By Anwar Usman

Key political figures on Sunday, attended a  closed-door meeting between former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and the National Leader of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, Seriake Dickson, in Abuja.

The 2023 governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano State,  Nasiru Gawuna alongside former Adamawa State governorship candidate, Aishatu Binani; ex-lawmaker representing Zamfara Central Senatorial District, Kabir Marafa; and the Senator representing Anambra Central, Victor Umeh were all seen at the meeting.

The meeting, held at Dickson’s residence in Abuja, is believed to be part of ongoing political realignments among opposition figures ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The two former governors  had earlier arrived at Dickson’s residence with a crowd of supporters under the Obi-Kwankwaso Movement, who chanted “O-K is okay” as the two leaders were ushered into the premises.

The development comes barely 24 hours after the Secretary of the Board of Trustees of the New Nigeria People’s Party, Buba Galadima, disclosed that two prominent politicians would unveil a new political platform on Monday, further fuelling speculation over an emerging opposition coalition.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

As Nigeria moves gradually toward the 2027 general election, the most consequential political drama may not be unfolding within the ruling party, but among those seeking to unseat it. Across the opposition space, there is visible movement: coalition talks, strategic meetings, defections, counter-defections, legal disputes and renewed ambitions. Yet beneath all the activity lies an old and stubborn question: can Nigeria’s opposition finally unite around a credible alternative, or will familiar rivalries once again deliver victory to the incumbent?

The latest controversy surrounding Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s political future has brought that question sharply into focus. Reports recently circulated that the former Kano State governor and his political associates were considering leaving the African Democratic Congress (ADC) for another platform, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), citing fears that the ADC had become vulnerable to legal complications and possible political sabotage. The speculation intensified after statements from individuals linked to the Kwankwasiyya movement suggested fresh political calculations were underway.

Kwankwaso himself later issued a clarification. He stated that no final decision had been taken regarding his political future or that of his associates, while confirming that consultations were ongoing with stakeholders across multiple parties. It was a carefully worded intervention. It neither closed the door to the ADC nor ruled out future movement elsewhere. In effect, it confirmed what many political observers already suspected: Nigeria’s opposition remains in a season of negotiation rather than consolidation.

For many Nigerians dissatisfied with the current direction of governance, the ADC had recently emerged as a possible umbrella for a broad anti-incumbent coalition. With the Peoples Democratic Party weakened by years of internal crisis and the Labour Party still struggling to convert popularity into a nationwide structure, the ADC appeared to offer something useful: a relatively fresh platform around which major opposition actors could gather.

But Nigerian political history offers a warning. Coalitions are easiest to announce and hardest to sustain.

The challenge before the ADC was never simply about attracting prominent names. It was always about managing them. Once major political figures occupy the same platform, difficult questions naturally arise. Who gets the presidential ticket? Which region should produce the candidate? Who controls party machinery? Who funds mobilisation? Who steps down for whom? These are not procedural details. They are often the very fault lines that break apart coalitions.

Kwankwaso’s position illustrates this reality. He remains one of the most significant opposition actors in northern Nigeria, with a loyal political base that has survived multiple party transitions. The Kwankwasiyya movement has demonstrated unusual cohesion and emotional commitment over the years. That makes him valuable to any coalition seeking national competitiveness.

Yet his role also generates tension. Admirers see him as experienced, disciplined and electorally relevant. Critics see him as a strategic power broker whose bargaining posture can complicate broader unity efforts. Social media reactions to the latest controversy reflect this divide. Some accuse him of prioritising leverage over coalition stability. Others argue that he is merely refusing to lead his supporters into another uncertain political arrangement.

Both arguments contain elements of truth. No serious opposition coalition can ignore Kwankwaso’s political weight. But no coalition can thrive if every major actor insists on maximum personal advantage.

Peter Obi presents a different but equally important dimension of the opposition equation. He commands strong youth enthusiasm, urban support and reform-minded voters who remain deeply invested in his message. His appeal extends beyond conventional party structures and taps into a wider demand for cleaner governance and fiscal discipline.

But Obi’s popularity also raises difficult coalition questions. Can a politician with genuine national momentum agree to play a subordinate role in a unity arrangement? Can rival blocs accept him as lead candidate? Can supporters who see him as a transformative figure embrace compromise for strategic reasons?

This is where opposition politics in Nigeria repeatedly encounters its greatest obstacle. Many leaders endorse unity in theory, but hesitate when unity demands sacrifice in practice.

Perhaps the most revealing aspect of Kwankwaso’s recent statement was the emphasis on legal uncertainty. He referenced court rulings, disputes over party legitimacy and fears that political platforms could be weakened through prolonged litigation. Whether one accepts that interpretation or not, the perception itself is politically significant.

In politics, uncertainty can be as damaging as defeat. If opposition actors begin to believe that party platforms are unstable or vulnerable, they will spend more time shopping for alternatives than building durable institutions. Time that should be used to mobilise voters gets consumed by legal consultations. Energy that should be spent presenting policy alternatives is diverted into internal survival battles.

While opposition figures debate platforms and personalities, the ruling All Progressives Congress quietly benefits from something often underestimated in Nigerian politics: structure. Incumbency provides access to nationwide networks, state-level influence, mobilisation machinery and the psychological confidence that comes with power.

The APC does not necessarily need the opposition to disappear. It only needs the opposition to remain divided.

That is why many analysts argue that the greatest ally of incumbency is not popularity, but fragmentation among rivals. If 2027 becomes a contest between one organised ruling machine and several competing opposition ambitions, the arithmetic naturally favours the government. If it becomes a disciplined one-on-one contest built around a credible coalition, the political equation changes considerably.

The decline of the PDP has made this moment even more significant. Once the dominant national platform for anti-government sentiment, the party now appears burdened by unresolved disputes, declining elite confidence and repeated internal turbulence. That vacuum created the opening for newer coalition experiments such as the ADC.

But replacing the PDP as a headline platform is easier than replacing it as an electoral structure. National parties are built ward by ward, polling unit by polling unit, not merely through high-profile defections and conference-room agreements. The opposition still lacks a clearly dominant institutional vehicle.

If opposition leaders are serious about challenging the APC in 2027, three urgent tasks stand before them. First, they must settle on a credible platform early and avoid endless migration between parties. Constant movement signals instability to voters. Second, they must resolve leadership questions through transparent negotiation rather than ego-driven public contests. Third, they must move beyond elite arithmetic and present a practical agenda on inflation, jobs, insecurity, electricity and governance reform.

Many Nigerians are frustrated with present realities. But frustration alone does not automatically translate into votes for the opposition. Citizens may desire change and still distrust the alternatives before them.

The latest Kwankwaso controversy is therefore not merely about one politician considering another party. It is about a deeper truth in Nigerian politics: opposition forces often agree on what they oppose, but struggle to agree on what they want to build.

That remains the central dilemma of 2027.

If unity prevails, the election could become genuinely competitive. If ambition prevails, the ruling party may receive another gift from its opponents—without having to ask for one.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu 

The Sokoto Advancement Forum has postponed its scheduled summit on youth drug abuse in Sokoto State following a last-minute denial of its venue.

The brainstorming session, aimed at examining the growing challenge of drug abuse among Sokoto youth, was slated for today, May 2, 2026, at the Sokoto Guest Inn. This was according to an earlier press release signed by Associate Professor Sajo Muhammad Sanyinna, Chairman of the Forum’s Media and Publicity Team.

However, the event was abruptly called off after the management of the Guest Inn informed organisers late Friday evening that the programme could not be held.

Addressing journalists at the venue, Professor Riskuwa, speaking for the Forum, thanked invited guests and members of the press for honouring the invitation and apologised for the inconvenience.

“Sokoto Advancement Forum thanks our invited guests for honouring our invitation to this brainstorming session on curbing drug abuse. Due to unforeseen circumstances, we have had to postpone this activity to a later date,” Prof. Riskuwa said. 

He added: “Details of the reasons behind this postponement will be issued to newsmen. Once again, we sincerely apologise for the inconvenience. In sha Allah, we will keep you informed of the new date and venue for the brainstorming session, as well as of all our future activities. We pray Almighty Allah continues to bless our state and guide us to the right path.”

An apology letter signed by the Forum’s Secretary-General confirmed the development. It stated that the management of Sokoto Guest Inn contacted the Forum late on Friday, May 1, 2026, directing that the programme not be held. The hotel refunded the fees paid for the venue and, according to the letter, “stated clearly that the powers that be have insisted against the conduct of the brainstorming session.”

“It is pertinent to mention that all necessary arrangements were made for the conduct of the programme, but late evening of Friday, 1 May 2026, the attention of the Forum was drawn by management of Sokoto Guest Inn that the programme should not hold,” the letter read.

The Forum emphasised its non-partisan stance and reaffirmed its commitment to the development of Sokoto State.

“It is worth mentioning that Sokoto Advancement Forum remains undaunted in its commitment to contribute its quota to the development of Sokoto State in all areas of human endeavour. The Forum has remained non-partisan and will continuously seek the support of Government and all patriotic citizens in pursuit of its objectives,” the statement added.

Efforts to get a response from Sokoto Guest Inn on the reasons or individuals behind the venue denial were unsuccessful at press time.

However, some members of the Forum, who spoke off the record and requested anonymity, blamed political actors they believe view the Forum as a threat. They cited previous difficulties in securing venues in their earlier programs, noting that the current event was earlier scheduled to be held at Umaru Ali Shinkafi Polytechnic before “some issues arose” that forced a change.

“Even this event was earlier scheduled to be held at Umaru Ali Shinkafi Polytechnic, but some issues arose, and we were denied,” one member said.

The Sokoto Advancement Forum comprises high-profile figures, intellectuals from institutions within and outside Sokoto, and Islamic clerics. The Forum, which describes itself as non-partisan, was said to have organised the summit in response to rising criminal activity and in light of the 2027 political atmosphere, to engage stakeholders in tackling the menace of drug abuse in the state.

Before the postponement, the venue was already filled with distinguished attendees. Islamic scholars, including Professor Mansur Ibrahim Sokoto, MNI, as well as intellectuals from institutions within and outside Sokoto, high-profile dignitaries, members of the press from local, national, and international media organisations, and prominent social media influencers, had all arrived to cover the event.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

In politics, timing is everything; at the same time, timing alone is never enough.

The defection of Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed (Kauran Bauchi) to the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) has continued to generate debate. With key loyalists reportedly moving with him, what initially appeared as a risky political leap is now being interpreted by some as a calculated repositioning.

But beneath the surface of strategy lies a more complex electoral reality, one that could ultimately decide whether this move succeeds or collapses. At the heart of the argument is the voter.

While Bauchi State has seen moments when lesser-known parties gained traction, particularly at the legislative level, where individuals have won seats in the State House of Assembly outside dominant party structures, statewide or nationwide politics operate on a far wider and more demanding scale.

The dynamics are different. The visibility is broader. The stakes are higher. And most importantly, party identity still carries significant weight.

At the level of electoral reality, however, the risks cannot be dismissed. Nigerian elections—especially at the governorship level—are still heavily influenced by party identity. Voters, particularly in rural strongholds, often associate credibility with established platforms rather than emerging ones.

In that sense, defecting to a less dominant structure, such as the Allied Peoples Movement, introduces an immediate disadvantage: the loss of automatic party loyalty.

Campaigning under such conditions creates a double burden. It is no longer just about selling a candidate—it is about introducing and legitimising a political platform simultaneously. That dual responsibility can stretch time, resources, and political influence thin, especially in a competitive race involving the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the emerging coalition around the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

From this view, the move carries a real risk of political isolation if voter perception does not align quickly enough with elite-level strategy.

Yet, it would be premature to interpret the move purely as risk. Nigerian political history also rewards early structural repositioning. Movements that eventually became influential often began as unpopular or misunderstood alignments.

In that context, Gov. Kaura’s move may be less about immediate electoral gain and more about long-term political architecture—building a platform where loyalty is personal, structure is controlled, and direction is defined internally rather than inherited from party hierarchies.

There is also a strategic possibility that this move is an attempt to build or shape a movement similar in political culture, if not in scale, to the Kwankwasiyya associated with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a structure rooted in identity, loyalty, and grassroots emotional connection rather than party stability alone.

If sustained, such a model can evolve into a political identity strong enough to survive beyond a single election cycle. But like all movements, it requires time, consistency, and deep voter penetration.

If the electorate does not understand or accept the new platform in time, the strategy weakens. If the structure grows slowly but steadily, the strategy strengthens. Either outcome is possible.

Because while elite political calculations move fast, voter acceptance does not. And in elections, voters, not strategy rooms, ultimately decide outcomes. So, is Gov. Kaura’s defection a political suicide or a stitch in time?

From one angle, it introduces clear electoral risks that cannot be ignored. From another, it suggests a longer-term ambition to build something more controlled and identity-driven. Both interpretations hold weight.

So whether this move is a masterstroke or a misstep remains uncertain. The calculations may be clear. The intentions may be bold. But in politics, certainty is a luxury.

For now, all eyes remain on the unfolding reality… because, in the end, time will tell.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Jos, Nigeria, via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Lamara Garba

There is something sacred about ink when it refuses to lie.

There is something stubborn about truth when it insists on being heard, even in the presence of guns, prisons, and power.

And there is something profoundly human about the journalist, who stands between silence and society, choosing again and again to speak.

Perhaps we often forget how this day itself came to be. It was the United Nations, at its 1993 General Assembly, that proclaimed every 3rd of May as World Press Freedom Day, a date set aside not for ceremony alone, but for reflection, resistance, and renewal of commitment to the ideals of a free press.

This year’s theme, “Shaping a Future at Peace,” is not a slogan to be admired from a distance. It is a challenge. It is a responsibility. It is a warning. It reminds the world that journalism, free expression, and access to information are not just democratic ornaments but powerful instruments for peace, security, sustainable development, and economic recovery. At a time when global press freedom is increasingly under pressure, the theme speaks directly to a fragile world struggling to hold itself together.

Peace is not built in silence.

Peace is built in truth.

On this year’s World Press Freedom Day, the words of the European Union arrive not as distant diplomacy but as a moral echo of a world in distress: democracy cannot exist without a free press. That is not poetry. That is not theory. That is survival.

A nation without a free press is not a nation at all. It is a carefully managed illusion.

The European Union reminds us, with the clarity of law and the urgency of conscience, that independent media is not a luxury. It is not decoration. It is the spine of democracy. Freedom of expression is not a polite suggestion; it is a fundamental human right. And when that right is bruised, beaten, or buried, the entire body of society limps.

Yet, across continents and conflict zones, the journalist has become both witness and victim.

In the rubble and fire of Gaza, no fewer than over 100 journalists have been killed since the escalation of war, making it one of the deadliest places on earth for the press in modern history. These were not soldiers. They carried no weapons. Their only armour was a camera, a notebook, and courage. Still, they fell.

In the long and grinding war in Ukraine, more than 15 journalists have lost their lives, caught in the crossfire of a conflict that has redrawn maps and erased lives. Each death is a page torn from the book of truth, each silence a victory for darkness.

And beyond the bombs and bullets, in quieter but no less dangerous ways, journalists across the world face abuse, harassment, detention, and exile. Hundreds, well over 300 annually, are subjected to intimidation, a chilling reminder that repression does not always wear the uniform of war. Sometimes it wears a suit, signs a law, or hides behind a keyboard.

The UNESCO has repeatedly warned that the world is witnessing an alarming rise in attacks on journalists, especially women, who endure not only professional risks but targeted gender-based violence and online abuse designed to silence them.

Silence, after all, is the ultimate goal.

And yet, silence is what the journalist refuses.

In Nigeria, the story is painfully familiar.

We recall the troubling case of Agba Jalingo, a journalist who was arrested and detained for months over his reporting on alleged corruption. His ordeal was not just about one man. It was about a system uneasy with scrutiny. It was about the price of asking questions in a space where answers are often guarded like state secrets.

But even within this difficult landscape, voices of reform continue to rise.

The President of the Nigeria Union of Journalists, Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, has re-echoed the urgent need for a truly free press in Nigeria, insisting that democracy in the country will remain fragile without journalists who can operate without fear. He has also drawn attention to a quieter crisis within the profession itself: the poor working conditions faced by many Nigerian journalists.

From irregular salaries to the absence of adequate insurance and welfare packages, the reality for many practitioners is harsh and discouraging. Abdullahi’s call is clear and necessary that the dignity of the journalist must be restored, that media owners and stakeholders must rise to their responsibility, and that no society can expect courage from a press that is neglected and unprotected.

Because a hungry journalist is vulnerable.

And a vulnerable journalist is easily silenced.

The European Union’s statement goes further, pointing to a dangerous trend: the rise of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, legal weapons used not to seek justice, but to intimidate journalists into silence. Add to that the growing flood of disinformation, propaganda disguised as news, and the deliberate erosion of trust in credible media, and one begins to see the battlefield has expanded.

Truth itself is under siege.

And in this siege, the journalist stands as both witness and shield.

There is a philosophical burden here, one that goes beyond headlines and deadlines. The journalist is not merely a recorder of events but a custodian of memory. When societies forget, it is often because someone was prevented from writing. When injustice thrives, it is often because someone was stopped from reporting.

So, to attack a journalist is not just to harm an individual. It is to wound history. It is to distort reality. It is to gamble with the future.

The European Union, in reaffirming its commitment to defending free and independent journalism, aligns itself with institutions like the Council of Europe and the OSCE, recognizing that this fight is not regional but universal.

Because truth does not belong to Europe, or Africa, or Asia.

Truth belongs to humanity.

And here lies the deeper meaning of this year’s theme: a future at peace is not negotiated in secrecy, nor manufactured through propaganda. It is shaped in the open, through credible information, fearless reporting, and a society willing to confront its own realities.

Without a free press, there is no informed citizenry.

Without informed citizens, there is no accountability.

And without accountability, peace itself becomes an illusion.

So today, we do not merely celebrate the press.

We remember its martyrs.

We honour those who wrote until their last breath.

We stand with those who continue to report under threat.

And we ask ourselves, quietly but urgently: what kind of world do we want to live in?

One where truth is negotiated, edited, and suppressed?

Or one where it is pursued, protected, and proclaimed?

The answer lies not just in the newsroom, but in the conscience of every society.

For as long as a single journalist dares to write freely, hope remains alive.

And as long as hope remains alive, democracy still has a fighting chance.

Lamara Garba, a veteran journalist, is Director of Public Affairs at Bayero University, Kano.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

President Bola Tinubu has postponed his planned departure for an official visit to France, Kenya, and Rwanda.

Bayo Onanuga, the special adviser to the president on information and strategy, had earlier announced on Friday that Tinubu would leave Abuja on Saturday. He said the president would first head to France before travelling to Nairobi, Kenya, to attend the Africa-France summit.

However, Onanuga later issued another update on Saturday through his X handle. He stated that the president would now begin the trip on Sunday instead of the earlier scheduled date. He did not state any reason for the adjustment.

In the earlier statement, Onanuga explained that the Africa-France summit would be co-chaired by French President Emmanuel Macron and Kenyan President William Ruto. He said discussions at the meeting would cover energy transition, green industrialisation, digital transformation, restructuring of the global financing architecture, and climate action.

He added that Tinubu is expected to take part in the summit, which is billed for May 11 and May 12. The participation, he said, forms part of efforts to deepen strategic ties between Nigeria, other African nations, and France.

The summit carries the theme, “Africa forward: Africa-France partnerships for innovation and growth”. It will gather leaders from Africa and France to discuss issues such as economic transformation, climate resilience, infrastructure, youth development, technology, and peacebuilding.

Onanuga also disclosed that after the Kenya meeting, the president will travel to Kigali, Rwanda. There, he will attend the Africa CEO forum scheduled for May 14 and May 15.

The forum, with the theme “Scale or Fail”, will bring together business leaders, investors, and policymakers. They are expected to examine ways to boost economic growth through regional cooperation and cross-border investment.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former governor of Kano state, has said he has not declared interest in the 2027 presidential race and has not backed any candidate.

He made the clarification amid growing speculation about his political plans. The rumours followed a recent national summit of opposition parties held in Ibadan, Oyo State. Reports had linked him with a possible joint ticket alongside Peter Obi, former governor of Anambra State.

Supporters of both politicians had also circulated campaign posters on social media in recent days. There were additional claims that the two leaders were preparing to leave the African Democratic Congress (ADC) for the National Democratic Congress (NDC) due to uncertainty over the party’s presidential ticket.

Earlier, Habibu Mohammed, spokesperson of the Kwankwasiyya movement, told TheCable that such a move had already received the backing of key stakeholders.

Kwankwaso, however, dismissed the claims in a statement issued on Saturday night. He said no decision has been reached regarding his next political step.

“We have noted recent media reports and discussions suggesting a possible realignment within the African Democratic Congress (ADC) due to the current challenges facing the party,” the statement reads.

“In light of the misleading narratives in the public domain, I wish to state categorically that no final decision has been taken regarding my political future or that of my political associates.”

He also stated that the ADC has not taken any position on zoning its presidential ticket. He said he has not made any declaration or endorsement.

“The ADC is yet to zone its presidential ticket or take any decision on a candidate. I have therefore neither declared any intention to run for president nor endorsed any aspirant. All speculations to the contrary are premature and unfounded,” Kwankwaso said.

The development comes after a ruling by the supreme court on Thursday. The court set aside an earlier judgment of the court of appeal which had directed parties involved in the ADC leadership dispute to maintain the status quo.

A five-member panel of the apex court, led by Mohammed Garba, instructed the faction led by David Mark to return to the federal high court for the determination of the issues in dispute.

Kwankwaso described the situation within the party as difficult. He said the ruling has placed the ADC in “a precarious position”.

“We left the NNPP due to externally influenced legal problems that made our stay perilous. The ADC has now been also forced into this difficulty,” he said.

“Consequently, like other major stakeholders, we have commenced wide-ranging consultations — including with leaders from the NDC, PRP and others to explore the best options for protecting our democratic interests. We shall announce our decision in the soonest possible time.”

He also addressed his absence from recent ADC meetings. He said it was due to personal commitments that had been communicated to the party leadership. He said it was not linked to any plan to defect.

Kwankwaso added that any final decision about his political direction would be made public through official channels.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Professor Isa Ali Pantami, has disowned a controversial message shared on his Facebook page. He said the post, which described critics and non-supporters as hypocrites, did not have his approval.

In a statement issued on the same platform, Pantami explained that the content was published by one of the page administrators without his consent.

He said, “My attention has been drawn to a post on this page by one of the admins, containing a strongly worded message suggesting that anyone who does not support Prof. Pantami is a hypocrite, and that any cleric who does not support him is equally a hypocrite. I would like to state clearly that this message was not authorised by me, nor does it represent our approach to leading the affairs of our state. Furthermore, the admin in question has been placed under suspension until further notice.”

The former minister stressed that political engagement should allow room for differing opinions. He noted that respect for all individuals must be upheld, regardless of their views or affiliations.

Pantami also stated the importance of criticism in leadership and public discourse. He stated, “First, it is important to note that in politics, everyone is valued and respected, regardless of sectarian differences. Moreover, as an administrator, academic, former Minister, and, most importantly, a religious cleric myself, I understand the value of criticism. It is a vital ingredient that shapes discourse, upholds standards, and sustains development.”

He further reiterated his commitment to inclusive leadership, especially in a diverse society. According to him, “I would also like to state that, as a politician aspiring to lead a heterogeneous, multi-ethnic, and multi-religious society, I am for everyone. Islam equally enjoins every leader to be just to all, irrespective of differences, and I hold firmly to these values.”

Pantami added that his team reflects a mix of backgrounds and beliefs. He said, “It is also noteworthy to reiterate that my team comprises individuals of impeccable character from diverse ethno-religious backgrounds. It includes people of different faiths, both Christians and Muslims, as we understand that our diversity across many dimensions makes us stronger and greater as a people.”

He ended the statement with a brief note of appreciation to his supporters and followers.

By Faith Mamman

Flooding is one of the most pressing environmental challenges facing Nigeria today. The devastating effects of flooding have been felt across the country, with many communities being displaced, homes destroyed, and lives lost. Despite the severity of the problem, it appears that the Nigerian government is not taking the necessary steps to mitigate the effects of flooding.

The frequency and severity of flooding in Nigeria have increased significantly over the years. The country has experienced some of the worst flooding in its history, with the 2012 flooding being a stark reminder of the devastating effects of flooding. The flooding, which affected over 30 states and displaced over 2 million people, is still fresh in the minds of many Nigerians. Similarly, the 2018 flooding, which affected over 20 states and resulted in the loss of many lives, is another stark reminder of the devastating effects of flooding in Nigeria.

Despite the severity of the problem, the Nigerian government’s response to flooding has been largely inadequate. While the government has established various agencies and initiatives to address the issue of flooding, these efforts have been hindered by a lack of funding, inadequate infrastructure, and poor coordination. For instance, the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), which is responsible for coordinating disaster response efforts in Nigeria, has been criticized for its slow response to flooding disasters.

Furthermore, the Nigerian government’s approach to managing flooding has been largely reactive, rather than proactive. While the government has invested heavily in responding to flooding disasters, it has done little to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding. For instance, the government has failed to invest in critical infrastructure, such as dams, levees, and flood-control systems, which are essential for preventing or mitigating the effects of flooding.

In addition, the Nigerian government’s lack of investment in flood-risk mapping and early warning systems has also contributed to the country’s vulnerability to flooding. Flood-risk mapping involves identifying areas that are prone to flooding and taking steps to mitigate the effects of flooding in those areas. Early warning systems, on the other hand, involve providing people with advance warning of impending floods, so that they can take steps to protect themselves and their property.

The lack of investment in these critical areas has resulted in Nigeria being one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to flooding. According to the United Nations, Nigeria is one of the top 10 countries in the world that are most vulnerable to flooding. This is a stark reminder of the need for the Nigerian government to take the issue of flooding seriously and invest in critical infrastructure and systems that can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding.

Moreover, the Nigerian government’s failure to address the root causes of flooding has also contributed to the country’s vulnerability to flooding. The root causes of flooding in Nigeria include climate change, deforestation, and poor urban planning. Climate change has resulted in increased rainfall and more frequent extreme weather events, which have contributed to the severity of flooding in Nigeria.

Deforestation has also contributed to the severity of flooding in Nigeria. Trees play a critical role in absorbing rainfall and preventing soil erosion. However, the widespread deforestation that has occurred in Nigeria has resulted in the loss of many trees, which has contributed to the severity of flooding.

Poor urban planning is another root cause of flooding in Nigeria. Many Nigerian cities are characterized by poor drainage systems, inadequate waste management, and a lack of green spaces. These factors have contributed to the severity of flooding in many Nigerian cities.

To address the issue of flooding in Nigeria, the government needs to take a more proactive approach. This includes investing in critical infrastructure, such as dams, levees, and flood-control systems. The government also needs to invest in flood-risk mapping and early warning systems, which can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding.

Furthermore, the government needs to address the root causes of flooding in Nigeria. This includes taking action to address climate change, such as reducing greenhouse gas emissions and promoting sustainable land use practices. The government also needs to take action to address deforestation, such as promoting reforestation efforts and enforcing laws against deforestation.

In addition, the government needs to promote good urban planning practices, such as designing cities with adequate drainage systems, waste management facilities, and green spaces. By taking these steps, the government can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding and reduce the risk of flooding disasters in Nigeria.

In conclusion, the issue of flooding is a serious problem that requires a more proactive approach from the Nigerian government. The government needs to invest in critical infrastructure, address the root causes of flooding, and promote good urban planning practices. By taking these steps, the government can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding and reduce the risk of flooding disasters in Nigeria.

Faith Mamman, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Faith Mamman

Drug abuse has become a major concern in Nigeria, particularly among the youth. Many young Nigerians have fallen prey to the lure of sedatives and other illicit substances, often without a doctor’s prescription. This trend is not only alarming but also devastating, as it has the potential to destroy the future of these young individuals.

The victims of drug abuse often mistakenly believe that getting high will help them cope with depression and other emotional challenges. However, this couldn’t be further from the truth. Drug abuse only serves to exacerbate these problems, leading to a downward spiral of addiction, health issues, and social problems. The consequences of drug abuse are far-reaching and devastating, affecting not only the individual but also their families and communities.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), substance abuse can affect brain development and growth in youth, leading to risky behaviors, mental health issues, and a host of other problems. The physical effects of drug use on youth include paranoia and hallucinations, dangerously high body temperatures, irregular heartbeat and heart palpitations, heart attack or failure, stroke, seizures, and sleep disorders. In addition to these physical effects, drug abuse can also have severe mental and emotional consequences, including poor judgment, declines in academic performance, dependence on drugs, and mental health disorders.

There is a strong link between substance abuse and delinquency. According to the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, youth who use drugs are more likely to commit crimes, including violent and income-generating crimes. This is evident in the recent disorderliness in Nigeria, which could be attributed to drug abuse. A great percentage of perpetrators who have been brought to book are victims of drug abuse. Their masters brainwash them and furnish them with illicit drugs before sending them on evil errands.

To address the scourge of drug abuse among Nigerian youths, it is essential that we work together to create a safer and healthier society. This requires a collective effort from parents, educators, healthcare professionals, and law enforcement agencies. We must also support the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) in its efforts to combat drug abuse and trafficking. By working together, we can help to prevent the spread of illicit substances and provide support to those affected by drug abuse.

In conclusion, drug abuse is a major concern in Nigeria, particularly among the youth. It is essential that we recognize the dangers of drug abuse and take action to prevent it.

Faith Mamman, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.