneur based in Ibadan.

Breaking her silence on her official Facebook page, Fagbemi admitted to her mistakes and pleaded with her massive following not to castigate her or destroy the brand she has built. In her statement, she revealed that the fallout from the leak has triggered severe emotional distress, leaving her unable to properly eat or sleep.

Fagbemi emphasised that her social media platform is her primary source of livelihood and asked the public to separate her private choices from her commercial enterprise.

Her husband, Adesola Akeem, also stepped forward to address the scandal in a separate public statement. He accepted full responsibility for the file leak and expressed deep regret.

Despite the wave of criticism, a section of her fanbase has actively called for empathy, urging the public to show kindness given the heavy mental health strain the influencer is currently experiencing.

By Uzair Adam

The recent appointment of a Kano-based social media personality, Fateemah Naseer, popularly known as Teemahcool, into a political role within the All Progressives Congress (APC) has sparked renewed debate, not just over the decision itself, but over what many see as a troubling signal about the direction of political culture in Kano.

The appointment, announced on Wednesday in a Facebook post by Shamsu Coverage and sighted by The Daily Reality, comes only weeks after Fateemah’s involvement in the widely condemned “pant saga” that dominated public discourse across the state.

The controversy dates back to a political gathering organised during the visit of Nigeria’s First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, who was in Kano to commission a road project.

At the event, Fateemah reportedly mobilised a group of women who raised underwear in a coordinated display, widely interpreted as a mockery directed at Eng. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a former governor of Kano State.

Accompanied by chants of “dan kanfan tsula,” a derogatory slogan used in political rivalry, the act drew immediate backlash, particularly in a society deeply rooted in religious and cultural values.

Many observers described the display as not only indecent but also damaging to the image of Kano, especially given the expectations placed on women in the Hausa cultural context.

The Daily Reality reports that in response to the outrage, the Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, summoned those involved alongside Islamic clerics for a public prayer session (dua), where they were urged to seek forgiveness.

While the move was seen by some as a culturally appropriate step, others criticised it as insufficient, arguing that it diverted attention from the need for accountability.

The situation has now taken a new turn with Fateemah’s appointment as S.A by Yusuf Imam (Ogan Boye), the Chairman of Nassarawa Local Government Area.

For many critics, the timing of the appointment—coming shortly after the incident—raises serious concerns.

Many argue that rather than serving as a corrective moment, the development risks being interpreted as tacit approval, or even encouragement, of conduct that had already been widely condemned.

In a political environment where symbols and actions carry significant weight, such decisions may shape future behaviour among party supporters.

“This creates a dangerous incentive structure,” a political observer noted on Facebook. “If controversial actions that attract public outrage are followed by political reward, it suggests that visibility—regardless of its moral implications—can be a pathway to recognition.”

Beyond individual responsibility, the episode points to a broader challenge within political communication and party discipline.

The initial incident, amplified by social media and partisan rivalry, exposed how quickly narratives can spiral in the absence of coordinated messaging.

The subsequent appointment, rather than calming tensions, has instead deepened public scepticism.

The public display of underwear as a form of political expression—and its apparent aftermath—has therefore been viewed as a significant departure from established norms.

Critics warn that if such actions are normalised, they could redefine the boundaries of acceptable political behaviour, not only in Kano but potentially across other northern states.

This concern becomes even more pronounced as the country gradually moves toward the 2027 general elections, where political messaging and mobilisation are expected to intensify.

While supporters within the APC may view the appointment as routine or politically strategic, the broader public reaction suggests a deeper unease.

The Daily Reality observed that for many, the question is no longer just about one incident or one individual, but about the standards being set—and whether Kano’s political future will be shaped by values or by viral spectacle.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

President Bola Tinubu has approved N2 billion as relief support for victims of the March 29 attack in Angwa Rukuba, Jos North Local Government Area of Plateau State, amid criticism that victims of attacks in states such as Sokoto, Zamfara, and Katsina have not received similar attention.

The attack in Jos left at least 28 people dead after gunmen opened fire at a popular bar.

The presidency made the announcement on Wednesday through Bayo Onanuga, special adviser to the president on information and strategy. He said Mohammed Dorro, minister of humanitarian affairs and poverty alleviation, disclosed the intervention during a high-level stakeholders’ meeting in Abuja.

Onanuga explained that the meeting involved a 32-member delegation from Plateau State. Discussions focused on finding a lasting solution to recurring violence in the state. He added that the engagement fulfilled Tinubu’s promise to meet stakeholders after the Angwa Rukuba incident.

However, some observers have expressed concern that similar large-scale attacks in parts of Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and other states have not attracted the same level of federal response, a situation they say raises questions about equity in addressing security crises.

Speaking at the meeting, Tinubu called on leaders to work together to restore peace. He said Plateau had long been known for peaceful coexistence. He urged participants to return to their communities and promote reconciliation with “open minds”.

“No protocols, no hinderances, we are here to speak our minds and find a permanent solution to a recurring conflict and chaos,” the president said.

Plateau State governor Caleb Mutfwang, who spoke on behalf of the delegation, welcomed the federal government’s intervention. He described the meeting as significant. He noted that it was the first time all living former governors of the state gathered to deliberate on peace.

Mutfwang assured the president that stakeholders would implement agreed resolutions and sustain efforts toward stability. He also pledged commitment to unity. He said the state plans to “turn conflict into profit” by addressing poverty and exclusion.

“Our coming here today shows that there is a renewed spirit on the Plateau… we are determined to close all divides of religion and ethnicity,” the governor said.

Da Jacob Gyang Buba, the traditional ruler of the Berom community, called for stronger security measures. He requested increased military presence and the installation of closed-circuit television (CCTV) systems across Plateau. He also urged accelerated consideration of state police.

He further appealed for federal support to enable internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return to their ancestral homes before the rainy season.

The delegation included former governors Simon Lalong, Jonah Jang, Joshua Dariye, and Fidelis Tapgun. Others present were Nentawe Yilwatda, national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), traditional rulers, retired security chiefs, religious leaders, and youth representatives.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the immediate removal of Mr Saidu Mohammed as the Authority Chief Executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), citing public interest.

In a statement released Thursday, the President also announced the nomination of Mr Rabiu Abdullahi Umar as the new Chief Executive, subject to Senate confirmation.

The decision, made under the Petroleum Industry Act 2021, is part of efforts to strengthen regulatory effectiveness in the midstream and downstream petroleum sector, aligned with the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

Mr Umar brings over 25 years of experience across the energy, manufacturing, and infrastructure sectors. He is a graduate of Accounting from Bayero University and an alumnus of Harvard Business School, with a track record in strategic leadership, operational transformation, and large-scale project delivery.

Pending Senate confirmation, the most senior official of the NMDPRA will oversee operations in an acting capacity.

President Tinubu thanked the outgoing chief executive for his service and wished him well in future endeavours, while reaffirming his commitment to capable leadership in key regulatory institutions to advance energy security, sector reform, and sustainable economic growth.

By Grey Akans 

In the lush, undulating hills and valleys of Southern Kaduna, a quiet crisis is unfolding. It is not the kind that makes headlines with sudden violence, but one that works its way silently through generations, eroding the very bedrock of our identity. Our languages, the ancient vessels of our wisdom, history, and worldview, are gradually going extinct.

Each of the dozens of languages spoken here—Gbagyi, Bajju, Atyap, Kataf, Jaba, Fantswam, and many more—is a unique universe. They are not mere collections of words but intricate systems of knowledge. Our languages carry the names of medicinal plants known only to our ancestors, the proverbs that distilled centuries of wisdom, and the folktales told under the moonlight that taught us morality and courage. They hold the specific terms for the textures of soil, the phases of the moon for farming, and the subtle behaviours of animals. When a language dies, it is not just words that are lost; it is an entire library of human experience and ecological understanding that burns down, leaving no ashes behind.

The forces behind this silent extinction are complex and powerful. The dominance of Hausa as the lingua franca of commerce, administration, and social interaction in Northern Nigeria is a primary factor. For our children to thrive in markets and schools outside our communities, fluency in Hausa becomes a necessity, often at the expense of their mother tongue. Adding to this is the overwhelming influence of English, the official language of education and modernity. From nursery school to university, success is measured in one’s command of English. Our native tongues are increasingly confined to the homesteads, and even there, their territory is shrinking.

Perhaps the most painful agent of this loss is our own shift in attitude. A dangerous narrative has taken root, subtly branding our languages as “local” or “vernacular”—synonyms for backwardness in the minds of many. Parents, with the best intentions for their children’s future, now speak to them only in Hausa or English, believing they are giving them a head start in life. Unwittingly, they are severing the deepest root connecting their children to their heritage. The younger generation, fluent in the languages of the wider world, now stumbles over the proverbs of their grandparents. The rich, melodic tones of our ancestors are becoming unfamiliar, replaced by the utilitarian cadence of global tongues.

The consequences are profound. When a people lose their language, they experience a form of cultural amnesia. The unique songs sung during harvest, the playful riddles that sharpened our wits—all these fade into silence. We risk becoming a people without a past, adrift in a homogenised global culture, our distinct identity diluted into a vague, generic label.

But the whisper is not yet silent. There is still time to act. The fight for linguistic survival must begin at home. We must consciously choose to speak our languages to our children, making them the language of love, play, and storytelling. Our community leaders and cultural associations must take the lead by documenting these languages, producing written literature, and organising festivals that celebrate them. We can lobby for the inclusion of our native tongues in the early school curriculum, not to replace English or Hausa, but to stand proudly beside them.

Our languages are more than just a means of communication; they are the soul of Southern Kaduna. They are the breath of our ancestors and the birthright of our children. To let them die is to surrender a part of ourselves we can never recover. We must listen to the fading whisper and raise our voices to sing our songs, tell our stories, and speak our names once more, loudly and proudly, before they are lost to the wind forever.

Grey Akans can be contacted via his Facebook account: Grey Akans.

It is no longer surprising, though still highly debatable, that any political outing by Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti unsettles opponents and triggers a wave of commentary. Such reactions often generate more noise than substance, with some analysts offering arguments that appear less objective and more dismissive. At times, this tendency reflects a reluctance to confront observable realities or to revisit history in ways that enable a more informed understanding of current developments.

Wunti’s second major appearance since declaring his interest in the gubernatorial race has sparked fresh debate. Central to the discussion is his comparison of Qatar and Bauchi State, which he supports with logical reasoning and verifiable data. For me, this was not the first time I had heard him draw such parallels. I recall a previous engagement where he elaborated extensively on this comparison and shared some insights.

One striking point he raised is the contrast in population. As of January 2026, Qatar has an estimated population of about 3.3 million, while Bauchi State is home to over 8 million people, more than double Qatar’s population. Yet, despite its smaller population, Qatar boasts one of the highest GDPs per capita in the world, supporting a high standard of living, robust infrastructure, and extensive social services. In contrast, Bauchi and Nigeria more broadly continue to grapple with unemployment, inadequate electricity supply, limited access to clean water, and a struggling economy.

Land size presents another compelling contrast. Bauchi State spans approximately 45,837 square kilometres, making it more than four times larger than Qatar, which covers roughly 11,600 square kilometres. Despite its smaller size and limited arable land, Qatar has built a thriving economy. Bauchi, on the other hand, is richly endowed with vast agricultural land, offering significant potential to diversify and expand its economic base.

In terms of natural resources, Qatar produces approximately 2 million barrels of oil per day, forming the backbone of its economic strength. Bauchi State also holds promise in this regard, particularly with the Kolmani oil reserves, though these remain largely undeveloped. The contrast, therefore, is not one of absence but of utilisation. While Qatar has effectively harnessed its resources, Bauchi’s remain underexploited.

Dr Bala Wunti’s experience in the oil and gas sector adds weight to his argument. His perspective invites a reconsideration of what is possible, urging stakeholders to reflect more deeply on the state’s untapped potential.

With strategic planning and a commitment to good governance, transformative progress is achievable. Qatar’s success story is, at its core, a product of deliberate policy choices, effective leadership, and sustained investment. Bauchi State, with its abundant human and natural resources, possesses the foundational elements required for similar advancement.

Mallam Musbahu Magayaki writes from Sabon Fegi, Azare.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Olanipekun Olukoyede, has expressed serious concern over the growing involvement of Nigerian university students in cybercrime. He stated that nearly six out of every 10 undergraduates are linked to such activities.

Olukoyede made this known during the 8th Biennial Conference of the Committee of Pro-Chancellors of State-Owned Universities in Nigeria, which took place in Kano. The event focused on the theme, “Unlocking the Potentials of Artificial Intelligence: University Governance, Internationalization and Rankings”.

He described the situation as “a sad development,” and explained that findings from the commission’s investigations and field operations point to widespread participation of students in internet fraud and similar offences.

“My research in the last one year has shown that about six out of 10 students in our universities are into cybercrime. It is a very disturbing situation,” he said.

The EFCC chairman revealed that many suspects arrested during recent operations were students. He added that some of them had gone as far as undermining academic standards by allegedly placing lecturers on their payroll.

He linked the development to deeper structural issues, including weak supervision and lapses within university administration.

Olukoyede also referred to a major crackdown in Lagos where 792 individuals connected to an international cybercrime network were apprehended. He noted that a considerable number of those arrested were students. According to him, the operation relied on artificial intelligence tools, which helped expose the scale and complexity of the criminal network.

He further warned about the rise of “Yahoo Plus,” a trend where internet fraud is combined with fetish practices.

The EFCC boss urged university authorities and governing councils to act quickly to address the problem. He advised them to strengthen internal systems and work closely with law enforcement agencies.

Olukoyede also called on pro-chancellors to adopt artificial intelligence-driven governance structures. He said such systems would improve transparency, detect fraud and promote financial accountability.

He pointed out that many tertiary institutions still depend on manual processes. He said this makes them open to abuses such as ghost workers, inflated contracts and mismanagement of funds.

“A university that lacks financial accountability cannot credibly train future professionals. The integrity of our universities is a matter of national security,” he said.

He recommended the use of artificial intelligence in areas such as fraud detection, payroll administration, procurement tracking and academic monitoring. He explained that these tools can identify suspicious transactions, flag unusual salary payments and strengthen auditing systems.

Olukoyede also noted that the EFCC has applied artificial intelligence in its own operations, including digital forensics and financial tracking.

He, however, emphasised that technology should support human supervision and must comply with existing laws, including those on data protection and procurement.

The EFCC chairman stressed the need for training in cybersecurity, machine learning and digital governance within universities. He also called for investment in digital infrastructure such as broadband and cloud systems to support the effective use of artificial intelligence.

He encouraged stronger cooperation between universities, regulatory authorities and anti-corruption agencies to tackle emerging threats.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Kenyan President William Ruto has clarified that his recent remarks suggesting Kenyans speak better English than Nigerians were made during a private conversation that was leaked and taken out of context.

The comments had sparked light-hearted banter on social media between Kenyans and Nigerians, drawing widespread reactions from both countries.

Speaking on Tuesday at the Kenya Mining Investment Conference 2026 in Nairobi, Ruto struck a conciliatory tone, emphasising that Nigerians speak “excellent” English, just as Kenyans do.

The event was attended by a Nigerian delegation, including the Minister of Solid Minerals, Henry Dele Alake.

Ruto’s remarks appeared aimed at easing tensions and reinforcing cordial ties between the two nations following the online exchanges triggered by the earlier statement.