Nigeria

‎By Fatih Lawal-Garu  

‎Across Nigeria today, an allegation can become a death sentence long before any investigation begins. Increasingly, crowds, not courts, decide who lives and who dies. Whether the accusation is theft, blasphemy, kidnapping, or even a perceived cultural offence, many Nigerians are willing to dispense instant “justice,” replacing the rule of law with the rule of the mob.  

‎On December 28, 2025, filmmaker Don Pedro Obaseki was abducted, beaten, stripped naked, and publicly paraded through the streets of Benin City over allegations that he had insulted the Oba of Benin while abroad. He survived the ordeal and later filed a ₦500 million fundamental rights suit, which he withdrew after receiving a public apology. Barely three months later, on March 19, 2026, during the Alue-Do Festival in Ozoro, Delta State, viral videos showed coordinated sexual assaults on women. Large groups of men chased, groped, and tore the clothes of women in broad daylight under the guise of an ancient fertility rite. In Maraban Jos, Kaduna State, an Islamiyya school teacher named Ummulkhair was lynched and burnt alive after being accused of kidnapping a child. Four years earlier, Deborah Samuel Yakubu, a student of Shehu Shagari College of Education in Sokoto, was beaten, stoned, and burnt alive by fellow students over allegations of blasphemy.  

‎These incidents reveal that mob violence is neither regional nor confined to a single grievance. It cuts across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, religions, cultures, ethnicities, and genders. Crowds arrogate to themselves the powers of the police, the courts, and the executioner without evidence, due process, or regard for human life. Amnesty International documented 555 victims of mob violence between 2012 and 2023, averaging about 55 deaths annually.

A Daily Trust editorial reported that between June and December 2025 alone, 60 people were killed while 20 others were brutally assaulted by mobs. From January 2026 to date, another 27 people have reportedly lost their lives to jungle justice. These victims were not killed by bandits, terrorists, armed robbers, or even security agencies. They were ordinary Nigerians killed by fellow Nigerians over allegations of theft, kidnapping, blasphemy, cultural violations, ethnic prejudice, unverified suspicions, and deliberate mischief.  

‎There was a time when the cry of “thief!” prompted citizens to alert the police. Today, shouts of “Ole,” “gbomo gbomo,” or “barawo” often signal the beginning of a public execution. Within minutes, a crowd gathers, accusations replace evidence, and an alleged offender is beaten, stoned, or burnt alive. The rise of jungle justice reflects a growing loss of confidence in Nigeria’s criminal justice system. Many citizens believe suspects handed over to the police will regain their freedom through bribery, political influence, or endless judicial delays. Although these concerns are genuine, they cannot justify abandoning the law. Ironically, many Nigerians now fear jungle justice almost as much as they fear criminals or even state policing. A misunderstanding or mistaken identity can be enough to trigger a murderous crowd.  

‎Equally disturbing is the erosion of human dignity. Jungle justice has become less about punishing alleged offenders than humiliating them. Victims are stripped naked, tortured, filmed, mocked, and sometimes burnt alive while spectators cheer or record videos. The spectacle suggests that many participants are motivated not merely by anger but by an opportunity to humiliate another human being. Social media has become an accomplice to this violence. Videos of lynchings and public humiliation are often recorded, shared, and circulated within minutes, turning human suffering into entertainment. Rather than provoking outrage, such videos frequently attract applause, jokes, or calls for even harsher punishment, encouraging copycat violence and further normalising mob justice.  

‎‎The mob is also deeply hypocritical. Petty thieves often help lynch suspected thieves. Political thugs, extortionists, and habitual lawbreakers suddenly become defenders of public morality. Those whose daily lives violate the law frequently present themselves as its most passionate enforcers. Jungle justice, therefore, is often less about justice than the intoxicating feeling of exercising unchecked power. Crowds also create a dangerous sense of anonymity. Individuals who would never assault another person on their own often participate in extreme violence once responsibility is diluted among hundreds of people. Protected by numbers, ordinary people can become willing participants in acts they would otherwise condemn.  

‎This hypocrisy reflects a broader national habit of rationalising wrongdoing. Nigerians often seek excuses for actions they already wish to commit. Ask a Yahoo boy why he engages in cybercrime, and he may invoke colonial exploitation or slavery. Ask a voter why he sells his vote, and he may describe it as his chance to “eat from the national cake.” Ask a supporter of jungle justice why he approves of mob executions, and he will likely argue that the suspect would simply bribe the police and walk free. While these grievances expose genuine institutional failures, they cannot excuse criminality or justify replacing the justice system with mob rule. Corruption in public institutions should inspire reform, not lawlessness.  

‎Fear sustains this culture. Witnesses seldom identify perpetrators because they fear violent reprisals. Authorities, meanwhile, often conduct weak investigations that end without meaningful prosecutions. This silence emboldens future attacks and creates the impression that mob violence carries little or no consequence. The long-term consequences extend beyond the victims themselves. Every lynching weakens confidence in state institutions, deepens public fear, and normalises violence as a legitimate means of resolving disputes. Communities become less trusting, public spaces feel increasingly unsafe, and every stranger becomes vulnerable to suspicion.  

‎Nigeria’s Constitution guarantees the right to life, fair hearing, and protection from cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. No citizen or crowd possesses the legal authority to arrest, prosecute, convict, and execute another person. The criminal justice system is founded upon the presumption of innocence until guilt is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. It is better that guilty persons occasionally escape punishment than that innocent people are condemned without trial. Nigeria cannot build a just society upon instant punishment and collective vengeance. Restoring public confidence in the police and the judiciary, ensuring swift and impartial justice, prosecuting those responsible for mob violence, and rejecting vigilantism are essential to reversing this dangerous trend.  

‎Until jungle justice is condemned not only in speeches but also through consistent enforcement of the law, the cry of “thief!” will continue to signify not the pursuit of justice, but the beginning of another preventable tragedy. When a crowd becomes judge, jury, and executioner, no Nigerian is truly safe, not even those cheering from the sidelines. 

Fatih Lawal-Garu is a Mass Communication graduate from Bayero University, Kano, and writes at ibnkamilgaru1@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The World Bank has said Nigeria’s main fiscal challenge is poor revenue generation rather than excessive borrowing.

Mathew Verghis, the World Bank’s Country Director for Nigeria, stated this during an interview on Channels Television on Friday.

He explained that Nigeria’s debt burden remains moderate when compared with many countries of similar economic size.

“From our assessment, Nigeria doesn’t have a high indebtedness problem, it has a low revenue problem,” Verghis said.

According to him, the country’s debt level, when measured against the size of the economy, is lower than that of several neighbouring nations and should not be likened to countries facing serious debt crises.

“When we looked at the numbers, Nigeria is a moderately indebted country, meaning it has less debt relative to its economy than most of its neighbours and many other countries,” he said.

“Nigeria is in a very different situation than Ghana, for example, which is going through a debt restructuring.”

Verghis argued that borrowing remains necessary for governments seeking to finance major projects that require large investments before long-term benefits can be achieved.

“Nigeria borrows for the same reasons that all countries borrow. If you want to get results, if you want to deliver results to people, then the money that you have on an annual basis is not enough,” he said.

“So you borrow, you get results, and that will improve your ability to pay back.”

The World Bank official cited the expansion of electricity access as one of the areas where Nigeria would need substantial funding.

“To be able to connect, to give energy to 32 million Nigerians, Nigeria needs to borrow money now,” Verghis said.

“But that money, with that increased access to energy, Nigeria will become a wealthier country, and it’ll be then possible to pay back.”

He, however, warned that weak government revenue could create challenges for debt repayment if authorities fail to improve revenue collection.

“Nigeria’s debt is not particularly high, and in fact, it’s quite moderate by international standards,” he said.

“Its revenues are very low by international standards, and unless those revenues are raised, then it will not be able to pay back debt.”

Verghis added that stronger revenue generation would help government invest more in infrastructure, healthcare, agriculture, and human capital development. He said such investments would support job creation and reduce poverty over time.

The World Bank recently introduced a new six-year Country Partnership Framework for Nigeria. The programme focuses on employment generation through investments in critical sectors, including infrastructure, healthcare, agriculture, and digital connectivity.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Court of Appeal sitting in Ibadan has overturned an earlier judgment that permitted female Muslim students of the University of Ibadan International School (ISI) to wear hijab with their school uniforms.

The appellate court delivered the ruling on Friday in a split decision of two-to-one.

Justice Biobele Georgewill, who delivered the lead judgment, alongside Justice K.I. Amadi, held that ISI operates as a private institution and not a public school.

The court ruled that the students had voluntarily accepted the school’s regulations after signing an undertaking to comply with its rules on dressing.

According to the judgment, the Supreme Court ruling that recognised the right of female Muslim students to wear hijab applied to public schools in Lagos State and not to private institutions.

Georgewill said freedom of religion remains a personal right that individuals may choose to waive.

“In public schools, you can wear hijab on school uniforms based on the judgment of the supreme court,” the judge said.

“But the supreme court is yet to make any decision on the use of hijab in private schools.

“The judgment of the lower court allowing female Muslim students to wear hijab on their school uniforms in ISI, a private school, is set aside.”

However, Justice Fadawu Umar disagreed with the majority judgment. In his dissenting opinion, he upheld the earlier ruling of the Oyo State High Court, which allowed female Muslim students of the school to use hijab.

The dispute over the use of hijab at the school dates back to November 2018 after some Muslim female pupils arrived at the school wearing headscarves.

The development sparked tension among parents and school authorities. The management later shut down the school temporarily to prevent a breakdown of order.

Before the closure, parents under the umbrella of the International School Muslim Parents’ Forum had written to the school management on November 9, 2018, informing the authorities that their daughters would begin wearing hijab to school.

At the time, the then Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic) of the University of Ibadan, Abideen Aderinto, maintained that ISI is a private institution and that parents had agreed to the rules governing students’ dressing before admission.

Some Muslim parents later approached the court on behalf of their children to challenge the restriction. Those involved in the suit included Taofeek Yekinni, Idris Badiru, Sikiru Babarinde, Muideen Akerele, Abdur-rahman Balogun and others.

The Oyo State High Court had earlier ruled in favour of the parents and declared that banning hijab violated the fundamental rights of the pupils.

The issue of hijab in schools has remained a subject of legal and public debate in different parts of Nigeria.

In July 2022, the Supreme Court upheld the right of Muslim female students in Lagos State public schools to wear hijab as part of their school uniforms.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has extended the ongoing Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise across Nigeria by an additional two weeks.

The electoral body announced that the exercise, which was earlier scheduled to conclude on July 10, 2026, will now end on July 24, 2026.

INEC disclosed this in a statement issued on Friday by Mohammed Haruna, chairman of the commission’s Information and Voter Education Committee.

According to the commission, the decision followed an assessment of the ongoing registration exercise as well as feedback received from state offices, political parties, civil society organisations, and other stakeholders.

Haruna said the extension would allow more eligible Nigerians who have not registered to take part in the exercise before the deadline.

“The extension underscores the commission’s commitment to ensuring that every eligible Nigerian has a fair and reasonable opportunity to be included in the register of voters ahead of future electoral activities,” Haruna said.

INEC also announced the introduction of an online self-service registration platform for Nigerians seeking to register as first-time voters.

The commission said the service will become operational on July 8, 2026, through its dedicated portal.

“In furtherance of its commitment to innovation, accessibility, and improved service delivery, the commission is pleased to announce the introduction of a self-service registration option (online) for eligible first-time voters,” he said.

“The new service will become available from Wednesday, 8th July, 2026 through the commission’s dedicated CVR portal – cvr.inecnigeria.org where the step-by-step guide is also provided.”

Haruna explained that the online option would allow eligible citizens to complete their voter registration process without visiting INEC offices physically.

He added that the platform includes measures aimed at protecting the credibility of the voter register.

According to him, the system contains identity verification features, biometric validation, and integrity checks to ensure accurate registration records.

“The commission urges all eligible Nigerians who are yet to register to take advantage of this extended window and explore the new voter registration technology option,” Haruna said.

“The commission remains committed to a credible, inclusive and accessible voter registration process, and to advancing the use of technology to improve citizens’ experience in the electoral process.”

INEC had resumed the nationwide CVR exercise in January 2026 after the completion of the first phase of the process in December 2025. The commission began online pre-registration in August 2025 before launching physical registration at centres nationwide later that month.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Public affairs analyst Mahdi Shehu has faulted the Presidency’s response to the controversy surrounding an alleged fake federal agency, saying the explanation raised more concerns than answers.

In a post shared on his official X account on Thursday, Shehu described the Presidency’s position as inconsistent and doubtful. He questioned how an agency said to lack proper legal backing allegedly operated within government structures without detection.

According to him, the issue goes beyond allegations that Adeyemi forged an appointment letter. He argued that several government institutions should explain how the agency reportedly functioned openly.

“Assuming without conceding that Ajibade forged his appointment letter, which is a criminal offence, who is responsible for the following bigger crimes?” he asked.

Shehu said the agency allegedly secured about N1.3 billion through the national budget process before President Bola Tinubu signed the appropriation bill into law.

He also questioned how the organisation reportedly employed about 300 staff members from the federal civil service, opened accounts with both a commercial bank and the Central Bank of Nigeria, and obtained office accommodation inside the Federal Secretariat.

According to him, such developments could not have taken place without the awareness or involvement of several authorities and institutions.

He further expressed concern that security and anti-graft agencies such as the Department of State Services, the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission allegedly failed to uncover any irregularities during their screening and monitoring processes.

“Even if Ajibade is culpable, many more ‘big men’ are very much,” he said.

The commentator maintained that the Presidency’s explanation exposed deep weaknesses within public institutions.

“If anything, the explanation coming from the Presidency regarding the ‘fake’ agency is questionable, doubtful, suspect, contradictory, inconsistent, selective and indeed exposes the system, top to bottom, as being sufficiently and extensively vulnerable,” he wrote.

Shehu also stated that countries with stronger institutions would hold officials accountable in similar situations.

“In a normal society, nothing close to this will ever happen and if per adventure it does, decent heads will bow out and many more heads will role into prison,” he said.

The Presidency had earlier accused Adeyemi of forging official documents, creating non-existent presidential agencies and presenting himself falsely as a government official.

In a statement issued by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the Presidency announced that Adeyemi would appear before the Federal High Court in Abuja on July 27 over charges bordering on forgery, impersonation and obtaining by false pretence.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Police in Kano State have taken a suspect into custody after the body of an unidentified man was discovered inside an abandoned house in the Badawa area of the state.

Residents said the victim, believed to be around 28 years old, had a severe neck injury which was suspected to have caused his death before assistance arrived.

According to a resident, Yusuf Da’u Ibrahim, the incident became known after a neighbour informed the ward head that a seriously injured man was lying inside a vacant building and required urgent attention.

He explained that security operatives responded quickly after receiving the report.

“Before emergency responders arrived, the police had already been informed. They quickly came to the scene, arrested a suspect and evacuated the body to the hospital,” Ibrahim said.

Ibrahim also stated that people in the area could not identify the deceased. He noted that the community had never experienced a similar incident before.

“We don’t know who the deceased is. This is the first time we have witnessed such a tragic incident in our community,” he said.

The spokesperson for the Kano State Police Command, CSP Abdullahi Haruna Kiyawa, confirmed that the matter would be investigated, although he said the command was still awaiting complete details about the case.

“I have not received the full report yet, but the command will investigate the matter to establish exactly what happened,” Kiyawa said.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Federal Government has announced plans to replace the National Youth Service Corps’ traditional khaki uniform with locally produced Adire fabric as part of a comprehensive reform initiative aimed at repositioning the scheme.

Minister of Youth Development, Ayodele Olawande, revealed this during an interview on Channels Television’s The Morning Brief on Thursday, stating that the move is designed to promote local manufacturing and ensure government spending supports the Nigerian economy.

“It’s Adire. So, Adire is being produced in Nigeria. We have them in Ogun, we have them in Kwara, we have textile industry. Let’s put our money back into the country,” Olawande said.

The minister also outlined several other key reforms approved by the Federal Executive Council on Monday, marking the first major overhaul of the NYSC since its establishment in 1973.

Under the new framework, corps members will increasingly be posted according to their fields of study, with graduates holding education qualifications deployed to schools rather than being assigned without consideration for their professional backgrounds.

“After you are leaving the camp, you are not just posted to a school just because NYSC wants you to be in school but because of the process you followed when in camp,” Olawande explained.

Addressing security concerns, the minister revealed that the government is considering posting prospective corps members to regions where they studied and are already familiar with the environment, particularly in areas facing security challenges.

The arrangement would alleviate concerns among parents and prospective corps members while making the deployment process more practical, according to the minister.

“If you have interest that you want to go to the North-East why not, but if you don’t have interest, instead of redeploying you, paying people for camp, doing all those funny things, we said no, let us look at it and say who are those in that area, that can reside in those geographical areas and still give us the kind of number we are looking for since we are saying NYSC should be more impactful,” he stated.

The minister dismissed reports suggesting the military would be completely removed from the NYSC, describing such claims as a misconception.

Under the approved reforms, the Federal Executive Council has directed the Attorney-General of the Federation and the Federal Ministry of Youth Development to amend the NYSC Act and its regulations to accommodate the changes.

The new framework provides that the scheme’s operational leadership will be headed by a civilian, while the military will continue to provide security support for corps members nationwide.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

At first glance, the words “Deserting” and “Desertification” sound almost identical and, taken together, seem to make no sense; ironically, however, especially as intended here, they are the antagonists who jointly tell us what we must do to save life on Earth. Sorry, let me explain.

It was my elementary school Maths teacher who first taught me that multiplying two negative numbers yields a positive result. I had to concede later that this isn’t a conspiracy. If it were, it would never have been corroborated by our English teacher. The two core-subjects’ teachers were staunch enemies [I mean, non-friends]; yet the latter said there’s a similar rule in linguistics and semantics about what is called the “double negatives”.

Since deserting literally means abandoning something, it seems negative. By contrast, desertification, the process by which fertile, productive land becomes arid and desolate, is so dangerous that it no doubt qualifies as another negative. Following the arithmetic-linguistic logic of double negatives, therefore, “deserting”, as used in this piece, becomes an honourable cause. Simply put, deserting desertification does not mean running away from what one needs to care for, but rather abandoning our harmful habits that are turning our green, fertile lands into dry, lifeless deserts. In other words, desertification is a call to action to change how we treat the surface of our dear mother Earth.

Come to think of it, Mother Earth is the only mother whose children are hell-bent on turning her barren, out of greed. We do this by double-dealing, on the one hand with the mother and on the other with her enemies. It seems to me as though we love coming to her in the morning, saying “Oh, Mama, give us today our daily bread”, and then going behind her back and setting the bakery on fire at night! I mean, it’s no different when the so-called most intelligent species, numbering up to 8 billion, dedicates its intellect to deforestation, overgrazing, poor agronomic practices, open-pit mining, and other unsustainable land-use practices that strip land of vegetation, exhaust soil nutrients, and disrupt the water cycle; all while expecting the mother to keep providing us with every ecosystem service as if nothing happened. But it is simply an “inevitable consequence of nature” [to borrow from Prof. Brian Cox] that when we stretch dryland ecosystems to their breaking points, they turn into arid wastelands – read: deserts – or, more appropriately, “sandlands”.

As a matter of fact, whichever way one sees the bad guy, the truth is that Mr Desertification hardly ever acts alone. In the Sahelian ecological region of Northern Nigeria and other regions globally, he almost always works with Madam Earth’s children to damage her reproductive organs. Now, that’s a bad revelation. Meanwhile, the good news is that not all her children are the same. Some good Samaritans have even been working to extinguish the fire, in which case they deserve some support; some conspire against her out of ignorance, in which case they can do with some education; and so on – hence this call to action.

Here, forgive me for introducing the Greek philosopher Aristotle. It was his idea that writers, in fulfilling their duty, should try to structure arguments around the three fundamental pillars [modes] of persuasion, the rhetorical triangle: Ethos, Pathos, and Logos. Ethos concerns the communicator’s credibility; Pathos, the audience’s emotions; and Logos, the logical reasoning contained in the presentation.

Long story short, since this writer is not an authority on the subject in question, he ought not to suggest any social behavioural change straight out of his moro-moro head. He is simply to convey the message of the world’s most credible Who’s Who on the issue: namely, the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD).

According to the UNCCD, humanity destroys about 10, 20, 30, 40, 50 …100 million hectares of productive land every year. The first time I read this, I was shocked. I knew that we cleared up to 10 million hectares of forest land annually, but I didn’t know that we were destroying the rangelands, grasslands, and so on at that rate. For perspective, damaging 100 million hectares of land annually is equivalent to losing the whole of Egypt. Or, better still, destroying the equivalent of four football fields every second. Most probably, this message would make more sense to us if the changes were happening right before our eyes. Imagine two countries playing a game in the ongoing World Cup, only for the stadium to turn into a total desert in a second. The World Cup would likely be asked to give way for an emergency UNCCD Summit.

In fact, there is no doubting it, the more land we allow to desert encroachment, the more likely we are to go to war with each other. That is why, in 2020, during a UN Security Council meeting to discuss ‘Maintenance of international peace and security: the humanitarian impact of environmental degradation and peace and security’, Ibrahim Thiaw, Executive Secretary of UNCCD, said: “In arid lands, such as in Africa’s Sahel region, violence often erupts over competition for access to depleted land and scarce water resources.” He then went on to outline three factors that are adding fuel to the fire: over-dependence on natural resources by rural dwellers; shrinking resources due to land degradation, drought, and climate change; and high population density.

All of these are self-evident. In Northern Nigeria, the conflict between farmers and herders over scarce natural resources is a vivid case of that. It’s also common knowledge that Lake Chad has lost up to [a staggering] 90% of its surface area since the 1960s, shrinking from 26,000 km² in 1963 to as low as <1,500 km² in 2018 when the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) published the story “Tale of a disappearing lake”. These affect millions of people.

There is no question whatsoever: drylands are the closest bus stops to deserts and are therefore the major victims of desertification. Now, let’s go back to Bonn to collect some statistics from the UNCCD again. Covering up to 41% of the earth’s land surface, mainly in developing countries of Africa and Asia, drylands are home to more than 2 billion people. And because more than 70% and 20% of them are rangelands and grasslands, respectively, half of the world’s livestock and up to 44% of crops are produced from drylands. How essential are they?

Meanwhile, right now, as scientists say, up to 40% of the world’s land is already degraded, directly affecting over 3.2 billion people. Also, land degradation and droughts cost the global community an estimated eye-watering $878 billion every single year. Isn’t that a lot of money to squander on making the earth look like the surface of Mars, huh?! For me, turning the green planet into another red planet is a cold, dry, bitter joke.

As the Roman Philosopher-Emperor Marcus Aurelius put it 18 centuries ago, “You can commit injustice by doing nothing”. Indeed, this is an issue on which neutrality is complicity. It now makes more sense to me what one of my mentors once told me, for which I must quote him verbatim: “Mr Idris”, he said, “you see, doing nothing is such an expensive hobby…” Suffice it to say that if we continue to ignore this crisis, the financial and physical hangover will be brutal. Well, it actually already is.

I don’t want to go into a discussion of the need for governments and big corporations to invest $1 billion a day until 2030 to meet global land restoration targets, which, in fact, is precisely required. I know it might sound like a hefty price tag, but it is actually the ultimate buy-one-get-one-free deal. We know for a fact that for every $1 invested in healthy land, the economic return ranges from $7 to $30. It turns out that, under this realistic assumption, saving the planet is highly profitable.

While not everything can be detailed in an article this short, addressing desertification isn’t rocket science. We know how to do it well enough. The solution simply requires a massive shift. We first need to address deforestation and work toward restoring already degraded lands. Farmers need to switch to smart agricultural methods that protect the soil. If we can save rainwater and give the soil periodic holidays to “fallow”, we definitely can stop the deserts from winning. I tell you all these because I have a modest understanding of the basics. After all, I am a development practitioner who envisioned a climate-resilient, food-secure sub-Saharan Africa and whose work and current focus span sustainable land-use practices, assisted natural regeneration, and agroforestry and livelihood systems in Nigeria.  

In 1994, the UN General Assembly established the UNCCD and declared June 17 as the World Day to Combat Desertification and Drought. Since then, June 17 has been commemorated to raise awareness of solutions to land degradation, drought, and desertification. The theme for this year, 2026, is “Rangeland: Recognise. Respect. Restore.” As this writer presumes we all know what rangelands are, it’s fair to allow relevant MDAs, such as the Ministries of Agriculture, Environment, and Livestock, and initiatives such as the African-led Great Green Wall Initiative, to deliver their mandates in peace. At the same time, we equally do our parts as individuals and as groups.

Therefore, the choice before us is simple, yet likely embarrassing depending on how we manage it. We can either continue on our current path, in which case we will watch our favourite green spaces turn to dust, or we can take a stand today to save life on land. Because if we don’t desert our destructive habits right now, the desert is going to move in and claim our dessert (dessert, not desert). My ancestors would say, “Dabara ta rage wa mai shiga rijiya.”

There I lie.

Abubakar Idris Misau, a Forestry and Wildlife graduate from the University of Maiduguri, writes from Akure, Southwest, Nigeria. He is reachable via email abubakar.consult@gmail.com.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu

The Kebbi State Police Command has dismissed widespread reports about the emergence of a terrorist group known as “Sai Mallam” allegedly imposing illegal levies on communities in Argungu and Zuru Emirates, describing the claims as a gross misunderstanding of criminal activities by a cybercrime syndicate.

In a statement issued on Monday, the Command’s Public Relations Officer, SP Bashir Usman, clarified that investigations have established no such terrorist organisation exists within the state.

Instead, what residents mistook for a terrorist group’s activities was traced to a sophisticated cybercrime network locally known as “Yan Vocal,” operating within the Argungu Local Government Area and specialising in hacking and online extortion schemes targeting individuals and prominent personalities.

According to police findings, the syndicate comprises young individuals aged 19 to 24 who use advanced digital techniques to defraud unsuspecting victims.

The group’s operation involves hacking social media accounts, creating fake identities, and using sophisticated video editing tools to manipulate pre-recorded nude footage. Victims are deceived into believing they are engaged in live video calls with women, only to be blackmailed with threats of public exposure unless financial demands are met.

The victims, police said, include high-profile individuals such as politicians, traditional rulers, religious leaders, business owners, and other prominent figures.

Between June 26 and June 29, 2026, the command’s coordinated operation resulted in the arrest of thirteen suspects linked to the syndicate.

Those arrested include:

Ahmed Nasir, Rabiu Sani, Sadiq Umar, and Umar Nasir, all from Argungu, who allegedly conspired to obtain nude images of a female victim and demanded ₦1,000,000 from her.

Faisal Muhammed and Abbas Baraye were arrested for online extortion using nude pictures.

Abdullahi Abubakar, Abdulhamid Mukhtar, and Al’amin Aminu were accused of defrauding a victim of ₦3,000,000 after manipulating a video to falsely portray the victim in a compromising position. Haliru Bashar, Abubakar Faruk, Almustapha Munnir, and Saifullahi Nata’ala, who allegedly obtained a nude video of a female acquaintance through a sex-related Snapchat group and threatened to expose her.

Commissioner of Police, CP Umar M. Hadejia,  issued a stern warning that cybercrime constitutes a serious offence with grave consequences.

He called on parents and guardians to closely monitor their children’s online activities and discourage involvement in fraudulent schemes.

“We urge members of the public to exercise caution on social media, protect personal information, avoid suspicious online interactions, and promptly report cases of cyber extortion to the nearest police station,” CP Hadejia stated.

The police command has provided emergency contact numbers  09039911876 and 07081074395  for reporting cyber-related crimes.

All arrested suspects will be charged in court upon the conclusion of investigations, while efforts are ongoing to apprehend other fleeing members of the syndicate.

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

The Federal Government’s decision to reform the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has been greeted with excitement by some and scepticism by others. After 53 years, many believe the scheme is finally getting the attention it deserves.

For years, corps members have complained about insecurity, poor welfare, irrelevant postings and outdated processes. The newly approved reforms, ranging from technology-driven mobilisation to skills-based deployment and improved orientation camps, suggest that the government is finally listening. That is a good start.

However, the NYSC was never established solely to teach graduates entrepreneurship or job skills. It was established to promote national unity after the civil war, and to a large extent, many would agree that it has contributed to that goal.

Perhaps that is why the government now believes the scheme can be led by civilians rather than the military officers who have overseen it since its inception. But that decision raises an important question.

One of the things that has distinguished the NYSC over the years is discipline. The orderliness in orientation camps and the sense of responsibility expected of corps members have largely been shaped by the scheme’s military leadership. While the military will still provide security, it remains to be seen whether civilian leadership can maintain the same standard.

The bigger challenge, however, is implementation. Nigerians have seen many good policies announced with great excitement, only for little to change in reality. If corps members still face unsafe postings and placements that add little value to their future, then these reforms will remain good ideas on paper. Otherwise, after years in school and a year of national service, they may simply be told to start an akara or kuli-kuli business. Honest work deserves respect, but graduates hope these reforms will create greater opportunities.

So, is the NYSC reforming or deforming?

The answer is not in the policy document. It will be written in the experience of the next corps member who leaves home believing that service to the nation is still worth it.

After all, changing the driver doesn’t automatically make the journey better. What matters is whether the person behind the wheel knows the road.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate in mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.