Boko Haram

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

In this interview with The Daily Reality, Ismail Hashim Abubakar, who finished his doctoral program at Mohammed V University, Rabat, in the Kingdom of Morocco, gives a synoptic picture of his PhD thesis titled “Contemporary Islamic Thought in Northern Nigeria: Shaykh Ja’far Mahmud Adam as a Case Study”. The thesis, which appears in 4 volumes, was written in both Arabic and English. Enjoy: 

At the beginning and as a background, the reader would like to know what propelled you to embark on academic research in this area and to select this topic with the personality of Shaykh Ja’afar as your case study.

I was propelled to undertake this research by many factors. Perhaps the most current and academically engaging factor was the aftermath of the 2009 Boko Haram uprisings when documentation of the saga started outflowing in different forms, including academic studies and media reportage. I observed that the Boko Haram saga was used by many writers – local and international – to, in the process of researching the evolution, growth, ideological base and all other issues associated with the insurgency, direct their attention on the late Shaykh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam and devote some portions in their works on the relationship between Shaykh Ja’afar and the founder of Boko Haram, Muhammad Yusuf.

While I acknowledge that these writers have relevant information and facts regarding this dynamic, I can confidently assert that many facts have been twisted, distorted and misrepresented. In fact, too much attention on Ja’far’s interaction with the leader of Boko Haram would certainly swerve readers’ attention to the grand reform mission Ja’afar had carried out in his career that spanned about two decades.

Furthermore, some writers made absurd and explicit allegations that should not be allowed to pass without a solid, verifiably intellectual response. Besides, the career of Shaykh Ja’afar was full of captivating and interesting episodes that would add up to the history of postcolonial Islam, contemporary religious movements, the interplay of Ulama with civil society and authorities in northern Nigeria and the Hausa-speaking world in general. In other words, if you like, confining the career of Shaykh Ja’afar to an engagement with an estranged disciple is an act of cruelty and tyranny to history.

If this is the case, how does your work differ from the previous works on Boko Haram, and what do you particularly object in them?

In my thesis, I review the representation of Ja’afar and his engagement with Boko Haram as cited in studies and reportages. I endorse what appears to be true and verifiable, while I counter what is a distortion of facts. For example, I tackle the question of Muhammad Yusuf’s studentship and mentorship under Ja’afar; here, there are two visible opinions. One opinion suggests that Yusuf was the mentee, star, protege and possible successor of Ja’afar, while the other view objects to the point of almost debunking any teacher-student relationship between the two men. I seek to stand in between these positions. Based on fieldwork I carried out in Maiduguri in 2019 and in addition to the literature I consulted, I draw a conclusion that Yusuf had, of course, studied under Ja’afar.

Nonetheless, as confirmed by several informants, Yusuf was never punctual during Ja’afar’s lessons; in fact, he did not study a complete book under Ja’afar. Consequently, I re-examined the assertion of the closeness of the two men; it manifested to me that Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir, nor was he considered intellectually capable of taking over from Ja’afar.

Meanwhile, I make reference to Yusuf’s ideological trajectories and terminals of religious activism, starting as an ambitious young man looking for fame. As such, he took a leading position in Muslim Brotherhood, Jama’atu Tajdid al-Islam, before finally joining the Izala, which he would also break from within a couple of years. Finally, on this point, I compare Ja’afar and Yusuf, what the two figures represent to Nigerians and the legacies each one has left behind. 

What else do you address besides the Boko Haram phenomenon in your project?

Hmmm. Like I said initially, Boko Haram is a small (though most popularised) aspect of Ja’far’s career. I set a background where I give a snapshot of the state of Islam and Muslims in postcolonial Northern Nigeria, highlighting the engagement of Muslims in politics and governance while appraising the debates of Shari’ah implementation and discourse on secularism which characterised the Nigerian public sphere after the turn of the 21st century.

I also look at the relations between Muslims and Christians, pointing to the areas of divergence, which are quite many, but also the few areas where Muslims and Christians united in pursuit of a common goal. I also survey the fragmentation of Islamic society along sectarian lines by first tracing the emergence of major and minor religious sects, groups and movements and their major views and arguments. I also illuminate the interplays between these two groups and what brings/brought them together to speak in one voice. All these are meant to give much insight into the religious and landscape sociopolitical contexts in which the figure of my study lived and conducted his mission. This represents the first significant section of the work, which, as you can see, represents the first epithet in the thesis title. 

I supply a relatively detailed biography of Ja’afar, focusing on his family background, the phases of his knowledge acquisition and the factors that contributed to his public visibility as a young man, all before his sojourn to the Islamic University of Madina. 

The work dwells on Ja’afar’s reunion with the Da’awah arena after his study at Madina and how unlike before, he concentrated on the transmission of knowledge and cultivation of disciples while minimising open-air preaching. In this regard, I supply comprehensive information on the major sites and centres of Da’wah, which used to host and coordinate Ja’far’s public engagement and private study circles.

In Kano, for instance, I reserve sections in which I discuss in detail the majalis of Ja’afar, such as the Triumph Mosque in Fagge, the Beirut Road Mosque, Usman Bin Affan Mosque, Gadon Kaya, Almuntada Mosque in Dorayi and the majlis in Ungogo Road. I explicate all the activities Ja’afar conducted, such as leading prayer, teaching for open and private audiences and presentations of sermons, lectures and seminars.

In Bauchi, I make reference to sites that hosted Ja’far’s mission, such as Gwallaga Jumaat mosque, Shaykh Awaq mosque at Old GRA, Baban Godi Mosque in Mallam Goje Street and Women Centre of Bauchi located at Gombe Road. Moreover, in about thirty pages, the thesis unpacks the mission of Ja’afar in Maiduguri, with a particular reference to the activities he conducted within the Indimi Mosque, hinting at the challenges Ja’afar confronted at the beginning and the strategies he adopted in the process of consolidating his Da’wah. The work here emphasises the Qur’anic interpretation exercise Ja’afar led during Ramadan at the mosque and how it became an annual conference that attracted audiences from different parts of northern Nigeria.

But Ja’far’s mission was also characterised by other features: teaching, presenting lectures and seminars and rigorous engagements in civil and political issues. Does your work take a look at this also?

Yeah, of course. I dedicate a full and lengthy chapter that surveys and appraises Ja’far’s interactions and engagements with some events that affected Nigerian contemporary developments, Islam and Muslims, and Ja’afar’s relations with various government and public figures, religious groups and individuals. It focuses on Ja’afar’s role in the return of Shari’ah in northern Nigeria, how he collaborated with religious leaders of other groups, and how this resulted in the implementation of Shari’ah in some northern states. It also refers to Ja’far’s participation in the implementation of the Shari’ah process in Kano.

The chapter further lays bare Ja’far’s engagement with Nigerian politics, governance, politicians and public figures, taking a look at his criticism of General Obasanjo’s administration and different political and government institutions, including Kano state, his base, but also figures such as Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar, Ahmed Yarima, Ibrahim Shekarau, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Ahmed Adamu Muazu, Ahmed Makarfi, Abubakar Habu Hashidu, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Baba Impossible, among others.

The work also relates Ja’afar’s interplay with traditional institutions, which connects to his position on the royal fathers of the northern emirates and how they disagreed with some and collaborated and had cordial relationships with others. Still in the chapter, Ja’afar’s engagement with religious groups is narrated, beginning with Salafi networks to which he belonged, the Sufi brotherhoods with whom he disagreed most of the time and the peripheral groups like the Shia, Boko Haram and others. 

As a complement to a cleric biography, the chapter categorises Ja’far’s disciples and followers into four tabaqat, just as it mentions some of his colleagues, teachers and role models. It also provides insightful information relating to Ja’afar’s assassination, including the events that preceded the tragedy and what followed it, such as the posthumous attraction of the Muslim public toward the legacy and mission of the murdered cleric. 

The final chapter in the thesis extracts the thoughts, ideas and philosophical views and visions of Ja’afar on a plethora of issues such as education, economy, sociocultural topics, marriage and women issues, politics, global politics and international affairs, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims and the prospects of peaceful coexistence. The chapter presents at the end what the researcher believes is the central position of Ja’afar on Jihad, which further unravels the extent to which he conceived violent extremism in a world and time when Islamophobia was rising high.

But how have you encountered all this stuff, which appears to involve huge materials you had to engage?

Yes, I gathered my data through multiple sources. First, I laid my hands on the available recordings of Shaykh Ja’afar, including cassettes and online content. I listened to his entire Tafsir tapes, available Friday sermons, and many of his lectures and public and private lessons on Islamic texts. I also conducted fieldwork where I travelled to many states in Northern Nigeria and met about a hundred informants. Needless to say, I consulted a great deal of literature that ranged from published books, journals, newspapers and magazines, and reliable internet pages.

What challenges did you face while undertaking this research?

A lot of daunting challenges, but a researcher must always be ready to confront them. It suffices to say that one has to be away from family to a distant land to carry out this task. But before then, I faced challenges as regards accessing some informants. For example, although the work discusses Boko Haram, I could not interview any Boko Haram members to hear some things from him directly. But the most appalling of all the challenges was the lack of positive cooperation from some of Ja’afar’s colleagues and disciples. While some of them delayed, procrastinated and even cancelled my appointments with them, some of them even avoided me and refused to give me any audience at all. Paradoxically, I got positive responses and warm accommodation from personalities who might be well counted among Ja’afar’s rivals and competitors, including Sufis and Shiites.

Which plan do you have now for this work after you have been awarded a doctoral degree?

I just remembered that the work is bilingual and in four volumes, or if you like, two volumes in Arabic and two in English. My ambition is to publish it as a book or as two books. I will be glad to edit the Arabic version and publish it in a press in an Arab world like Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar or any other country, while the English version is to be hopefully published by a Western (preferably university) press.

Is there any point you disagree with Shaykh Ja’afar in your work?

Of course, there are. I can count almost ten. 

Can you give an example?

Certainly! During one of his lessons to women at Gadon Kaya, a woman asked if it was permissible for her to make a supplication – a prayer – to ask God to prevent her husband from marrying a second wife. Shaykh Ja’afar answered that it was not permissible since marriage is lawful, and no one has the power to make unlawful something that was made lawful by God. My argument here is that in a situation where women have turned adding a second wife into their earthly hell, so much so that they go to any extent, including dangerously deadly means to thwart their husbands from the second marriage, giving a fatwa with the permissibility of praying against this wish seems to be safer for all the parties involved. If God wishes, he would answer, and if He doesn’t answer, the woman would accept fate like that. 

Are there journal articles that have been published out of this thesis?

Yes, two articles have been published so far. One was published in a journal at an Islamic University in Uganda. I examined the thoughts and ideas of Shaykh Ja’afar on education. It is available here.

The second one was published in an Indonesian journal, and it talks about Ja’far’s views on women, marriage and family institutions. It can be accessed via this link.

I expect to publish two more before the end of the year, in sha Allah. One of them presents a contextual analysis of a sermon that Ja’afar delivered at Almuntada Mosque in Kano in the aftermath of the OPC massacre of northerners in Southwestern Nigeria. In the essay, I argue that the sermon, despite its strident nature and use of highly harsh language, served as one of the rhetorical instruments that calmed frayed nerves and tensions amid the possibility of reprisal attacks. The second essay examines Ja’afar’s engagement with Boko Haram and violent extremism. 

What are your concluding remarks?

I will conclude by stressing that the clerical career of Shaykh Ja’afar has provided one of the most interesting and attractive pages in the history of Islamic activism in contemporary Nigeria and Hausa speaking world. With millions of followers and his ideas circulating within public domains, Ja’afar’s mission is worth reading and researching. I proposed in my work what I call “Jafarology”, which refers to the process of studying the legacies of Ja’afar in different dimensions and from different perspectives.

I will close by expressing my immense gratitude to all the people who supported me in one way or the other. I must thank my parents for putting me through this path early. I thank my mentor Professor Salisu Shehu, to whom I dedicate this work. I still recall his visit to Morocco in June 2022 and consider it a fatherly concern that gave some moral comfort to a son away from home. In the same vein, I thank Professor Alexander Thurston, who read my chapters and offered me invaluable suggestions and recommendations. My success in this work owes greatly to his mentorship. The same gratitude goes to Dr Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido, whose mentorship and frank counsel encouraged and motivated me to delve into this research area. I also thank a colleague of mine here, Osho Iskil Kehinde, who has greatly supported me.

I also use the medium to appreciate the Federal University Gusau management for releasing me to undergo this program. In this vein, I must thank Dr Abubakar Masama, the Dean, Faculty of Arts; Dr Qasim Badamasi, the former HOD, Islamic Studies; Malam Abdallah Bashir Bakori, Dr Ja’far Agaji, the present HOD, and all the colleagues within the Department of Islamic Studies and Faculty of Arts of the University.

Last, I must reiterate my thanks to Dr Anas al-Shaykh Ali, the Director of the IIIT London Office. Sister Shiraz Khan, a coordinator at the Office, the Director of the Institute of Epistemological Studies Europe (IESE) in Brussels, Dr Beddy Ebnou al-Murabity and Dr Naima Daoudi for being of great help to me. It was these institutions that sponsored my entire studies here in Morocco.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

“Home is wherever you leave everything you love, and never question that it will be there when you return.” – Leo Christopher

My two-week stay in Borno after being away for a year has exposed me to some of Governor Babagana Umara Zulum’s developmental projects across the Maiduguri Metropolitan Council. I have seen the ongoing reconstruction and construction of quality drainages and roads. The expansion of roads at Monday Market, Bulabulin Alinkotoko and Gwange Areas, among other places in the metropolis, is commendable and timely. It has been long overdue. There would be no traffic jams when the projects are completed, and people will have easy mobility within the metropolis. 

The state capital has however been in total blackout for the past two years since the destruction of utility poles along Damaturu road by the Boko Haram murderers. It is on record that the governor has spent a lot of resources on restoring electricity in the town, but all efforts have been consistently sabotaged by the terrorists. Their defeat and displacement have however supported the restoration of light in parts of the metropolis. 

My neighbour told me that they enjoy a minimum of 4-hour power supply daily. That is far better than being in a total blackout which the people endured for years.  

“They mostly restore electricity after Magrib and interrupt it before midnight. That is how we manage it,” he said. 

However,  I have heard many people bitterly complaining about the high rate of unemployment that is becoming a threat to the fragile peace of the state. The state has limited opportunities for youth. It is said that criminal activities likely thrive in places where a larger population of youths are restive and jobless. Therefore, Governor Zulum should introspect and start focusing on job creation. 

My interaction with some young people has made me realise that opportunities are limited in Maiduguri at the moment. One of them told me that even becoming a labourer is now not an easy task. According to him, the only sustainable and reliable job is tricycling.

The very day I got to Maiduguri, I saw campaign banners and posters everywhere courtesy of young people who were either hungry for power for the sake of it or living off godfathers. That is not bad, but it would have been better to invest their youthful energy and time in more productive ventures like learning a craft, acquiring a skill or doing business, each of which can stand the test of time. 

The state government has invested a lot in infrastructural projects which are spread across the state. However, Borno needs a lot of investments in human capital if the state must recover from the many years of destruction caused by the Boko Haram sect. 

In terms of business, the economy is struggling. Families have accused marketers, especially foodstuff sellers, of overpricing. They accused them of hiding under the exchange rate in the country to unjustly increase the price of goods and services in the state. They want the market authorities and state government to work together to ensure that marketers stick to the prices of goods without any corrupt changes. 

Shettima’s Legacy 

This is another opportunity to recall that the immediate past governor of the state, Senator Kashim Shettima, put about seven production firms in different parts of the state, and they were meant to create jobs, eradicate poverty and generate revenue for the government. 

The plants include Tomato Plant, Garri Plant, Water line Plant, Solar Panel Plant, Onion Dehydration Plant, Corn Chips Plant, Plastic Plant and others. Out of all the plants, only the plastic plant is functional, and it has created jobs for an appreciable number of youths in the state. 

Aside from these plants, the state has other abandoned industrial establishments that can help generate revenues for the state as well as create job opportunities for youths. Why can’t we invest in those firms to overcome joblessness? Borno should learn from Kano, Kaduna, and other states that build firms to boost their revenue and provide jobs for their people. Borno state should not only build these factories but sustain them and take advantage of them, not abandon them. 

It is high time Governor Zulum directed his attention towards the establishment and reformation of institutions that can accommodate jobless youths and give their lives meaning. 

The fact that a lot of these firms are already in place, having been built by Senator Shettima, is a huge advantage for the present administration. Aside from the advantages of having those plants fully operational to the state, Governor Zulum should be more interested in sustaining the legacy of his boss and predecessor. 

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Abuja and can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

Four prominent members of Jam’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihd, popularly known as Boko Haram, have turned themselves into Nigerian forces in Borno State.

Commanders Mala’ana (Khalid), a Governor, Abu Dauda (Munzir), Modu Yalee (Commander), and Bin Diska (Nakif) submitted to Operation Hadin Kai (OPHK) soldiers on December 12, 2022, when they were patrolling the state’s Gwoza local government area.

This fresh intelligence reveals that the insurgents have emerged from the Sambisa forest where they had been hiding and are now waging terror attacks against the state, according to Zagazola Makama, a Counter-Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region.

They once served as leaders at the Njimiya camp under Abubakar Shekau. 

Nevertheless, during the invasion of the Sambisa Forest in May 2021, they disarmed and joined ISWAP at Lake Chad, which finally led to Shekau’s demise.

The four Commanders later abandoned ISWAP and fled to Sambisa, where they established a camp and started acting independently.

They were forced to surrender out of fear of being wiped out on the battlefield by a combination of a protracted, increased bombardment on terrorist hideouts and rivalry strikes.

Meanwhile, 83,000 Boko Haram fighters had been captured and were being treated for rehabilitation in Borno State, according to Major General Christopher Musa, the OPHK Theatre Commander.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Lai Mohammed, Minister of Information and Culture, has fired the Presidential Candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, for blaming President Buhari over the lingering security issues in the country.

Mohammed added that it was under the watch of PDP that Boko Haram insurgency started in 2009, adding that the party more or less nurtured the insurgents to the monster it later became.

Abubakar was reported to have expressed surprise over the continued presence of Boko Haram during his campaign outing at the weekend.

He said: “Let me quickly react to the statement credited to His Excellency, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who has reportedly expressed surprise at the existence of Boko Haram.

“The former Vice President was quoted as saying he could not honestly understand the Boko Haram phenomenon, and wondered why Boko Haram continues to operate.

“Well, I think His Excellency didn’t need to look far to get the answers to his questions. He should simply ask his party, the PDP, under whose watch the Boko Haram insurgency started in 2009. For six years until 2015, when our administration assumed office and inherited Boko Haram, the PDP more or less nurtured the insurgents to the monster they later became.

“Alhaji Atiku should ask his party why it allowed Boko Haram to operate freely, bombing cities, motor parks, schools and other soft targets unrestrained. Alhaji Atiku, who was then residing in Abuja before porting to his new abode in Dubai, should ask his party, the PDP, while it allowed Boko Haram to bomb the police headquarters, the UN Complex, a shopping mall and motor parks in Abuja with so much ease.”

He added: “His Excellency may want to know that today, thanks to our patriotic troops, military objectives have almost been achieved in theNorth East, the home region of Boko Haram, thereby creating conditions for Stabilization Operations to take place.

“Despite the very large Joint Operational Area, Boko Haram Terrorists have been cleared from most of their strongholds while remnants are being restricted to the Tumbus/island around the Lake Chad that are difficult to access.

“The former Vice President may want to know that both kinetic and non-kinetic activities employed by the military have seen the terrorists surrendering in droves, thereby freeing large spaces for normal socio economic life to resume.

“The good news this year is that a bumper agricultural harvest is assured, as farmers were able to carry out extensive farming, which has not been possible since the beginning of insurgency/terrorism in the North East.

“While on the campaign trail and throwing political jabs, we advise His Excellency Alhaji Atiku to note the popular idiom that people who live in glass houses should not throw stones,” he added.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) reportedly stormed the enclaves of Boko Haram and slaughtered six of its members, whom the ISWAP described as “infidels”, on weekend.

This is not the first time, in an inter-rivalry clash, that the ISWAP carried out a successful attack against Boko Haram, causing the group huge casualty and loss of weapons.

The development is believed to have been dragging Boko Haram insurgents down to their knees as they continue to count losses from the clashes.

It was gathered that the ISWAP had stormed the enclaves of Boko Haram insurgents in Gajibo, a town situated 95km northeast of Maiduguri, Borno State capital.

The ISWAP once vowed to battle more with Boko Haram than even with the Nigerian troops, worsening the rivalry clashes with bloodshed.

A counter-insurgency expert and security analyst in Lake Chad, Zagazola Makama, said the attackers also recovered five AK47 riffles from the Boko Haram terrorists.

Experts and analysts believe that the worsening of inter-rivalry clashes between ISWAP and Boko Haram may lead them to irreversible self-destruction.

By Uzair Adam Imam

At least 20 surrendered Boko Haram fighters have died as a result of cholera outbreak that stormed Borno State.

A source told journalists in Borno that health workers with the support of Non-Governmental Organisations and the World Health Organisation are trying to control the fatalities.

He said, “At least 20 Boko Haram surrenders have died as a result of cholera outbreak in Hajj and four others died in Bama camp. 

“Also, three reportedly died in the Muna Garage IDP camp. Nearly 1,000 cases have been reported so far, and hundreds are currently receiving treatments in various health centres,” he added.

However, in what appeared to have contradicted the earlier statement, a top ministry of health staff, said the figures were incorrect.

The staff who pleaded for anonymity told journalists that only 11 repentant Boko Haram insurgents and three others in the Muna Garage IDP camp were killed by cholera, not 20 people.

He stated that, “the ministry and its partners are on top of the situation.”

The Daily Reality gathered there are about 12,000 Boko Haram fighters that have laid down their arms and surrendered to the troops of the Nigerian Army in Borno State.

By Uzair Adam Imam

A rival battle broke out between the late Abubakar Shekau’s Boko Haram faction and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) militants.

The Thursday incident also led to the killing of notorious commander Kundu and several other fighters at Dikwa and Bama local government areas of Borno State.

Reports disclosed that Kundu and his team members were on a robbery mission when ISWAP stormed them on six motorcycles, conveying three fighters on each, carrying deadly machine guns.

A security analyst and a counter-insurgency in Lake Chad, Zagazola Makama, confirmed the fight.

He said, “A heavy fight ensued between the terrorists resulting to dozens of casualties on the side of the Boko Haram terrorists, while few ISWAP terrorists were wounded.

“The Boko Haram terrorists took to their heels, leaving their motorcycles to the ISWAP terrorists.”

By Uzair Adam Imam

Boko Haram insurgents have stormed a mosque in Borno and killed the Chief Imam of Gima alongside three other worshippers.

The attack occured in the wee hours of Friday where the bandits opened the fire on worshippers who had just finished their fajr prayer.

The terrorists who launched the attack at Ngulde community of Askira-Uba Local Government Area of Borno State where they set ablaze vehicles and looted foodstuffs.

Hon. Bilyaminu Umar, the Councilor representing Ngulde Ward, disclosed the story of the attack in a statement Sunday.

Umar said, “I, Hon Bilyaminu Umar, Councilor representing Ngulde ward in Askira-Uba local government, wish to sincerely extend my heartfelt condolences and sympathy to my entire constituents over the recent heinous attack by Boko Haram insurgents, which occurred on 2nd September 2022.

“Ngulde ward is one of the strongest communities in Askira-Uba local government that gave me the mandate in the last local government election to represent them, since then, I have been enjoying their solidarity and support.

“Hence, I felt deeply shocked in sharing the grief of this latest attack, when most of my people were busy tapping from this year’s farming season.

“The attack, which occurred in the early hours of Friday, September 2, 2022, after fajir prayers, claimed four (4) lives and left many with casualties, while properties and businesses worth millions of naira were also destroyed and carted away by the insurgents.”

“Already, I have informed the Deputy speaker Borno State House of Assembly Rt Hon, Engr Abdullahi Askira, on the unfortunate attack. He promised to convey it to the Executive Governor professor Babagana Umara Zulum for necessary action.”

The Borno State Deputy Speaker, who is also representing Askira-Uba constituency, Abdullahi Askira, confirmed the incident, adding the insurgents numbered to about 20 people.

By ImamMalik Abdullahi Kaga

It’s recently come to the knowledge of most Nigerians (non-residents of Borno State) about the underpayment in the educational sector and a few cases in the health sector, too, in Borno state. This didn’t surprise me as I see bunches of flares trending. If you are sycophant or unpatriotic, you’ll be mum or deny this unfolded truth.

Zulum is indefatigably hardworking and devoted himself to Borno and Bornoans. He has, laboriously, much-needed efforts that deserve accolades, especially in curbing the Boko Haram crisis. A plethora of encomiums were given on his leadership and are still. Compared to the past administration, the status quo of security deserves a ‘must’ commendation. But this, howbeit, will not let us be mum.

As a resident and information hunter, I’ve had numerous encounters with local government teachers, and one common lamentation I got from all is underpayment. Of course, I don’t mean all are underpaid, but most (not underpaid ones) will not deny the grievance of their counterparts, so they tell.

A few months ago, I wrote about the unconstructive criticisms of Alhaji Mohammed Jajari, the PDP’s gubernatorial candidate, towards the incumbent governor. Jajari revealed the flaws bedevilling the state’s educational sector, which captivated the attention of Zulum and Gusau, his spokesman. The indigenes of the southern part of Borno state are on ‘no retreat’ choice to vindictively vote against Zulum cometh 2023 election. (You may denounce this).

Zulum’s administration is blessed with media adepts ready to either publicise the factual account of his efforts or hype his documentary, which will make many Nigerians credulous enough to believe whatever they publish. I think this is not limited to Zulum and his media but every politician.  

I’m calling on those who deny or are discordant with this truth to believe that Zulum is a human. He is not above fallibility as it’s the attribute of all humankind, especially leaders. I also call on the government to intervene urgently on this terrifying and terrible issue because education is the cornerstone in today’s life.

ImamMalik Abdullahi Kaga wrote from Borno State. He can be reached via abdullahiimammalik@gmail.com.

By Alkasim Harisu Alkasim

The abductors got bewitched by Hajiya’s daughter and wanted to hold her for marriage. Had they ever had sex with her? This remains an unanswered question, although such an act is their capital source of chillaxing. During their stay, the abductees could not be in the arms of Morpheus. I told you earlier that the kidnappers do different assignments, such as denying the victims a chance to sleep. There are others assigned to supply food and water and those to provide bullets, etc. 

Naturally, women suffer from menstruation period. How do they look after themselves during their monthly friend? It is devastating that the kidnappers eject from the den any victim suffering continuing ill health by gunning him. The kidnappers love talkaholism. They talk their ears off after drinking alcohol and dragging marijuana until an uproar overwhelms the place. Nobody is to tax the patience of these bestiality-stricken people unless they want to die.  

The bitterest part of this tragic story was where Hajiya came the selfish with the driver. Given the opportunity to call a blood brother residing in Saudi Arabia, she said something that made my blood boil. When the Saudi-Arabia-based brother asked how many of them got abducted, she shamelessly said they were two, deliberately forgetting to mention the driver. This unprintable selfish behaviour of Hajiya redounded back on her as the kidnappers held her daughter all the more and threw away the key. What a world! The driver got sorrow-ridden as problems slammed him. 

The superior kidnappers exploit the inferior by capitalising on their weaknesses and expertise. The inferiors bust their asses to gather money for the superiors, yet they can’t get the money that is worth their effort. The toil of the junior kidnappers is worth hundreds of thousands of naira. Things continued to pick up steam. As a result, they got pretty fed up with how the senior kidnappers capitalised on their expertise to gain money. This dilemmatic situation they got entrapped in emerged as a genuine concern. 

As raging parties, the senior and junior kidnappers failed to ensure a common mind among themselves. As the high frequency of their getting exploited steamed more, the juniors cut corners with some of the hostages despite their being under the magnifying glass of the kidnapping honchos. The new abductors collocated their new abductees in a new hidey-hole. Hmm! There is betrayal and sabotage even among the abductors.

One of them said to the driver, “Between you and me and these four walls, do you have relations who can ransom you?” The kidnapper did this to gain money to recompense the exploitation he had stomached when under the employment of their former superiors. But will they ever mend fences with their bossyboots? Nobody knows. The seceded kidnappers considered releasing whoever paid a ransom. They ordered the driver to pay some handsome amount to compensate himself. He told the kidnappers that his whole family could not gather such an amount. 

The driver bequeathed his wife and children through Hajiya, who was released on that very day following her ransom payment. So that the driver could not afford the amount they requested, they told him to pay any amount he could, no matter how smattering. Upon payment, he finally got relieved of being a hostage.

At this juncture, society and the government must do their utmost to see the youth walk a straight line in their respective communities.  Otherwise, they will always be putting a foot wrong. We all need to stop this problem, for failing to do so means we are putting a gun to our heads. It is also good to know that gaoling the criminals is not the only solution. Because at times, gaoling does not end social ills such as this.  Rather, the criminals should be rehabilitated, educated, enlightened and offered jobs. If you give them jobs, they can put butter on their bread.

Parents, too, should stop spoiling their children rotten to avoid paving the way for them to stubbornness. They should be more thorough with their children and reprimand them if they go wrong. They should be taken to market to learn the basics of trading. Maybe, some of them have got a Midas touch. Some boys are brilliant for they can work like clockwork. They can perform like a duck takes to water at anything they start. Let’s help them mend their lifestyle to begin to feel like a million bucks. It is disgusting that some parents contribute to spoiling their children by refusing to admit to handling even simple misbehaviour their children start to embody. This makes me lose the run of myself. This fact can’t admit to two interpretations. First, it is your faux pas. Period! 

I feel like a chicken with its head cut off to see our children engaging in the misbehaviour of flirting, misspending, playing truant, etc. Like it or lump it, our youth are rampantly becoming wayward. They abuse drugs like it is going out of style. They don’t only like it, but rather like it like mad. They busy themselves smoking and drinking like nobody’s business as if their lives depended on it. But indeed, if we make it our business, stopping this behaviour is just like taking candy from a baby. 

In conclusion, the government should redouble efforts, tighten security and reconnoitre suspicious places. The more disturbing thing the government should know is that the Chadians, Cameroonians, and other Fulani tribespeople form most of the kidnappers, while Nigerian kidnappers form a minority of those abductors. The government should also wake up to this, work hard to gain a wonder drug for the situation and record a great success. Let us strike while the iron is hot.

Alkasim Harisu Alkasim wrote from Kano via alkasabba10@gmail.com.