Month: July 2022

By Dr Raji Bello

The past few years have witnessed a gradual emergence of references in public commentary and social media to a potential or actual rupture of relations between Hausa and Fulani groups in the Northwest geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Prior to this, the two groups had enjoyed a largely harmonious relationship for much of their history which was only punctuated during the period of the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate.

Since Nigeria came into being at the turn of the 20th century, conflict between the two groups was limited to occasional farmer/herder disputes. While the region has distinct Hausa (majority) and Fulani (minority) communities in the rural areas, the urban centres tend to have mostly mixed populations united by the Hausa language and Islam, which eliminates the possibility of ethnic conflict.

The idea of Hausa/Fulani antagonism began to emerge several years ago in the commentaries of individuals from outside the North like Femi Fani-Kayode and Nnamdi Kanu who relished in promoting it as a potential tool for undermining northern hegemony, as they saw it. But recent developments in the Northwest like the emirship succession in Kano and Zazzau, and the violent conflict between rural Fulani and Hausa vigilante groups as well as the wave of banditry against local communities by Fulani elements has created narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict among northerners themselves.

As we acknowledge this new reality, it is also important to recognise that there are two strands of these narratives out there and the motives of those who articulate each of them are different. I will group them into non-extremist and extremist narratives.

Non-extremist narratives

These are propagated by ordinary Hausa citizens who are concerned by what they see as the continued suppression of Hausa identity and prestige as well as threats to the security of Hausa communities in parts of the Northwest as a result of banditry. They hold an unfavourable view of the existence of exclusively Fulani traditional ruling dynasties in Hausa-dominated emirates like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau which were established when the Sokoto Caliphate came into being over 200 years ago. They object to the references that are often made to the Fulani heritage of the emirs (although I believe that this is not done out of ethnic chauvinism but because of a need for historical accuracy). These are concerns that the state governments in the Northwest can engage, with a view to introducing reforms that would assuage negative feelings and lead to a more harmonious society.

Traditional institutions play a vital role in preserving our heritage but for some segments of society, they may also be permanent reminders of an unpalatable past. It is the responsibility of modern day governments to ensure that they strike a balance between the two i.e. preserving heritage while not alienating some segments of society.

Reforms could be introduced that would formally recognise and integrate the legacies of the pre-Caliphate Hausa emirs. Like a contributor Aliyu Ammani has suggested in a Daily Trust article, Hausa ruling houses could be included as contenders during succession to the emirships; our governors are fond of creating new emirates where they didn’t exist before and therefore, they should not find it difficult to create new ruling houses within the existing emirates. The Sokoto state government may also consider elevating the status of the Sarkin Gobir of Sabon Birni – the ancient Hausa kingdom of Gobir being the epicentre of the Sokoto Jihad.

Governments have a duty to recognise and preserve heritage holistically; the heritage of some segments of society should not be elevated over those of others in a post-Caliphate and post-colonial nation state. This is a recipe for entrenching communal tension and possible conflict. The Northwest governments should collectively nip these emerging issues in the bud and not allow them to fester and grow into major problems in the future.

I expect some readers to either say that these suggestions are too radical or that they will be impossible to implement. I’m used to hearing this from reform-shy Nigerians who like things to remain just as they are even when the existing situation is pushing us towards the edge of the cliff.

The second cause for concern is, of course, the ongoing wave of banditry against local Hausa communities in many parts of the Northwest in which Fulani elements are major actors. However, this is not primarily an ethnic conflict; if communities that have lived in peace for generations are now locked in violent conflict we need to scratch below the surface to find the actual causes.

The banditry is a symptom of the failure of governance at various levels. Even a report commissioned by the Zamfara state government (the MD Abubakar-led committee) has alluded to that by indicting former governors, top government officials, traditional rulers and members of the security services. There are chronic issues with agricultural land management, law enforcement capacity, corruption and maladministration by local officials and traditional rulers.

The lack of a long term plan by successive federal and state governments for transitioning nomadic pastoralists to modern and sustainable livelihoods is itself an evidence of leadership failure. While people are entitled to show concern about the apparent ethnic divide in the conflict, it is clear that it is not fundamentally an ethnic one.

Extremist narratives

These are deeply inciting and apocalyptic portrayals of the state of Hausa/Fulani relations in the Northwest which are propagated on the internet by people with no apparent desire for peaceful co-existence. Their aim seems to be to incite a major upheaval in order to undermine the fabric of society. They are a faceless mix of anarchists, genocide entrepreneurs and probably, people with a religious agenda. They often start their narratives by depicting the arrival of the Fulani in Hausa land hundreds of years ago as an invasion, then portray Usman Danfodio as the original Fulani bandit leader before dwelling on their favourite topic of interrogating the validity of Hausa-Fulani as a descriptive term for a segment of the population of the Northwest. They hide behind a veneer of seductive Hausa ethnic nationalism but their true agenda is to engineer maximum disruption in the Northwest which they hope would serve their interests.

There is a YouTube site and a Facebook page dedicated to the project (yes, it does appear to be a well-funded project) and I have viewed a few of their videos. Some of the voices on the videos bear distinct Nigerien accents (with French-influenced pronunciations) and some of their messages give a hint that they are non-Muslim Hausas. One of the voices called for unity among Hausa people of all faiths – Muslim, Christian and pagan to confront the Fulani threat, as they saw it. From my knowledge of northern Nigerians, it is very unlikely that a Hausa Muslim Nigerian would call for unity between Hausa Muslims and Hausa pagans considering how paganism is viewed in Islam. A Hausa individual who makes this call is likely to be a non-Muslim. And if those behind the extremist messages on the internet are non-Muslim Hausas, the question arises about whether they are working for a religious agenda or not. By saying “non-Muslim Hausas” I’m not necessarily alluding to the Hausa Christian community; there are also a small but assertive number of Hausa atheists and modern day pagans who are not necessarily enamoured of the prevailing order in Northwest society. If anyone feels that I’m being alarmist here, they should visit the YouTube channel of Jaruma Hausa Tv and listen to the messages themselves.

Conclusion

Authorities in the Northwest need to face the new reality of tension and misgivings between the hitherto harmonious communities of Hausa and Fulani. There are issues that are germane (the exclusivist Caliphate traditional dynasties in some of the Northwest emirates and the ongoing banditry) behind the new unease in ethnic relations which need to be actively addressed, in order to re-establish harmony. But it should also be recognised that not all those who are currently pushing narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict or Hausa nationalism on the internet are working for peaceful co-existence. Some of them are merely exploiting contemporary issues in the Northwest to achieve their own dark agenda.

By Muhammad Sabiu

A Nothern Nigerian technology firm, Engausa Global Tech Hub, has trained and certified 1353 persons, including men and women, in different modern technical skills in its effort to reduce the rate of the ravaging unemployment affecting the country.

In attendance at the certification event were the Director General of the National Information Technology Development Agency, Malam Kashifu Inuwa, and representatives of the Emir of Kano and Emir of Karaye, among other dignitaries.

Speaking on the purpose of establishing the firm and training the young people, the founder of the firm, Engr Mustapha Habu Ringim, said they had saddled themselves with the responsibility to train young people in digital technology in their mother tongue (Hausa).

He added that every human has the right to learn technology through his mother tongue, and “ENGAUSA is here to break barriers and bridge gaps” in teaching technology.

“We brought out those who speak Hausa, even if they understand Arabic or English, to train them,” according to Engr. Ringim.

While commending dignitaries on the high table, Mr Ringim said his firm wouldn’t have achieved all it achieved in the past three years without their collective efforts, stressing that he could not have done the work alone.

He noted that you mustn’t understand English before you begin to innovate, as there is what is called formal and informal education.

“Here in Northern Nigeria, we have this misperception that anybody who is not into formal education is not regarded as a literate person. This is a big mistake because the basis of this formal education you see was developed from non-formal education.

“One of our most significant efforts is getting these over 1000 young people we just concluded training. And it’s only for this year. In the year 2020, we trained over 300 people. This is proof that the knowledge of science and technology can be learned in one’s mother tongue because that was when we started featuring innovative young people, like Osama. Now, Osama owns a firm, and any is an employer.

“We also have Muhammad, who fabricated an excavator made from cartons and has now started fabricating a solar-powered generator. The BBC came here and covered what we were doing at Engausa. The news went viral. Afterwards, Muhammad is also now an employer.

“If these young people didn’t get to understand that we at Engausa teach in Hausa [mixed with English], they wouldn’t have come here to get trained,” Ringim is quoted as saying.

The firm’s founder further noted that by bridging the gap in the medium of imparting knowledge of technology, Engausa is in no way discouraging its learners from acquiring knowledge of the English language because efforts are underway to begin English, Arabic and French classes.

“We are doing all these because we have understood that the language barrier is one of the reasons that bar our people from understanding Mathematics, Physics and so on,” he said.

Another milestone achieved is that of those trained previously; about a hundred of them now own their own firms.

By Hamisu Hassan

Terminus Modern Market Jos was closed down in 2002 after a mysterious inferno that engulfed the market in the middle of the night and destroyed more than 270 shops and warehouses with goods estimated in billions of Nairas. The market was a source of livelihoods to business operators, traders and companies within and outside the State. It was also a source of huge revenues to the Plateau State Government.

Recently, there’s memorandum of understanding between Ja’iz Bank and Plateau State Government to rebuild the market for the state at no cost to the State Government. It is very clear after exactly 20 years of closing the market, Plateau State Government either have no intention to rebuild it or have no resources to rebuild the market again. It’s unfortunate, saboteurs and haters have started appearing from obvious quarters to halt the government actions against rebuilding the market. To them, the market should not be repaired by Jaiz. This is ridiculous and amazing at the same time. But some questions which always come to my mind are, is the government really ready to strike the deal? Also, is the governor afraid of some powerful forces, to the extent that they have to agree before the work sees the light of the day?

Plateau State is one of the parasitic states in Nigeria that depends heavily on monthly federal interventions. It has no sources of revenue and no magic to earn more apart from the federal allocation. The pungent, acrid taste of any Plateau State Governor is either to pay wages at the end of the month and forgo infrastructures or engaged in infrastructures and forgo salaries. That’s why the state of development in the state in terms of infrastructures is stagnant and static for good 20 years.

I recently have one on one chat with one of the governorship flag bearer’s of a certain party of the state. I asked him his plans about building infrastructures in the state. He bared his mind and told me that unless Plateau State devices ways of generating more revenues, no magic can be done to have infrastructures in the state. 

The Governorship contender said that the State is already heavily indebted to the tune of ₦100 billion Naira. The  loans obtained for building Secretariat Junction flyover isn’t settled yet. When the American Junction flyover would be completed, Plateau State would be indebted to the tune of ₦170 billion Naira. Which obviously means the windows for giving loans to Plateau State would be closed. My investigation discovered that the domestic profile of Plateau State 2018 was ₦122 billion Naira.

The reality in the face of Plateau State is very glaring. Plateau has to accept the reality and bow out of the ethnic and religious sentiments that held her neck for decades or lag behind the wheels of misfortunes. It is sad to see this giant state with abundant idle resources and opportunities, such as those of tourism, mineral resources, underground water, business environments, most serene and favorable weather conditions, sufficient rainfall for agricultural and more, but these have become clogs behind its wheels.

Note: It’s my fear that Plateau State Government is fun of playing political fantasy of setting interest in the state during every election to gain more votes but it has no real intention of rebuilding the market in oder not to go out of favors for some myopic interests. But the truth is, the market is a milking cow for the revenue bloc of the state. Being pragmatic in decision making will not augur well for anyone at the helm of affairs. As they said, a stitch in time, saves nine.

Hamisu Hassan is socio political and economic analyst from Jos South, Plateau State. He can be reached via hamisuhassan@yahoo.com

By Ibrahim Ahmad Kala, LL.M

“NDLEA seizes 48,000 Tramadol tabs, 22 UK, France, Portugal passports” – Punch, January, Monday 31st, 2022;

“NDLEA arrests Indian businessman for ‘smuggling 134,700 bottles of codeine”- The Cable of February 13, 2022;

“NDLEA Nabs Suspected Drug Baron Behind N3bn Tramadol Linked To Abba Kyari’s Team” – Channel news, Monday, April 25, 2022.

“NDLEA seizes 1.1 tonnes of Tramadol, 396 kg of codeine syrup in Kaduna” – NewsDirect -April 28, 20220;

“NDLEA uncovers N22bn worth of Tramadol after arrest of Abba Kyari’s accomplice” – Daily Nigeria May 3, 2022; and

“NDLEA Seizes 34,950 Tramadol, Diazepam Capsules Enroute To Boko Haram” – Daily trust, Saturday 5th June, 2021.

The above are some of the recent striking headlines that often hit the news stands in both the online and mainstream media in respect of the Federal Government effort to arrest the rampant abuse of what are termed as “controlled” or “restricted” over-the- Counter (OTC) drugs in the country.

According to Wikipedia, OTC drugs are medicines sold directly to a consumer without a requirement for a prescription from a healthcare professional, as opposed to prescription drugs, which may be supplied only to consumers possessing a valid prescription.

Such OTC drugs include Codeine, Tramadol, Diazepam and all other Analgesics within their genre. The 2020 Nigeria Essential Medicines List, 7th Edition issued by the Hon. Minister of Health, Dr. Ehanire Osagie, restricts the usage of such Narcotic analgesics.

Their restrictions is no doubt connected with their common abuse nowadays in various ways that range from abortion ro sexual enhancement, from halluscination to crimes aiding tranquilizers.

It is therefore, evident that these OTC drugs have outlived their usefulness because of the growing number of Nigerians involved in the production, distribution, its use and abuse, and its consequencal effects such as increase in the likelihood of violent behavior and crime, stroke, mental disorder and brain damage.

However, the drugs control laws and policy have not produced the desired result of curbing the production, trafficking and abuse of these dangerous drugs and substances. To be specific, all these OTC drugs which are mostly Narcotic analgesics being usually prescribed by medical officers for the treatment of mild and severe pain to patients across the country, but now abused by unscrupulous few in the society, have not been clearly proscribed, criminalized, banned, and or outlawed.

The Minister, via his administrative fiat or directive, merely restrict and controlled its sale and usage. The ineffectiveness of the country’s drug laws and policy may be attributed to several factors one of which is that the drug policy and laws are formulated and implemented without the benefit of rigorous knowledge, research and review on them, and their effective enforcement.

For instance, the highbrow grains of Section 19 of the NDLEA Act, Cap. N30, LFN, 2004 – the principal drugs legislation where most drugs charges in courts basically drive its validity and vitality provides as follows: “Any person who, without lawful authority, knowingly possesses the drugs popularly known as cocaine, LSD, heroine or any other similar drugs shall be guilty of an offence under this Act and liable on conviction to be sentenced to imprisonment for a term not less than fifteen years and not exceeding 25 year”.

This section, as faulty and inadequate as it is, has been X-rayed by Nigerian Courts in plethora of cases, exposing the futile attempt by the NDLEA to bring within its fold, such Narcotic analgesics in the category of Tramadol, Diazepam and Codeine that do not fall within the category of negative drugs popularly known as cocaine, LSD, heroine within the ejesdem rule of “or any other similar drugs” stated in section 19 of the NDLEA Act.

This indeed, serves as escape route for drugs cartels to go unpunished in the aftermath of their trial in such drugs related cases. That is why whenever I see these headlines that a person is arrested in possession of these so called “controlled” or “restricted” drugs, I shrug in disapproval, having known very well that such person(s) would never be found guilty of what has never been criminalized in the country.

That section 19 of the Act seems to have created micro elements of the drugs offence, apart from the basic criminal elements of actus reus and mens rea. Namely: i. being knowingly in possession; ii. Without lawful authority; and iii. The drug being confirmed a prohibited or controlled drug. See Ugochukwu v. FRN (2016) LPELR – 40785 (CA).

These micro essential elements of the offence were later held in Eze v. FRN (2018) LPELR – 46112 (CA) to be four, namely; 1. The Defendant was found in possession; 2. The Defendant possess the drugs without lawful authority; 3. The Defendant has the knowledge of the substance in possession to be drugs; and 4. The drugs are proved to be cocaine, LSD, heroin or any similar drugs. See also Ugwanyi V. FRN (2013) All FWLR (Pt. 662) 1655 @ p. 1664.

However, such bifurcation of the ingredients from 3 to 4 is understandably for more elaboration, which does not wear away the substance and efficacy of the section under the Act. These ingredients have to be proved conjunctively to sustain a charge against the Defendant under the Act.

The one that is vital to my point among these micro elements, is “the drug being confirmed a prohibited or controlled drug” or “the drugs are proved to be cocaine, LSD, heroin or any similar drugs.”

This particular element embedded in section 19 of the Act was espoused in the case of Emeka Eze v. FRN (supra). Here the Appellant had made his way to Jimeta Modern Market to collect a consignment of goods comprising of 4 cartons of Tramadol. In the process of evacuating the goods, he was confronted by the officers of NDLEA, who, acting on information, arrested him and seized the cartons.

He was later charged under section 19 of NDLEA Act, but he argued that Tramadol has not been criminalized in Nigeria. While agreeing with the Appellant, the court held that Tramadol does not fall within the ejusdim genre classes of “any other similar drugs” negative to the ones such as cocaine, heroine and LSD listed under section 19 of the NDLEA Act, and the fact that it’s been abused by unscrupulous few people in the society does make its possession and usage illegal.

A drug being merely controlled or restricted without more is not illegal. Consequently, the Appellant was discharged and acquitted.

All I am saying is that category of narcotic analgesics such as Tramadol, Diazepam and Codeine that bring more harm than relief to our youths should be specifically banned and criminalized in the country having outlived their usefulness. New alternatives may be offered that have little or no narcotic effects on the health and well-being of the citizens.

Indeed, the essence of this piece is to celebrate the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, or World Drug Day, though belated, which was marked on 26th June every year, to strengthen action and cooperation in achieving the goal of a world free of drug abuse.

Ibrahim Ahmad Kala, LL.M can be reached via Ibrokalaesq@gmail.com

By Hamza Muhammad Tasiu 

Let’s imagine this: 

You are a young mother. You leave Kaduna a few days earlier for a task in Abuja. After finishing the task, you call your husband and tell him that you will be coming back and that he should buy your best food from your best restaurant for you. You tell him how badly you miss him. You tell him that you’ve bought his favourite perfume for him. You even tell him that he should tell your little daughter that you have bought her a special present from Abuja.

And given that this is the first time you go to Abuja, you tell him that you have a lot of stories from the nation’s capital. So you stop and buy your mother apples and pineapples on your way to the train station. You also buy a new shirt for the Almajiri that runs errands for you.

You leave Idu station at 6 pm and are scheduled to arrive at Kaduna’s Rigasa train station by 8 pm. On the train, you say salaam to the other occupants and shake their hands. You smile at a little girl, and she smiles back. Her cute smile injects you with a dose of happiness you’ve not felt in a long time. The woman sitting next to you is an elderly woman in her late 60s. She looks like your mother. She starts a conversation, and, before long, you feel at home with her. You talk about a lot of things with her. You talk about the month of Ramadan and how you plan to spend it. You even tell her your readiness to fast throughout Ramadan as your ulcer seems to become dormant lately. She complains that she cannot fast as she is on medication. She says she will fast after finishing her drugs. 

Not more than 30 minutes into your journey, that woman now seems like someone you have known for many years. Amidst the exciting conversation you are having, she suddenly falls asleep. You want to continue the conversation but feel it uncourteous to wake her up from sleep. You allow her to continue sleeping. Before long, you also get overpowered by sleep due to the exhaustion from your work in Abuja. Suddenly, you wake up to the sounds of explosions and gunshots. In what seems like the twinkle of an eye, all the unlucky passengers are rounded up by the terrorists. They rain all sorts of abuse on you and force you to walk for tens of kilometres on foot in the bush.

Days have now become months, and you are still under the pharaonic care of these terrorists. You look at that older woman, and you feel sorry for her. Her health is deteriorating as she does not have the drugs that she takes three times a day. She often tells you in the night: “Zan mutu ‘ya ta. Ga ruwa, ga sauro, ga yunwa, ga duka, ga jinya. Ba zan iya ba. Karfi na ya kare!” But you give her words of encouragement and ask her to keep on, promising her that God will bring help.

Your comments seem to boost her spirit. She says to you: “Allah Ya miki albarka ‘ya ta. Da ba dan ke ba, da bansan inda zan sa kaina ba.” As soon as she closes her mouth, one of the terrorists says to her: “Idan ba kiyi shiru ba hajiya, zan zane ki wallahi! Kar kiga shekarun ki, yanzu zakiyi kuka wallahi! Kin manta dukan da aka muku da safe koh?” 

The elderly woman then says, somehow inaudibly: “Ya Allah ka saka mana. Ka mana hisabi da wadanda suka daurawa kansu nauyin kare mu amma suka banzantar da nauyin da suka daurawa kan su, amin.” As if someone has put her on a speaker, all the kidnapped victims say, “amin” in a resounding voice. The terrorists then descend on them, beating them mercilessly, saying: “Mu zaku hada da Allah? Wallahi zamu kashe ku gaba daya! Matsiyata kawai! Tsinannu! Idan ba a bamu kudi ba, wallahi sai mun kashe ku duka! Wahalallun banza! Dangin matsiyata!” You become angry because of the abuses they rain on you because you are someone your people highly respect, but then you remember there’s nothing you could do.

Back at home, your little daughter has been waiting for you for more than 100 days! All she can do is to pray to Allah to rescue you. She often tells her father: “Baba ni na hakura da present din, kawai ni mama nake so na gani. Dan Allah ka dawo da ita!” The father goes into his room and cries because there’s nothing he can do. He raises his hands in prayer: “Verily, the most helpless of people are those that are unable to ask for Your help. We ask for Your help regarding these servants. Rescue them, Ya Allah!

If this story touches you, then wait a minute and reflect on what the kidnapped victims are going through. Think of what their families are going through after watching that video. It’s devastating, to say the least. May God rescue them! The leadership has failed them!

Hamza Muhammad Tasiu 

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

Maternal mortality is one of the devastating and heartbroken issues, especially in Africa, where we have many unqualified and fake health personnel, which leads to such menace. In the community where I belong, we don’t value ante-natal. Many think it is not that important; some consider it a waste of time, resources and energy.

Most times, lack of awareness to some people is negligence and ignorance to many. I once heard someone saying, how could I allow my wife to deliver in hospital while she’s fit and healthy? I don’t blame him even once because our health personnel’s attitude discourages many people from going to the hospital for ante-natal.

The attitude of health personnel in the hospital is absurd. I sometimes feel like absconding whenever I hear a nurse screaming and yelling at pregnant women; some even raise their hands to beat them! This happens at the time of delivery, which makes it more unfortunate.

Government, religious leaders, community elders and traditional rulers advocate that daughters must be educated, especially in the health sector, where we are lacking. However, to my dismay, when they are, they turn black eyes and become arrogant by yelling at women to show they are superior. Some of those they shout at are old enough to be their grandmothers. What a shock!

On the other hand, research has shown that 99% of maternal deaths occur in developing countries, but why? It may be because of the complications that occur during pregnancy and childbirth. Most of the complications can be managed, but the woman may end up dying due to a lack of skilful health personnel.

Furthermore, most maternal deaths are caused by the following: Severe-bleeding (mostly bleeding after childbirth), which can kill a healthy woman within hours if left unattended. Injecting oxytocin immediately after childbirth effectively reduces the risk of bleeding.

Infection after childbirth can be eliminated if good hygiene is practised and early signs of infection are recognised and treated promptly.

Pre-eclampsia should be detected and appropriately managed before the onset of convulsions (eclampsia)and other life-threatening complications. Administering drugs such as magnesium sulphate can prevent pregnant women from developing eclampsia.

Poverty-stricken women living in remote and slum areas are least unlikely to receive adequate health care; this is likely my region where we have a low number of skilled health workers.

Cultural practices: These are the things like local surgeries (episiotomy called “yankan gishiri” in Hausa) done by traditional birth attendants without or with inadequate knowledge about the birth canal. They remove the vulva and vaginal, causing damage to some tissues resulting in fistula formation and easily causing infection, which may lead to maternal mortality.

I hope my people will heed some of the things I mentioned as the direct or indirect causes of maternal mortality, i.e. death of a woman while pregnant or within forty-two (42) days after delivery.

Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi wrote via prof4true1@gmail.com.

By Yakubu Aliyu

A huge global empire machination is afoot to put a wedge among major Nigerian nationalities, the Hausa and Fulani, to weaken the social and cultural fabric of the North and the Muslim Ummah, for eventual onslaught to take over the mineral deposits under our soil, now that oil and gas are no longer paying off as they historically used to.

Again, this kind of discussion that is promoted by tech giants like Twitter is deliberately orchestrated to lay the basis for putting Nigeria in a perpetual low intensity conflict, and warfare, meaning ba gaba, ba baya, and become incapable of confronting and dealing with the asymmetric war now being waged against the North, in the form of insurgency, via Boko Haram terrorism and armed banditry, by the global empire.

The objective is to distract the Nigerian state and pave the way for the continuous looting of our wealth and resources without invading us like Iraq, Libya, and Syria.

Now simple words like kaɗo and haɓe that have been used from time immemorial without disrupting the social harmony between the two nationalities are deliberately being given new meanings, misinterpreted, and weaponized. Firstly, for politics, and secondly to serve the purposes of the global agenda.

Fulbe and Hausa people have coexisted even before Hausa became the umbrella identity of the communities that existed right from Songhai Empire to the pre-existing Hausa states.

That process has been on-going even before the Jihad that brought about the Hausanisation of the Fulbe and the Fulanisation of the Hausa across the expanse of Northern Nigeria.

There are many dimensions to this process such that many have lost their previous identity and have taken on a new one. This transformation is about to be halted and replaced with internecine animosity, instigation, and reminders of distant unpalatable historical engagement.

The unity that has been seamlessly sealed and enabled by Islam is being shattered by flippant debates and enthroning ethnic identity over a more all-encompassing universal identity.

We are now regressing back to Assabiyya, the stage Ibn Khaldoun associates with primitivism, a stage we passed through well before the enlightenment brought to us by Islam and the exposure to local and international communities brought by trade and migration that have positively impacted our outlooks. All on the alter of the quest for political power.

The dimension this unnecessary nay abhorent online schism is taking has similitude with how some hatchet historians, some years ago tried to bifurcate the aspirations of the Kanuri from that of the Fulani through historical revisionism of the exchanges that took place between Usman bin Fodiye and Elkanemi of Borno at the beginning of the Jihad.

The Northerners of Hausa and Fulani stock who are also Muslims should be careful of the machinations of these merchants of carnage. We have not yet addressed our sectarian religious differences, and if we are not careful enough, we will be adding the altercations over who is Fulbe or Haɓe to the mix.

Okay, goodluck to us all.

Aliyu Yakubu writes in from Abuja and he can be contacted via his email address aliyakubus@gmail.com

By Muhammad Aminu 

Kano State Government has elevated 132 civil servants in the state’s civil service for July 2022. 

Kano State Civil Service Commission Chairman Uba Idris Karaye disclosed this during a monthly commission meeting for senior staff promotion exercise held at the conference hall of the commission. 

According to Karaye, 53 promoted workers are between the grade level 08-09; 75 others are from grade level 10 – 14 while others are 15 to above respectively. 

Karaye, represented by the Permanent Commissioner ll, Saleh Adamu Kwaru, urged promoted employees to reciprocate the kind gesture by being committed and hard-working in discharging their duties for maximum results.

He, however, explained that the commission had approved the sack of three civil servants for gross misconduct that contravened civil service rule.

He similarly said the commission approved the transfer of service for seven staff to different MDAs.

In his remarks, the Permanent Secretary of the commission, Balarabe Hassan Karaye, commended members of the commission for their zeal and urged them to be upright and be guided by the scheme of service before taking any decision for effective and efficient service delivery in the state.

By Aminu Muhammad

A Kano State High Court has sentenced Abdulmalik Tanko and Hashim Isyaku to death by hanging following their conviction for kidnapping and culpable homicide.

Abdulmalik Tanko and two others were tried on four count charges of criminal conspiracy, kidnapping, confinement, and culpable homicide contrary to sections 97, 274, 277, 221 of the Kano State Penal Code 1991.

Delivering the judgement, Justice Usman Na’abba ruled the prosecuting counsel proved beyond any reasonable doubt that the defendants criminally conspired, abducted and murdered the five-year old pupil, Hanifa Abubakar.

The defence counsel, Barr Asiya Mohammed, had earlier on behalf of the convicted persons pleaded with the Court to tamper justice with mercy.

By Hussaini Hussaini

Like any other election, the NBA Elections, 2022 has come and gone with winners and runner-ups (not losers). But, of course, not without some cries.

In every contest, it is incumbent that one contestant must be the victor, and the other will lose that opportunity to be in the winner’s position. It is painful to lose in a sports competition, literally being a contest for gold, silver, and bronze. Hence, the word “sportsmanship” explains the endurance required of a loser in a sports competition.

However, it is different when it comes to a leadership contest in which a person who believes in his capacity to serve certain people or organizations presents himself for election. On the one hand, their election ought to be defined as a win for the organization that now has a servant. But, on the other hand, defeating his co-contestants ought to be described as a relief for those contestants from the burden of service.

Defeat in an election is another opportunity for a defeated contestant to rethink his manifesto and plans for his constituents if he genuinely means service to them. It is also an opportunity to rebuild their personal relationship with voters.

A candidate in an election is presumed to have vied for that office out of love for his constituents. This, therefore, presupposes that the said candidate respects those he is presumed to love and their choices because the election itself determines the choice of those constituents.

An election is not a do-or-die affair. Any candidate who takes it otherwise and creates animosity before or after an election will never make a good leader. This is a religious injunction in my faith of Islam. I have seen similar biblical rulings like Proverbs 28:25, which states: “The greedy stir up conflict, but those who trust in the Lord will prosper.”

NBADECIDES2022 was an election for the leadership of the noblest profession in Nigeria. But, unfortunately, within less than 24 hours of the conduct/declaration of the results, several, apparently sponsored, persons or those crying more than the bereaved were seen maligning the candidates-elect and the ECNBA, the electoral umpire.

Having said the above, conceding an apparent defeat in an election by a candidate does not depict the candidate as weak. On the contrary, it simply presents the candidate as a hero who meant his words by respecting the choice of the people he sought to lead. The example of former President Jonathan is not far away, and the sad contrary situation could be seen in Ivory Coast.

In short, the fruit of conceding an apparent defeat may provide several opportunities and consideration to a runner-up candidate over and above what his election would have otherwise provided.

I hope this piece will be found worthy.

Hussaini can be reached via hussaini4good@gmail.com.