By Uzair Adam 

The Borno State Police Command has successfully recovered eight unexploded devices from the Dala and Gwange areas of Maiduguri, the state capital. 

This discovery was made on Friday following distress calls about unidentified objects suspected to be explosive ordnance.

According to ASP Grace Michael, the command’s Deputy Public Relations Officer, the police received a distress call about unidentified objects clustered near an uncompleted building in the Dala-Abuja Talakawa Area, Maiduguri. 

The police swiftly moved to the scene and recovered six projectiles and one unexploded mortar bomb.

Later that day, the police received another distress call from the Gwange Area about an unidentified object washed ashore on the Gwange river bank. 

The police quickly recovered one unexploded Hand Grenade (UXO).

Preliminary investigations revealed that the ordnance was washed ashore due to the recent devastating flood incident in the state. 

The Borno State Commissioner of Police, CP Yusufu Lawal, reassured residents of the command’s commitment to ensuring public safety and security.

By AbdulMajid Haruna

Several policies on education span across four decades, and yet Nigeria is still grappling with the menace of out-of-school children. Recent statistics from UNESCO projected a figure hovering around twenty million, with a significant portion of the children being the Almajiri Quranic students. 

Issues such as inconsistent government policies, poor implementation, inadequate funding, and limitations in terms of the scalability and scope of interventions provided by non-state partners and international donors have hindered efforts to address the problem. However, cultural and religious resistance remains a significant barrier.  

The classical system of Quranic Almajiri education imbibes Islamic teaching that every Muslim must acquire religious knowledge. However, culturally, the system aims to instill self-reliance and a sense of responsibility in the social and moral training of the child through hardship, toil, and hunger.

Sufism, the doctrine on which the system was founded, frowns at self-indulgence and believes asceticism and humility to be the hallmarks of a seeker of knowledge. This sentiment was echoed in the Weekend Triumph Newspaper of August 26, 1989, by Abdulkareem A. Bello, who describes the system as “the old wine in an old bottle”. 

In this article, Samaila Ado, an Almajiri in the Kano municipality, was reported to have said, “Our deplorable and wretched condition is a symbol of selflessness and humility.” According to Samaila, a true Almajiri is not concerned with worldly gains but rather is busy preparing for eternal life, which is more paramount.

Historically, the system had flourished owing to the support from the state’s public finances, the local community, and the philanthropic efforts from elites that catered to the modest needs of the children. During this time, the Almajiri scholars were artisans who, during their lecture-free hours, engaged in farming, fishing, well construction, production, masonry, trade, and tailoring. Most were farmers of the iconic Northern Nigerian cotton and groundnut pyramids. Some engaged in leather tanning and shoe and bag making in the old Sokoto empire. 

Sadly, however, the system has failed to adapt to the realities of the twenty-first century, with the modern Quranic Islamiyyas overshadowing the traditional Tsangayas and the Western secular education providing the safest route to climb up the socio-economic ladder. But more worrisome is the report that said six out of ten Almajiri pupils never find their way back home, and many lose their lives through street violence, ritual killing, kidnapping, disease and hunger.

Over the years, Integration has proven difficult due to the inadequacy of our policies. A careful analysis of the failure of Jonathan’s Almajiri integrated Model Schools by the Former Director of the Universal Basic Education Commission, Professor Ahmed Modibbo Mohammed, at Arewa House In Kaduna revealed that the lack of sensitisation and mobilisation of the nation affected the level of buy-in leading to a decrease in support and acceptance of the new system.  

Qualitative assessment research corroborated this analysis, carried out among Almajiri communities in Adamawa State. It demonstrated that including secular subjects was one of the major reasons parents did not welcome the program. 

Time and again, our policymakers have underplayed the subtle but widespread sentiment among the Islamic traditionalists who fear the new order poses the danger of erasing the cultural identity of the people. In a 2021 report published by The Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), Sheikh Bakura Assusaawi was remarked to have said: “Every Islamic scholar had gone through the system which shows us that there is indeed a great benefit in that system which we cannot afford to lose. There is no other help apart from helping the religion, and when we all neglect to do that, there is never a way forward.”

This allegiance to the old system and aversion towards Western education is rooted in the early events of the 20th century. On October 9, 1902, Fredrick John Lugard replaced Arabic & Hausa-Ajami (Hausa written with Arabic alphabets) with English & Romanized Hausa as the official language of Northern Nigeria. 

This single act in history changed the region’s educational scholarship trajectory. Not only did it render the rich knowledge produced in Ajami in the fields of humanity, science, and social science by the preeminent Sokoto caliphate obsolete and dying, but it relegated those proficient in this script to the background because to be “literate” and “employable” means to speak English and to write in the Roman script.

Tragically, the British also failed to recognise the Almajiri schools and abolished their state funding, tagging them as mere religious schools. This linguistic displacement brewed an identity threat in the people’s social psyche, igniting disdain and antagonism for the new system introduced by the colonial state and the Christian missionaries. 

Unfortunately, a century gap is still not enough to change the thought patterns of the Almajiri community. A recent story shared by a Twitter user about his late colleague’s son aptly drives home my point: 

The colleague had died, and the possibility of sponsoring the child’s education was hanging in the balance because the grandmother was standing in the way. She wanted the son to be enrolled in an Almajiri Quranic school instead of a secular Western school. 

The Twitter user was baffled because the grandma wouldn’t budge even when it was suggested that the child attend a formal school on weekdays and the Almajiri school on the weekends.

Many juxtaposing factors remain underpinning enrolment in traditional Almajiri education, barring socio-religious commitments and an aversion to Western education. These include rural-urban migration in search of greener pastures, disbanded families due to divorce or the death of the breadwinner, poverty, irresponsible parenting, and bad governance. 

Integration begins by fixing the stated problems, but reorienting society to the limitations of this age-long conservative approach to Islamic scholarship takes precedence.  Ever since the pilot scheme of 1964 to modernise Islamic schooling in the Northern Nigerian government headed by Sir Ahmadu Bello that ran successfully for few years before coming to a halt after his assassination, subsequent education policies namely Universal Primary Education (1976), National Primary Education Commission (mid-1980s), Universal Basic Education Act(2004) and Ministerial Committee on Madrasa Education (2009) which led to the establishment of President Jonathan’s Almajiri Model Schools have suffered detrimental setbacks.

Policies are cathedrals in the grand scheme of things; reality is the quicksand sinking them to the bottom. The government and relevant stakeholders must develop the political will to implement policies to their very ends. Most importantly, they must engage in intensive enlightenment, mobilisation, and re-orientation of the populace through the mass media, town hall meetings, and active involvement of the traditional Ulamas and leaders. 

AbdulMajid Haruna is an education thought leader and an inclusive education advocate primarily focused on vulnerable Almajiri children. He can be reached via abdoulmajeed570@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

A legal dispute has emerged involving Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf over a contentious land allocation in Kwankwasiyya City, Kano.

The case, filed by Garba Musa Kwankwaso, centers on a vast expanse of land initially allocated to WAECO Nigeria Limited during the administration of former Kano State governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Court documents reveal that the defendants include the state commissioner for Land and Physical Planning, the Kano State Urban Planning and Development Authority (KNUPDA), the Attorney General of Kano State, and others.

Garba Kwankwaso seeks an interlocutory injunction to prevent the governor and other parties from taking any action deemed adverse to his interests in the land.

The land dispute traces back to a 2017 investigation by the Kano State Public Complaint and Anti-Corruption Commission, which revealed that WAECO, the company allocated the land, was not a legal entity at the time of allocation.

The commission found that the company was actually “Water and Agricultural Engineering Company Limited,” in which Rabiu Kwankwaso and his brother were directors.

Based on this finding, the commission recommended the revocation of the allocation, leading to subsequent reallocation by the administration of former governor Abdullahi Ganduje.

During Ganduje’s tenure, portions of the land were allocated to Mallam Kato Square and other original owners, including the Dantata family.

However, sources allege that Governor Yusuf has resisted revoking the land and returning it to WAECO Nigeria Limited, and that prompted Garba Kwankwaso to take legal action.

In an application filed at the Kano High Court, Garba Kwankwaso sought an order to restrain the defendants from entering, demarcating, or allocating the disputed land, pending the outcome of the substantive suit.

Justice Usman Na’abba granted the order on November 13 and adjourned the case until November 27 for further hearing.

The case sheds light on the ongoing complexities of land allocation and revocation in Kano State, raising questions about governance and legal accountability.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Bayelsa State Governor, Senator Douye Diri, has approved a grant of N300,000 for each law student from the state studying in various law schools across Nigeria.

This announcement was made by the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in the state, Biriyai Dambo, during a meeting with representatives of the Bayelsa State Law Graduates Forum in Yenagoa. 

According to Dambo, the governor’s approval reflects his commitment to supporting the education of Bayelsa indigenes, particularly during these economically challenging times.

The grant aims to cushion the effects of economic hardship on the students, as that will enable them to focus on their academic pursuits. 

Governor Diri urged the students to concentrate on their studies, as well as striving to make their families and the state proud.

Imomotimi Godspower, speaking on behalf of the students, expressed deep gratitude to the governor for the grant, and described it as a highly encouraging gesture.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

For nearly a decade, the North West geopolitical zone of Nigeria has been suffering from the menace of banditry. The bandits who live in the vast forest spanning several states in the Northwest and North-central zones started as cattle rustlers before metamorphosing into fully pledged armed robbers. They attack communities, schools, travellers, etc. Wherever they go, it is a story of killing, kidnapping, rape, arson and other unprintable atrocities. 

Bandits lack the civility of the erstwhile armed robbers. In those days, armed robbers only sought money and valuables like jewellery. Once they had them, they were satisfied and would leave without dropping blood. That is not the case with bandits. When they visit a community or block travellers on highways, they usually start by killing some before kidnapping others. 

Payment of ransom is not a guarantee of getting the kidnapped victim freed. They may collect ransom from relatives and still kill the victim. There are many examples. 

Bandits’ locations and leaders are well known to the Government and members of the communities in which they operate. Many of them serve as the de facto government in their domain of operation. This is not a story I am telling from one of those video clips circulating on social media. Some of my blood relatives have been going to work on the farm of the bandits’ kingpin, who is in charge of their area. 

To agree to live under the protection of an “officer”, the de facto rural government of Jibia and Batsari, a village has to send its elders with some money to go and beg for him to accept them. You may wish to go back to my writeup on “Submission to bandits authority”.

However, an “officer” is not the only bandit leader known to the government and the people. There are more deadly and more popular “officers”. One of them is Ado Aleru, who killed dozens of villagers in Katsina State and told the BBC Hausa service that he doesn’t kidnap; he only kills. Asked to give the number of people he killed, he said it is too large to remember.

Another officer is Bello Turji, who, among other crimes, once burned a passenger bus with 30 people in it days after opening fire on a village market that claimed 60 lives in Zamfara state. He is popular because he speaks frequently to the public. That, however, doesn’t make him the deadliest.

Dogo Gide is another “officer” who was notorious for, among other things, the abduction of 90 students and teachers of FGC Yauri, 11 of whom he married off in the process. 

Among the many popular “officers” is Dankarami, who publicly confessed to killing many combined troops of Nigeria and Niger Republic in addition to kidnapping and killing many innocent citizens in Katsina and Zamfara state. 

The above crime leaders and several others in their category are still alive and active.

The Buhari administration made the first blunder in dealing with the menace of banditry. The federal government under Buhari asked governors of the affected states to strike a peace deal with the bandits. Peace agreements were sealed between some state governments and bandits in 2016 and 2019; in both cases, the latter reneged. 

Unlike what some of their sympathisers would want us to believe, the bandits are not freedom fighters but pure criminals and stark illiterates. The only thing that would make them drop their weapons is a continuous flow of cash from the Government, the kind of cash they make from their criminality. That is unrealistic for a Government struggling to pay its civil servants a paltry minimum wage. Hence, the peace deals were failed under Buhari.

Bandits’ sympathisers who gave Buhari the wrong advice have found their way into the Tinubu Government. The first indication of that is what a young Islamic scholar revealed early this year. The scholar alleged that, under the financial influence of unnamed federal defence officials, some Islamic scholars are campaigning for not just amnesty for bandits but their appointments into public offices by the government. He alleged that he was among those invited to participate in the campaign but refused.

As far as we know, the federal government did not deny Sheikh Koza’s claims. If he had lied, he would have been arrested and asked to name the defence officials. Neither of those things happened.

Then came the kidnap and murder of the Emir of Gobir. With the public outcry that followed, the Federal Government had to show its will to fight banditry. Thus, the Minister of State of Defence and service chiefs were asked to move to Sokoto and end banditry. However, despite the budget, since the movement of the minister and service chiefs to Sokoto, the only bandit of note who was killed/arrested by the Government is Halilu Sububu. Banditry business has continued as usual, even with the presence of our nation’s security heavyweights.

For example, as reported by national dailies, the Funtua-Gusau highway was blocked by bandits on several occasions during this period with no consequences. For frontline local Governments in Katsina state, the attacks became worse. The only place considered safe in my local Government area was Jibia town, the local government headquarters. However, since the so-called “Operation Fansan Yamma” started, Jibia town has lost its safety as bandits attacked, killed and kidnapped with impunity.

As Nigerians were waiting anxiously for the expected miracle due to the presence of security chiefs, the Lakurawa issue came up. According to sources, Lakurawa is a group with similar ideologies to Boko Haram. They have a total number of just 250 in Nigeria and no cases of frequent attacks on communities. Lakurawa militants are said to have been in Nigeria for some years at the instance of some Kebbi communities who sought their protection against bandits. 

The question here is, why is the issue of Lakurawa now being brought up when we have a more serious problem to solve? Lakurawa are obviously not as dangerous as the bandits, and their presence in Nigeria has been linked to the failure of the government to protect citizens from bandits.

From day one, the approach of this and immediate past governments has made Nigerians believe they are not ready to end banditry. If they are now talking about some Lakurawa instead of our real problem, why should we not think they are using it to divert our attention?

My advice to President Tinubu is to remember that he was elected by Nigerians. Ribadu, Badaru, Matwalle or Christoper Musa did not contest and win an election. The president is responsible for appointing his aides, continuously monitoring them, and ensuring they are doing the right thing.

That the officials mentioned above are Northerners is immaterial.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Fatima Dauda Salihu

Nigeria is a beautiful country with diverse cultures and vibrant people. Unfortunately, insecurity has become a significant problem in recent years, causing many to live in fear and struggle to access essential services. 

Despite being culturally rich and endowed with abundant mineral resources, Nigeria struggles with insecurity primarily due to negligence by the government and its citizens. Nigeria faces insecurity challenges across all six geopolitical zones. This insecurity takes various forms, including insurgency, terrorism, communal clashes, banditry, kidnapping, and piracy, and is fuelled by deep-rooted socio-economic, ethnic, and religious tensions.

The consequences of insecurity in Nigeria are dire, leading to displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, economic stagnation, human rights abuses, and psychological trauma.

Effective governance is critical in addressing insecurity. The government must provide leadership, resources, and policy direction to tackle insecurity. Citizens also have a vital role to play by engaging in community policing, reporting suspicious activities, and promoting tolerance. 

The private sector can also contribute by investing in security initiatives and socio-economic development projects. Civil society organisations can advocate for policy changes and community empowerment. We can restore peace, stability, and prosperity to Nigeria by working together.

Strengthening institutions and promoting good governance, investing in education, enhancing security infrastructure and capacity building, promoting community engagement and conflict resolution, and addressing socio-economic inequalities can help mitigate if not. 

In conclusion, addressing the challenge of insecurity in Nigeria requires a holistic and multifaceted approach that encompasses effective governance, community engagement, strategic coordination among security agencies, and long-term investments in education and socio-economic development.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s future depends on our collective ability to address insecurity and promote peace, stability, and development. We owe it to ourselves, our children, and future generations to take action and create a better Nigeria.

Fatima Dauda Salihu wrote from Bayero University, Kano. 

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Russian Federation have underscored the crucial role of oil and energy market stability in driving economic growth.

This emphasis was made during the Ninth High-level Meeting of the OPEC-Russia Energy Dialogue, held in Moscow, Russia, on November 22, 2024. 

Co-chaired by HE Alexander Novak, Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, and HE Haitham Al Ghais, Secretary General of OPEC, the meeting highlighted the significance of cooperation between OPEC and the Russian Federation. 

“Russia will continue to be a key player in the oil market, maintaining its status as a reliable supplier,” said Alexander Novak.

“The OPEC+ member countries are in constant contact, monitor the market situation and are ready to flexibly and promptly respond to any changes in market conditions.” 

Haitham Al Ghais praised the partnership between the Russian Federation and OPEC, commending the Russian Federation’s leadership role in the ‘Declaration of Cooperation’ framework.

The Secretary General also noted the importance of the OPEC-Russia Energy Dialogue as a platform for discussion and knowledge sharing. 

The meeting discussed developments in global oil and energy markets, climate change negotiations at COP29, and issues related to energy security, underinvestment, and market stability.

The next high-level meeting of the OPEC-Russia Energy Dialogue is scheduled to take place in Vienna, Austria, in 2025.

By Shettima Dan’Azumi, ESQ

Northern Nigerian states are gradually losing a significant portion of their Federal Accounts and Allocation Committee (FAAC) allocation shares, which is undoubtedly their biggest revenue source. From the Local Government Funds and Fiscal Reform Bills to dividends from NLNG shares of NNPC and, today, the National Lottery, all these are part of the pool that makes up the monthly national cake distribution known as FAAC.

These developments are not surprising to any student of development. We all saw it coming. Early this year, the Supreme Court, in a suit filed by the Federal Government, scrapped the States and Local Government joint account, which had previously entrusted local government funds to their respective states.

In another case, the Supreme Court also agreed with the AGF’s argument. It held that the NNPC’s stake (shareholding) in the NLNG, unlike the NNPC itself, actually belongs to the Federal Government, not the entire Federation. Those billions of dollars accrued to NNPC from NLNG annually are no longer to be shared with the States as part of FAAC. 

Similarly, VAT, a chunk of the non-oil revenue currently shared based on equity, derivation, and population formula amongst FG, States, and Local Government, will, if Emilokan’s Executive Bill succeeds at the National Assembly, now be shared based on derivation or consumption or both. Either way, I don’t see how the North can benefit. I will get to the reason shortly. 

Then came today, another blow in a Suit initiated by the Lagos State Government. The Learned Justices of the Supreme Court, while granting all the reliefs sought by the AG of Lagos State, held that revenues accrued to the Federation through the National Lottery Commission from the regulation and royalties of lottery and other online games are in reality within the Residual Legislative List, exclusive to States to regulate and generate revenues from. 

I believe there may be more of these seemingly harsh interpretations of the law in the near future because that is what the Constitution actually contemplated. 

If you put these chains of events together, you would only come to one conclusion: that full federalism is taking a crude shape in the country against the wish of everyone. We would have prepared for this time if northerners had been thoughtful and proactive. We would have confronted the issue of restructuring with strategy rather than our usual rejectionist attitude to achieve it on our terms and put a timeline for gradual implementation to minimise its impact. With our sell-out NASS members, who either do not appreciate where all this is headed or have been bought to look away, it’s only a matter of time. May Allah rest the soul of Senator Suke Yaro Gandi and the rest of his contemporary visionaries and patriots. 

What should we expect now? Our FAAC-reliant states will receive a shorter allocation. If VAT is to be shared based on derivation, then most of the Corporate Headquarters of businesses where the remittance of VAT takes place are far away from the north. What if it’s to be shared based on consumption? The follow-up question is: how do you determine the end users when you don’t have the data to prove where it is consumed? Even if this data exists, most of our businesses in the north, including Kano State, are not formal businesses, so their distributors are in Lagos and other Southern States. Our traders are running away from the institutionalisation of corporate governance frameworks in their businesses, which will give them the capacity to deal with manufacturers and wholesalers directly and document their dealerships properly. We are simply traders. 

The lottery is worse because most states think the whole business is haram. But, wait, is it not the double standard that you are operating a secular state, collecting VAT revenue generated from breweries and royalties from casinos, including the lottery, for all these years while still believing it’s haram? At least, it would soon be over, and we shall stick with halal revenues.

To cut a long story short, the North must wake up on governance and development issues. The culture of electing clueless governors and the dominance of corrupt and soulless political class must end. We must pay more attention to our manpower and skills development policies and reform our education systems because that’s what all these boil down to. EDUCATION! Our youth must stop social media praise-singing and political sycophancy and embrace education and skill acquisition. Our businesses must adopt corporate governance and innovation and be more industrious and forward-thinking. 

Because Emilokan is not your mate.

By Sabiu Abdullahi 

The Ogun Area 1 Command of the Nigerian Customs Service has made a significant seizure of illicit drugs, including cannabis sativa and Tramaking tablets valued at N117,587,405. 

Comptroller James Ojo, Controller of the Ogun Area 1 Command, revealed the seizure during a media briefing on Friday while handing over the contraband to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA). 

Ojo expressed concern about the alarming rise in drug smuggling, describing it as “worrisome and a significant threat to national security.”

He noted that the seizures, made across various strategic locations in Ogun State, highlight the severity of drug trafficking within Nigeria’s borders. 

The seized items include 403 sacks and 6,504 parcels of cannabis sativa, weighing 7,217.7 kg, and 362 packs of Tramaking tablets (225mg each).

These were intercepted at hotspots such as the Agbawo/Iganokoto area in Yewa North and Imeko Afon Local Government Areas. 

Ojo commended his officers for their vigilance and bravery and issued a stern warning to those involved in drug trafficking and smuggling, urging them to desist or face the full force of the law. 

The Commander of the NDLEA Idiroko Special Command, Olusegun Adeyeye, praised the Customs Command for its relentless efforts in the fight against drug trafficking.

“This seizure is a testament to the synergy between the NDLEA and Customs in combating the menace of drug abuse and smuggling,” Adeyeye stated.

By Anas Abbas

President Bola Tinubu expressed his condolences to the government and people of Katsina State following the death of Alhaji Ahmadu Kurfi, the Maradin Katsina and district head of Kurfi. 

Alhaji Kurfi, a distinguished elder statesman, was renowned for his significant contributions to public service throughout his career. Notably, he served as the executive secretary of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), playing a crucial role in overseeing Nigeria’s transition to democratic rule in 1979.

President Tinubu praised Kurfi’s exemplary dedication to the nation and humanity, urging current public servants to reflect on the legacy he has left behind.

The President also offered prayers for the eternal peace of the late elder statesman and extended his deepest sympathies to Kurfi’s family during this difficult time.

The passing of Alhaji Kurfi marks a significant loss for Katsina State and the nation as a whole.