Opinion

Coming to Europe—legally or otherwise—is not easy. Countries, including Germany, have tightened their immigration policies and continue to do so.

Of course, several European countries have a shortage of highly skilled workers. However, they follow due, often bureaucratic, processes to hire those workers.

I don’t know how to hire or influence anybody or any institution to hire anyone. If I knew, my immediate family and close friends would be the first I would bring here, not “random” social media contacts.

I appeal to some people who contact me via DM about job and scholarship opportunities in Germany. I share such openings here and, especially, on LinkedIn. Try your luck and pray. Muhsin may not be able to help you in the way you think.

Everything is available on the Internet. Explore sites and YouTube. But don’t fall for scammers. Your employers will not ask you for money; instead, they will pay you. Scholarships are not for sale. Your qualifications and competence will earn you one.

May the Almighty God make it easy for everyone, amin. May you secure your dream job or scholarship sooner than you anticipate, amin.

Dr. Muhsin Ibrahim teaches at the University of Cologne in Germany and he can be reached via muhsin2008@gmail.com.

By Timothy Agberagba 

Artificial intelligence (AI) chatbots have gained prominence in Nigeria, bringing benefits and potential side effects to Nigerian students and the general public in particular. 

AI chatbots are computer programs or interfaces that can carry on human-like conversations using natural language understanding (NLU), natural language processing (NLP), and machine learning (ML). 

Those programs are designed to help with academics, business, data analysis, and entertainment. To use them, you instruct the chatbot to provide a solution to a particular problem, and it will automatically generate the result. 

Many Nigerian students have embraced AI as a resource for academic exercises. Some use it for research, presentation, and literary compositions. Lecturers also use it to generate lecture materials without the stress of surfing the internet. Information can be easily accessed through AI Chatbots.

However, this trend has become a matter of concern as many Nigerian students and graduates heavily depend on these AI chatbots rather than engage in critical reasoning and rationality. AI Chatbots have made many people so lazy and dependent that they cannot conduct joint research on issues around them. 

Many fail to understand that AI chatbots collect information randomly from published materials and present it as facts. This is why people, mainly Nigerian students, should always engage in personal research rather than depend on AI.

With the emergence of AI Chatbots, it is also disturbing that many Nigerian youths cannot compose a simple essay without using AI chatbots anymore—a 2024 research by Prof. Oluebube Miracle on the effect of AI chatbots in Nigeria revealed that “many students boycott knowledge construction process, leading to a dearth of experience, irrationality, passive learning, groupthink, academic dishonesty, and a diminished propensity for critical thinking”. This negates the future of academics and knowledge transfer because future generations will depend on it, and creativity and brain work will die naturally. 

Additionally, in a developing country like Nigeria, people need to engage in creative thinking and innovation rather than allow AI to think for them. The secret behind developed countries is the constant brainstorming of creative ideas that translate into innovative undertakings. This is exactly what Nigeria needs. 

It is said that youths are leaders of tomorrow, but if they heavily depend on AI chatbots for ideas, what will happen to the country? AI can only give you what you ask for and nothing more. It doesn’t feel or think and is not sensitive to the environment. By implication, dependence on AI is a sign of gross failure as far as creativity is concerned.

Finally, to mitigate the tendency to over-depend on AI Chatbots and promote creativity among Nigerian youths, educators, policymakers, and stakeholders need to work collaboratively to ensure that the integration of AI in education promotes independence and critical thinking. Nigerian youths should not abandon traditional study methods to enrich themselves with the knowledge necessary for self-development and national progress. 

Timothy Agberagba writes from the Mass Communication Department at Bayero University, Kano.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu

The word “almajiri” emanated from the Arabic word used earlier to refer to the companion of the prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), who migrated on his instruction for the sake of Islam from Mecca to Madina.

Later, “almuhajirun” refers to knowledge seekers who move from one place to another in search of religious knowledge, predominantly the holy Qur’an.

Therefore, the word “Almajiranci” refers to the traditional method of acquiring and memorising the glorious Qur’an, where boys at a tender age are sent by their parents or guardians to other villages, towns, or cities to acquire Qur’anic education under a knowledgeable Islam scholar called “Malam.”

The Almajiri system of education involves somebody who migrated for learning or for the sake of advocating Islamic knowledge.

This migration is tied to a system in which people in a particular community gather male children of school age and hand them to a teacher yearly. The purpose is for Malam to teach those young children the basics of Islam through Qur’anic schools, popularly known as “Tsanagaya or Makarantun allo”.

The pupils are taught how to read the Qur’an and write the Arabic alphabet. They also learn strict discipline and aspects of living.

Due to environmental distractions, the malam may relocate his pupil to a distant area, such as a town or city and camp them there. Almajirai (plural of Almajiri) learn self-reliance and discipline in the camp.

History shows that the population provides free accommodation and leftover food for the pupil and their teacher; even though the food may not be enough, Malam sends his students into the neighbourhood to solicit food. One reason compelling Almajiri to beg is to let them experience and appreciate the hardship and necessity they will face in life.

According to the record, after the efforts of various communities and later Native authorities around the twentieth century, a modernised version of Makarantun allo-cum-Islamiyya schools emerged. This gave birth to at least four types of Islamic schools: Quranic Schools (Makarantun allo, Tsanagaya), Islamiyya Schools, Public and private model Quranic schools, and government Arabic and Islamic institutions.

The information indicates that begging was not involved during pre-colonial times, and Almajirai were doing menial jobs. They have not been abused before they could get a job. Their noticeable hygiene and good manners can simply identify them.

Islamically, it is responsible or necessary for a parent to provide moral education to their children. But the kind of Almajiri system being practised today is an entirely bastardised system compared to the one practised in the past, as mentioned above.

Now, children are seen wandering, begging for food; Almajirai are seen and identified by their unwanted hygiene, unkempt, tattered clothes, and disease-afflicted and ulcerated skins.

Many Almajirai spend most of their time on the street, which can lead some of them to intermingle with different people, including criminals. Several reports indicate how some of them engage in theft, drug abuse and other crimes. Also, lack of food has made them vulnerable to some diseases.

In summary, as the Qur’an mentions, Islam has identified several rights granted to children. These include the right to a stable family, proper development, showing love towards children, being mindful of education and spiritual growth, and having the right to the good life (chapter 19:98).

But nowadays, due to some factors, including economic hardship and extreme poverty,  most parents are running away from their economic responsibilities enshrined in Islam, sending their children at a very tender age to mallams in towns and cities. This led to behavioural changes among all age groups.

The research found that other factors include some parents who obtained only the knowledge of the glorious Qur’an without understanding its inner meaning, always supporting the Almajiri system, and some seeing Malams benefit from the size of the Almajiri studying under him because school size increased the Malam’s life.

Due to the street begging among Almajirai and other activities, hunger and lack of moral upbringing, many Almajirai are not observing proper Islamic values in their daily life. Some take it just as traditional because if it’s education, everyone can study in his locality.

To address these issues, all hands must be on deck. Leaders must be committed to fighting against extreme poverty, illiteracy and unemployment.

Come out with a new master plan towards a new method of the Almajiri system. This includes verification of all teachers to participate in teaching Almajirai because some are not even qualified to teach, allocating the number of children every mallam should teach, and he should not allowed to exceed the number assigned to him.

Parents and mallams should at least create a new way of accommodating and feeding the pupils. There should be the right place where pupils or Almajirai could get food instead of begging on the street. This includes the total elimination of street begging.

The authorities, Malams, and stakeholders should be sensitised about the importance of this educational sector, and they should provide shelters, health care services, clothes, and other essential things that will end street begging.

This can also be achieved by empowering pupils with vocational skills to sustain themselves and improve socioeconomic standards. There should be a good record of the numbers of Almajiri in each locality, state and country at large. In addition, the fundamental human rights of Almajirai and Malam should be promoted.

Good teaching and learning materials and a conducive atmosphere for learning should be provided for both Malams and Almajirai. Seminars, workshops, lectures, campaigns, and other mobilisation activities should be carried out to counsel Almajirai, other stakeholders, and the general public on career development. Almajirai should be included in acquiring Western education and skills.

By working on all the items mentioned above and more activities, the Almajiri system would be reformed and improved. All Almajiri,malam, and society’s socioeconomic standards will improve out of illegal nature and other sundry.

Dahiru Kasimu Adamu, Argungu, Kebbi State, is a young journalist and Mass Communication student at UDUS. He can be reached at dahirukasimuadamuargungu@gmail.com.

By Rabi Ummi Umar

A few weeks ago, Nigeria marked its 64th independence anniversary, commemorating more than six decades since gaining freedom from British colonial rule on October 1, 1960. However, this year’s celebrations were unusually subdued, devoid of the usual fanfare, pomp, thrills and frills. 

The once-familiar scenes of face painting, jubilant crowds, and flags waving in patriotic pride were replaced by an eerie silence that echoed across the nation. Despite this significant milestone, many Nigerians found little reason to celebrate. The mood was sombre, reflecting a collective sentiment that these are not times for revelry.

Instead, citizens believe it is a time for reflection and a renewed commitment to steering the country back toward prosperity, as envisioned by the men and women who fought for the independence we now enjoy. In the eyes of most Nigerians, the celebration only serves as a distraction from the harsh realities of daily life.

The more one reflects on the state of the nation, the more troubling it becomes. What exactly are we celebrating? Is there anything genuinely worth commemorating at this point? After the fireworks, what awaits us—more suffering? The unspoken truth is that the situation has grown so dire that it is almost impossible to ignore the country’s challenges, no matter how much we might want to.

One of the major concerns plaguing citizens is the aftermath of the subsidy removal, which continues to wreak havoc on lives and livelihoods. While the minimum wage has been signed into law, its implementation remains uncertain, casting doubt on the government’s ability to deliver on promises and its tendency to prioritise talk over tangible action. 

These discrepancies raise questions about the effectiveness of policies aimed at alleviating the struggles of Nigerians. Our leaders have made numerous promises, but despite their assurances, little has been done to address the suffering of the people. Take the much-touted Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) buses, for example. Despite promises, these buses have failed to materialise in significant numbers. Even the few introduced fall short of addressing Nigeria’s transportation challenges. 

How much progress can we realistically expect from such initiatives? Unemployment remains a persistent issue, exacerbating the nation’s woes. Although the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported an unemployment rate of 5.3%, many believe the actual figure is much higher, especially given Nigeria’s struggle with accurate population data.

Insecurity is another critical concern. Terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping for ransom plague every region, with countless lives lost, even after ransoms have been paid. Nigerians are grappling with hunger as the crisis reaches alarming proportions. Starvation, suffering, and even death from hunger have become stark realities.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), 80 to 82 million Nigerians are at risk of severe hunger if the current trajectory continues. Given our vast agricultural potential, how did we reach this point? Politics in Nigeria remains largely a curse, with politicians exploiting religion, region, and ethnicity to garner support. 

Instead of uniting to solve the nation’s problems, they engage in ridicule, even on pressing national issues, as seen in the aftermath of the President’s October 1 address. Poverty also remains a major concern. The NBS reports that 63% of the population—approximately 133 million people, or six out of every ten Nigerians—are trapped in multidimensional poverty. 

It is little wonder that Nigerians are not in a celebratory mood. So much has gone wrong recently that even wishing someone a “Happy Independence” feels offensive. What, after all, have we indeed achieved in these 64 years? Nigeria has the potential for greatness, and the government can and should do better. President Tinubu, please, we are begging—Nigeria deserves better.

Rabi Ummi Umar is an intern at PRNigeria and a student at Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin. She can be reached via rabiumar058@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the Nigerian National Security Adviser, stated during an arms destruction exercise organised by the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) that many of the illicit weapons currently used by terrorists and bandits originally belonged to the Federal Government of Nigeria. 

Ribadu’s revelation may not surprise those familiar with the complexities of Nigeria’s security challenges, but it is both new and alarming to the average Nigerian.  

For many, the realisation that those entrusted with their protection are selling weapons to terrorists, insurgents, and bandits is deeply unsettling. This issue demands a coordinated and strategic response. However, Mallam Nuhu assured us that steps and measures have been taken to resolve this. 

But the big questions remain: Are these measures yielding sustainable results? What motivates or drives a security agent to sell weapons to terrorists and bandits, fully aware that they may become the first target of those very weapons? 

Nuhu Ribadu stated, “The worst human being is a policeman or soldier who takes weapons from his unit and sells them or hides them for criminals to use against his colleagues.” This is true; however, additional measures are needed beyond what the NSA has mentioned to address this issue. These should include improved welfare and salaries for security personnel, enhanced training, and stronger supervision. It’s important to consider that the actions of some security officers may not be solely motivated by money but by radicalisation or frustrations. 

Nigeria must prioritise the use of technology in its fight against insurgency, terrorism, and banditry, as the world has moved beyond relying solely on boots on the ground. It is crucial to employ technology to address these challenges, including implementing chips or inbuilt devices to track and attach every weapon assigned to the officer responsible for it. 

Despite the few rogue elements within the security forces who recklessly jeopardise their lives and those of their colleagues and families by exchanging their weapons for peanuts, we must commend the majority of Nigeria’s dedicated soldiers, police officers, and other personnel who are actively working to recover illicit arms and eliminate corrupt practices within the security forces. 

On the other hand, sabotage by rogue elements within security forces is not unique to Nigeria; many countries have faced situations where insurgency, terrorism, or banditry were exacerbated by these elements selling arms to militant groups.

In Yemen, amid its civil war, there have been instances of arms diversion by corrupt individuals within the security apparatus. Weapons intended for the national army have ended up in the hands of Houthi rebels and various militant groups. 

Similarly, during the conflict with ISIS in Iraq, reports emerged of Iraqi security forces losing control of arms depots or selling weapons to militant groups. Somalia has seen similar issues in its battle against al-Shabaab, where government and security officials were accused of selling or diverting weapons to the very militants they were fighting. 

Another notable example is Libya. Following the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the country descended into chaos, with various factions and militias vying for control. Weapons from government stockpiles, as well as arms supplied by international actors, were sold or transferred to militias and insurgent groups, further escalating the violence. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), armed groups have long been involved in the conflict, with reports indicating that elements within the military and police forces have sold weapons to these groups.

For any country grappling with the involvement of its security forces in the sale of weapons to insurgents, terrorists, and bandits, factors such as selfishness, corruption, and complicity within these forces play a significant role. Additionally, weak institutions and inadequate oversight have further exacerbated the problem. 

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Thomas Akoji Amodu 

A crypto airdrop is typically performed by blockchain-based startups to help bootstrap a virtual currency project. Its primary aim is to create awareness about the cryptocurrency project and encourage more people to participate when it becomes available. 

Airdrops are generally communicated through the company’s official channels and cryptocurrency communities. Coins or tokens are sent only to specific wallets based on the blockchain network or coins held in existing wallets. Airdrop coins are generated by continuously tapping the phone screen.

Today, the trending event in Nigeria is crypto airdrops, which have attracted millions of Nigerian youths. This became popular following the successful listing of Notcoin in 2023, which paid miners significantly. Since then, Crypto has been introducing several airdrop projects such as MemeFi, X-Empire, Tapswap, Hamster, Tomarket, cats, Dogs and many more to engage miners. Many Nigerian youths spend more than half a day on these mining platforms daily. When it eventually lists on exchanges, they get nothing compared to the time, energy and subscriptions invested in the airdrop.

This engagement with crypto airdrops by Nigerian youths has caused great concern, as many solely rely on it as a full-time job, while some regard it as an escape route from poverty. Youths are becoming lazier than ever before because of these projects. Students tap their phone screens during lecture time, thereby dividing their attention. Even graduates have embraced airdrop mining over creative thinking and productive undertakings. 

This trend has further questioned the state of the country’s economic and political atmosphere because where there is a stable economy, good living conditions and basic provisions for healthy living, the citizens will shun any form of distraction and focus on more beneficial activities. It is pathetic that most Nigerian youths who resort to airdrop mining are graduates who could not secure a job because of bad governance and corruption in the country. 

On September 26th, 2024, one of the most anticipated airdrops, “Hamster,” was listed, and many Nigerian youths were disappointed by the poor payment. Before the listing of Hamster, some people had priced what to buy, such as vehicles, lands, gadgets, and so on. Unfortunately, Hamster paid below expectations, and many became depressed. The time, energy, and sleepless nights spent just to complete tasks were in vain. 

Despite the poor rewards of these crypto airdrops, Nigerian youths do not seem discouraged from engaging in the projects. This clearly indicates the government’s failure to fulfil social, economic, and political responsibilities. The government should establish more industries, provide loans for small business owners, encourage agriculture, and invest in tech education to refocus youths’ attention on a better future.

Thomas Akoji Amodu writes from the Mass Communication Department at Bayero University, Kano, via amoduthomas@gmail.com.

By Suleiman Usman

Is our democracy sinking so low that few truly grasp the seriousness and future impact of what happened today in our beloved Kaduna State? Let’s be clear: there was no actual election in Kaduna State on the 19th of October 2024.

What happened sets a dangerous example that has wholly destroyed democracy in the state. Governor Uba Sani, a self-proclaimed Hero of Democracy, oversaw this tragedy disguised as an election. This is not just a disappointment but a calamity of epic proportions. 

Although I have friends running for positions, mainly from the APC, that I supported, hoping for a fair election, I cannot stay silent or be part of this open robbery, political deceit, and the destruction of what little respect remains in our weak democracy. I refuse to accept any of those wrongly declared (as chairmen and councillors) through this unfair process, regardless of our friendship. 

How can those wrongly elected people comfortably assume these roles without feeling guilt or shame? If what happened in Kaduna is seen as democracy, then we are facing something worse than slavery. 

Many in the government are unhappy about this but remain silent for their ‘daily bread.’ But is life solely about sustenance and comfort? Should we tacitly condone this heinous act to safeguard our livelihoods? Do we even think about what message we are sending our children by staying silent in such situations, especially those of us who claim to be educated?

Since stepping down as the National Chairman of the Youth Party (YP) and joining the APC, I have chosen not to comment on political matters, especially in Kaduna State. But after today, any Nigerian hoping for a better future will be deeply disappointed. There was no actual election in Kaduna; we cannot ignore this. 

We will do everything within the law to push for a change in this sham of an election. I challenge anyone with a conscience to accept or celebrate what happened in Kaduna today as a legitimate election.

I know many may question my stance. But when discussing a better nation with a firm and fair democracy, what we saw in Kaduna today was never part of that vision. I understand the consequences that may affect my actions. 

As a Sociologist, I have been trained to be impartial and address issues for the betterment of society rather than individuals. As a Muslim, I am obligated to rectify wrongs through my actions, words, or silent disapproval. I, therefore, owe nobody any apology for being blunt in this enterprise.

Suleiman Usman Yusuf wrote from Kaduna, Nigeria.

By Musa Ibrahim

In 2016, Femi Gbajabiamila, the immediate former Speaker of the 9th House of Representatives, took a bold step by introducing a bill aimed at addressing the financial challenges faced by students in higher education institutions across the country.

The proposed legislation, known as the Student Loan Act, sought to provide students with access to loans from the federal government to alleviate the burden of educational expenses.After its initial introduction, the bill was later reintroduced in 2019.

However, when it resurfaced in 2022, it sparked a heated debate within the National Assembly, with members expressing divergent views on the matter.

The revival of the Act triggered intense discussions and disagreements among the members of the National Assembly. On one side, some legislators strongly supported the motion, citing the potential benefits of student loans for expanding access to education and reducing financial barriers.

Proponents of the bill argued that it would provide equal opportunities for students from various socio-economic backgrounds, enabling them to pursue higher education without being hindered by financial constraints.

Lo and behold! On June 12, 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Student Loan Bill into law, demonstrating his administration’s commitment to strengthening the educational sector of the country.

Although concerns have been raised regarding the extent of student access to these loans, considering the persistently high rate of unemployment afflicting the country, One of the key considerations surrounding the implementation of the Student Loan Act is the number of students who will benefit from the financial assistance, as it remains unclear how many students will qualify for and receive loans.

However, some suggested that providing massive job opportunities for graduates would be a more effective approach than granting them loans. This sentiment is echoed by those who believe that most graduates possess the skills but lack the capital to enhance their businesses.

For instance, providing them with N500,000 to start a business could be a viable alternative.Whoa! The current provision stating that loan repayment begins two years after the completion of participation in the NYSC programme is being questioned.

With graduates struggling to secure employment for up to eight years or longer, the government should reassess this strategy.Given the prevailing circumstances, it is highly unlikely that the debt collectors will be able to repay their loans within such a short timeframe.

I was also taken aback when I discovered a particular element of the loan procedure: defaulters face the risk of being fined N500,000 or even being incarcerated for up to two years.This revelation left me astounded and raised an important question in my mind.

Is it, not a grave injustice to punish our helpless teeming youths who are already battling to secure jobs with imprisonment simply because they are unable to repay their loans?

The fundamental component of the loan process that exceedingly caught my attention is the requirement for students to provide at least two guarantors who must meet specific criteria, such as being a civil servant of at least level 12, a lawyer with at least 10 years of post-call experience, a judicial officer, or a justice of the peace.

This provision raises concerns, particularly for individuals residing in rural areas or those without any relatives in government positions who could serve as guarantors.

Since the loan programme intends to support the financially disadvantaged, the requirement of guarantors with specific professional backgrounds seems to create a barrier for those who lack connections with people in high positions in the government.

Another facet of the Act that appears contradictory is the provision that a student’s family must have an income of less than N500,000 to qualify for the loan.

This condition seems to limit the accessibility of the loan to only a select few people, raising questions about the effectiveness and inclusivity of the loan act.

The intention behind setting an income threshold may have been to target students with financial constraints, ensuring that those with the greatest financial need receive the necessary support.But the specific income limit of N500,000 may inadvertently exclude a considerable portion of students who could benefit from the loan.

Considering the drawbacks of the Loan Act, it becomes evident that the federal government should augment its efforts to fund tertiary institutions across the country.By so doing, education can become more affordable and accessible to a wider range of students.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) recommended that developing nations give up to 15–20 per cent of their annual budget to public education.Nigeria’s allocation to the Education sector has not been meeting the UNESCO standard.

Dataphyte a media research and data analytics organisation with the mission to deploy data tools and technology for the socio-economic development of Nigeria stated that the analysis of the education budget between 2016 and 2022 also shows that the education sector has not received the recommended 15%.

This has indicated that the government at all levels should prioritize funding for education as a necessary step before implementing student loans.By addressing infrastructure deficiencies, making education affordable for underprivileged students, and providing needed resources, the government can create.

Musa Ibrahim Department of Mass Communication, Borno State University

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

It is not often that one gets the rare opportunity to witness the birth of a star. I count myself to be privileged to have done so. 

In 1980, I started my employment as a Graduate Assistant in the Department of Education at Bayero University, Kano. As was the case at the time, I was allocated a housing apartment on Zoo Road. Two of my neighbors were Isma’ila Abubakar Tsiga and Sa’idu Ahmad Babura. I was a bachelor, and both had families who treated me with the utmost respect despite the age gap. Both were older than me, and both became my lifelong friends. So much so that they opened up the doors of their homes and minds to me and got me deeply involved in literature (they were both in the Department of English BUK). If you are looking for the precise moment the seeds of my literary tree were watered, it was on Zoo Road. 

In 1981, Sa’idu’s wife gave birth to a stunningly beautiful baby girl and was named Suwaiba. I remember holding her in my hands and saying the prayers I could for her long life and prosperity. We later went to the naming ceremony in Baɓura —it was the first time I was in the town, and the serenity of the place struck me.

That child soon bloomed into an undergraduate B.Sc. Ed Chemistry student. Incredibly brilliant and emerging at the top of her class. There were no surprises there – she and her other siblings were simply at the top of their class wherever they found themselves due to the incredibly liberal but supportive family atmosphere that pervades the house. Although there was firmness, for instance, she wanted to study medicine after high school, but her dad insisted on her studying education. She came to me crying to intervene. I tried, but he was adamant it has to be education. After going back and forth, we decided she should obey her father and study education. She agreed but vowed to return to school to study Medicine after she had finished her Education. 

I can easily sympathise in reverse. My father wanted me to study medicine, but I didn’t! So, I ended up in Science Education—just like Suwaiba. Look where she is—following parental counsel, she was blessed to be at the top of the game. Oh, she decided not to come back for Medicine after all—education was just too good. 

Employing her in 2005 after she graduated from the Department of Education under the able leadership of (now) Prof. Abdulrashid Garba, the current Vice-Chancellor of Khalifa Isyaku Rabi’u University (KHAIRUN), was a boon to the Department. She was quickly the hardest-working staff member, always eager to be part of a team and often taking leadership control if the ship seemed rudderless. 

In 2007, the University created the Science and Technical Education Department. I, together with Suwaiba, (now) Prof. Sagir Adamu Abbas (current Vice-Chancellor, Bayero University Kano), and a few others, were deployed to the new Department. She started her Master’s degree under my supervision. I could barely keep up with her ballistic enthusiasm, a trait she inherited from her father, Prof. Sa’id Ahmad Babura. 

As my “daughter” (her reference to me has always been “Baba Abdalla”, endearing me further to the family), she became my protégé. I became her Head of Department from 2010 to 2013, and we got heavily involved in NGO activities in teacher training, for she is highly dedicated to teacher education. She spent 15 years in international NGO activities in improving teacher education programs. 

She finished her Master’s degree in record time and almost immediately rolled over to a PhD, but this time at Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, finishing in 2014. She was the first female from Jigawa State to obtain a PhD in the rare field of Science Education. Her Google Scholar profile profiles her impressive research in Chemistry Education, Science Education, and Gender Studies. Her ResearchGate profile highlights one of the first experimental uses of AI ChatGPT in Organic Chemistry Classrooms, demonstrating her future-oriented focus on embracing AI in high school education. 

In every workshop setting, I would just sit down and watch her proudly as she explained the various teaching techniques to Kano and Jigawa States teachers. She developed a series of teacher training modules for international NGOs used in teacher training refresher programs. When she finished her doctoral studies in 2014, I had already migrated to the Department of Mass Communication in October 2012. She was visibly unhappy about my moving away because we taught a course on the Philosophy of Science together, which she really enjoyed. I assured her I would always be around the corner. 

Administratively, she also earned her laurels. From 2018 to 2020, she became the first female to become the Head of Science Education, then Sub-Dean Academics in the Faculty of Education, and eventually Associate Professor of Chemistry Education. Due to her brilliant performances, she was appointed Director of the Center for Gender Studies from 2020 to 2024, a position she impressively held, forming a womanist rather than feminist focus on gender issues, especially education, in a traditional society. She was mentored by Prof. Ruqayyah Ahmed Rufa’i, the former Honorable Minister of Education (2010-2013), also from Jigawa State. Bayero University remains proud of its women Education Ministers –all from the same State!

From there, she became the Provost of Jigawa State College of Islamic and Legal Studies, Ringim, in March 2024. In October 2024, she was nominated as the Minister of State for Education. 

At 43, she is young. That’s for sure. That is also her biggest advantage. She promises a fresh breath of future learning with her demonstrable competencies in field-tested qualitative research, Artificial Intelligence, and a focus on scientific learning among young people, particularly young girls. 

I am proud of Suwaiba as a daughter. Proud of her as a colleague. Proud of her as a protégé. As the recently appointed Minister of State, Education, I am proud of her as my boss. Allah Ya ƙara basira da albarka, amin.

By Nafisa Ismail Sadiq 

As a concerned Nigerian, I feel deeply disappointed in our leaders and ourselves. When President Bola Tinubu assumed office, many hoped for a significant shift. After years of enduring bad governance, we were desperate for leadership that would bring transparency and accountability. However, instead of progress, his administration has deepened our despair.

Bad governance didn’t begin with Tinubu’s administration. It has plagued Nigeria for decades. According to a study by the “Council on Foreign Relations” (CFR), corruption and bad governance have been key factors in Nigeria’s underdevelopment since the military era, particularly following the first military coup in 1966. The report highlights how the military regimes laid the foundation for systemic corruption that has persisted into civilian rule.

Yet, Tinubu’s rise to power came with promises of change. Many Nigerians believed that his leadership would mark the end of this destructive cycle. Unfortunately, as a report from “Transparency International” in 2023 indicates, Nigeria remains among the most corrupt countries globally, ranking 150 out of 180 in the Corruption Perceptions Index. This has cast a shadow over any hope for reform under the current administration.

On August 1, Nigerians took to the streets in protest. The protests lasted for ten days and were driven by frustrations over rising fuel prices, food costs, and economic hardship. 

When President Tinubu addressed the nation, many expected solutions or a roadmap to alleviate the suffering. However, political analyst Ayo Obe noted, “The President’s address was a missed opportunity to connect with the people and provide tangible solutions.” Instead of relief, Nigerians were met with more hardship—fuel subsidies were removed, and prices soared, pushing many into deeper poverty.

The removal of fuel subsidies, which the government argued was necessary to stabilize the economy, has had devastating effects. According to a “World Bank” report, the removal has led to a 40% increase in transportation costs, which has cascaded into higher food prices and other essential goods. This has further strained the already stretched budgets of ordinary Nigerians.

The protests, which started with hope, ended in silence. The momentum faded, and the issues we protested against remain unresolved. The media has moved on, and our leaders have offered no real solutions.

The tragic loss of innocent lives during the protests is a stark reminder of the high cost of bad governance. As noted in “Human Rights Watch” reports, the Nigerian government’s response to demonstrations often involves excessive force, leading to unnecessary casualties.

Given this history, it’s clear that we need new strategies to address our challenges. Political scientist Larry Diamond states, “Strengthening civil society is crucial for Nigeria’s democratic development.” Civil society organizations (CSOs) are vital in holding governments accountable and advocating for political reforms.

Moreover, technology offers a powerful tool for promoting transparency. In a 2022 paper, the “Brookings Institution” highlighted how blockchain technology could revolutionize governance in Africa by preventing the manipulation of elections, budgets, and resource allocation. Nigeria, with its tech-savvy youth, is well-positioned to leverage these innovations.

The solution isn’t in one man or one protest. It’s in our collective action, our shared resolve. We must come together to unite to build a better Nigeria. This is our moment. If we don’t seize it, the silence we hear now will only deepen, and our country will be the one that suffers.

Nafisa Ismail Sadiq wrote via nafisasadiq005@gmail.com.