Opinion

By Abu Haneef 

It is true that the North and South have rotated the presidency from the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999 until Jonathan truncated it in 2011 after the demise of Umaru Musa Yar’adua. Many have argued that it was practically challenging to stop an acting president from contesting just because of an unconstitutional gentleman agreement, which was put in place by not-so-gentle politicians to rotate the presidency between the North and the South. Although not a valid justification to scrap that agreement, the argument is not entirely incorrect; who could have stopped Jonathan if he wasn’t patriotic enough to put the country ahead of himself? No one.

All that is now history. But what isn’t history is how all the proponents of the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now speaking against rotation; in the very same manner, those that argued against the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now suddenly making a case for rotation. The way both sides exchanged arguments with the change of personalities proves that those arguments were never in favour of the reasons given in the first place. 

While there are some good arguments for and against the rotational presidency in Nigeria, there will never be a good argument for scrapping it when that benefits you, only to turn around and demand rotation when it does not. This double double-standard is against fair play. 

Now let us analyse the case. While the argument for the rotational presidency is valid on the grounds of national security and stability, there are many things wrong about how we are understanding and approaching the rotation—from its premises to our assumptions thereof and many things in between. 

Anyone who understands Nigeria’s politics knows that religion, rather than ethnogeography, is the biggest faultline, albeit with a bit of ethnogeographic connotations here and there. This explains why since 1999, almost all Northern Christians voted for Southern Christians (except where both contenders were Muslims, and even then, they preferred PDP simply for being “more Christian”), despite sharing the same geopolitical threats and opportunities with the Northern Muslims they rejected. Yet, notwithstanding this apparent reality, we chose to premise our rotation on ethnogeographical consideration rather than religion (I’m not making a case for religion here, I’m only analysing our presidential rotation). 

Now let us ask ourselves, what happens if we rotate the presidency to the South and a Muslim, backed by Northern voters, emerges as the president? He would have been a Southern president who would not give the South a sense of belonging. The same will have been the case if a Northern Christian emerges as president. So our current premise for rotation is faulty, and those responsible for it know this; they are only ashamed to premise our rotational presidency on religion because of the global stigma religion faces today. 

Another critical question we haven’t convincingly answered in Nigeria is population spread across Nigeria’s ethnogeographical constituents and religions. Doing this would have removed the heat generated on the polity by the many unrealistic demands currently put forward by all sections of the country. However, we have so many issues to solve, and the best way to start is to answer all the critical demographical questions we haven’t. Only then will every section understand its proper place in the scheme of things, as there are currently huge delusions by many country sections. 

Another problem with this rotation is our constitution, which does not recognise it. This is problematic because people at the opposite faultline can only surrender power based on trust. There is no guarantee that the other region will yield power according to agreed terms. We had seen that in 2011 when Jonathan contested against PDP’s zoning arrangement. Therefore, the question of constitutionality in rotating the presidency must be answered to address the current distrust in the polity. 

Another valid question to answer on presidential rotation is that of fairness, particularly with the way and manner we have seen many agitations for resource control, which led to the creation of 13% Derivation, Ministry of Niger Delta and Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Suppose we agree that they deserve more resources only because God planted those resources in their land. In that case, the North can also argue that they deserve to retain political power because the same God that chose to bless Niger Delta with hydrocarbon decided to bless the North with a larger population. Suppose it is fair for Niger Delta to demand resource control. In that case, it is certainly reasonable for the North to require strict adherence to the democratic principle of majority retaining power at all times. That is one consistency of truth we must not skip in our national discourse. 

Conclusively, I submit that the only thing correct about the rotational presidency we argue for or against is the idea of having or not having it, but everything else has either been misunderstood, refused to be understood or deliberately misrepresented. And in these tiny details and questions we repeatedly miss lies most of the solutions we seek elsewhere. 

Abu Haneef can be reached via imabuhaneef@gmail.com.

By Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani

It’s no longer news that Nigerians across the country are lamenting the exorbitant cost of food daily. Those with the president’s ears should tell him the truth or are frightened to inform him his agricultural plans are failing the country’s teeming inhabitants.

Floods have undoubtedly destroyed an unimaginable number of farmlands around the country, significantly hurting farm production across some states of the federation. 

In fact, food inflation has become the norm; sadly, most Nigerians were unable to feed their families. 

The federal government has taken a significant toll on the economy under this administration, with policies that have failed the people. To drive the economy through agriculture, policies that are just, affluent, favourable, and prosperous must be developed and embraced by the majority who chose farming as their source of livelihood.

The President recently blames “middlemen for taking advantage of the local rice production to exploit fellow Nigerians”. One might wonder, are these middlemen ghosts or are they above the law that can’t be brought to book? Saboteurs should indeed face the consequences of their actions. We can’t allow unscrupulous elements to undermine our quest to attend food security. We barely grow what we consume because fertiliser isn’t only unavailable but also prohibitively expensive for ordinary Nigerian farmers. However, the anchor borrowers scheme has not assisted Nigerians in obtaining relief; in fact, it may have resulted in more casualties, given that our borders are restricted, and we are not yet cultivating what is required in the country.

Indeed, new policies must be implemented to ensure that ordinary Nigerians can afford to purchase agricultural commodities. However, I’m pleading with the government to focus more on subsidising agricultural implements to encourage people to embrace farming and find ways to bridge shortages so that food is cheap for the growing population. A hungry man is believed to be an angry man. Nigerians would soundly sleep if food is not only abundant but also affordable, and the problem of malnutrition will undoubtedly be reduced to a manageable level.

Indeed, one of the basic principles of governance is that it must undertake programs that benefit its subjects.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani writes from Galadima Mahmud street Kasuwar-kaji Azare, Bauchi State.

I entered the market today to sample ram prices. The big one we bought for N70,000 last year is now N250,000 to N300,000. A medium ram is now N80,000 to N150,000. And a small one is around N60,000 to N70,000. These prices are all depending on the city and the market.

One interesting point that I want to make here is, I am presently in Kano and everything looks cheaper in Kano than in other states in the North and probably in Nigeria at large.

Therefore, what makes ram so expensive giving the fact that it has near 100% local content? First, it has to do with human greed and wickedness. Prices in Nigeria are influenced by approaching festive seasons not and not only the natural and conventional law of demand and supply. There was never a sallah with shortages of rams.

Second, it very clear that there has been food inflation in Nigeria. Rams feed on the by-products of local food staples like wheat, maize, rice, millet, Guinea corn and rice. If they are expensive, their by-products, the offal and chaps will definitely be expensive.

Third, is the devaluation of Naira. With the nation’s currency losing value and the government also officially devaluing it, the purchasing power of Naira will naturally drop, and it is drastically dropping everyday. Naira doesn’t hold much value today compared to last year. Take N20,000 to the market today and you will get 40% value of what it used to be last year.

Then last but not the least is the corruption components added to transportation of rams. The police, VIOs, state traffic agents and other security agencies are all out to make a kill by collecting bribes from all vehicles conveying livestock. There are also middlemen in all markets that impose tolls and illegal taxes on every head of ram.

So what to do?

The best way to go around it is either to buy an alternative to ram like sheep or goat that are cheaper or wait for the purchase a day after sallah when the market is becoming a buyer’s market. There are three days grace for layya. That way you can get ram 30% cheaper.

It is indeed obvious that life is generally not easy in Nigeria! If you are alive and healthy give glory to Allah and do what you can afford. Layya is only compulsory for those that have the means. If you can’t afford ram use your money and face other issues and pray for Allah’s blessings. Don’t overspend because after sallah you will still pay school fees. Those of us with children in universities should also brace up for increase in tuition fees. There is going to be increase in prices of petrol and electricity. The government is just bidding it’s time but mark my words, with crude oil price going up, the government will surely increase petrol price.

I wish all of us a very warm and wonderdul Barka da sallah.

Aliyu Nuhu

Abuja, Nigeria

I wonder why the APC senators mostly stood against the clause that sought to operationalize the electronic transmission of election results.

I thought APC as a party was supposed to embody the ideals of political progressivism and was not created and sold to the people as a mere alternative political party with almost the same modus operandi as the others. I thought it was supposed to be a positive paradigm shifter and a status quo disrupter. But they have proven us wrong. 

Debates over this issue took a very heated dimension on the floors of both chambers of the National Assembly, and I wonder why. I understand there are certain concerns around issues like the devices to be used in the transmission of the results; how the results would be authenticated digitally before transmission; how the relevant stakeholders(e.g. party agents, observers) would be able to access the original results as transmitted; how accountability and transparency will be entrenched especially regarding public access to results and of course the issue of internet connectivity and inadequate digital infrastructure.

But if we are really determined, are there no answers and solutions to all these questions and concerns? Where is the APC’s commitment to innovation and “change”? 

This is how I visualize the entire process in the simplest terms:

 
Firstly, on registration of party agents (and independent observers, both local and international) for each polling unit by INEC. The commission would take all necessary details, including biometrics and create a profile for each of them on the INEC system. As such, all agents and observers would have access to their profiles on an app developed specifically for the elections. Of course, rigorous training of agents would be done to this effect. All political parties would also have accounts on the platform(perhaps to be operated by the Chairmen of the Parties). 

Secondly, after the elections, the transmission of results can only be done after validation and authentication by all party agents registered(and official observers) in the polling units. This can be done in many ways. One way is by barcode scanning. This way, the agents’(and observers’) mobile application would allow the scanning of the barcodes of the digital results as compiled so that immediately the barcode is scanned, the agents would be sent the result sheet on their mobile app as tabulated for verification(just as we use our XENDER app). On verification, the agents would accept or decline(in cases that warrant such). If accepted, the agents would still, after accepting their devices, go further to verify their acceptance with a biometric scan(thumbprint) on the device of INEC. Only then will the result be transmitted. 

Thirdly, immediately after transmission, INEC will send originally certified and legally admissible copies of the verified and authenticated result to the accounts(profiles) of the party agents and the central party account(profile). The result will also be immediately published on the elections website and projected at the polling unit for public consumption. 

On connectivity, INEC might choose to use the networks of the local service providers operating in Nigeria or partner with reputable international service providers. I prefer the latter because of the argument that almost 50% of the polling units we have do not have internet coverage. The government might partner with companies like SpaceX that provide satellite internet services with the capacity of delivering 150mbps internet speed to any place on the planet via satellite. All that is needed is a small kit at every polling station. There are also many other companies the country can partner with to optimize the device with satellite internet functionality that will guarantee internet connectivity almost anywhere in the world with appreciable speed, for example, companies like Thuraya, Iridium, Inmarsat etc. Of course, under the supervision and protection of the nation’s digital firewall. In this case, all polling units would have the digital infrastructure necessary for this purpose. 

Are these things possible, or they are just too fictional and unrealistic? 

If they are possible, then what is all this noise around e-transmission of election results? Or are we just not yet ready for such a revolutionary change towards more transparency and accountability in our election processes? 

Why is APC hell-bent on amplifying a limitation that they have done nothing to improve as justification for their scepticism towards e-transmission of the election result? Why are they not talking solutions and alternative routes towards achieving e-transmission just as they did vehemently when the PDP postponed elections in 2015 because of the insecurity in the North East? I wonder how they would have reacted if they were still in the opposition, but given their reaction to the issue of card readers while they were, I strongly believe they would have supported e-transmission. 

Some of them argue that even the United States, by virtue of the Protecting American Votes and Elections Act of 2019, use conventional ballot papers for voting. And I ask, is electronic voting the same thing as the electronic transmission of results? Have they ever wondered how they get live election result updates on channels like CBN, ABC, FOX etc.? Don’t they know of the National Election Pool in the US and Edison Research which provide real-time election results? 

Some are sceptical because such a network is susceptible to cyber intrusion. And I ask why the pessimism? Can we not trust the same cybersecurity infrastructure that protects our national security data(in DIA, NIA, DSS etc.) to offer befitting protection to a network that will be used just for electronic transmission of election results? 

So many questions for the APC! 

And here is the subtlety, the initial clause in section 52(3), as presented, already had the practicability condition; “The Commission may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable.” So this was the original clause. 

Then it was amended to this by both chambers of NASS; “The commission may consider electronic transmission provided the national network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secure by the Nigerian Communications Commission and approved by the National Assembly.” 

In the amendment, the National Assembly subtly gave itself the exclusive power for approval subject to the NCC assessment and network coverage report. This is in absolute contravention with section 78 and Third Schedule Part 1, F, S.15 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended. Per these extant provisions, the constitution has given exclusive rights and powers to INEC in the matters of the conduct, supervision, undertaking and organization of elections in Nigeria. Hence, the unconstitutionality of subjecting INEC’s powers to the approval of the NCC and the NASS. 

We are ashamed by the actions of the APC towards this issue because we believed that any initiative that holds the potential of improving transparency in election proceedings in this country ought to be unconditionally supported, especially by the APC. But, sadly, that is not the case. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Zaria and can be reached through haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Adamu Bello Mai-Bodi

The member representing Bauchi Federal constituency, Hon. Yakubu Shehu (Wakilin Birni) pulled up his trousers and went into the gutters to ensure Bauchi State is rightly apportioned what it deserves from the Federal Government. Furthermore, the lawmaker moved a motion during the plenary on Thursday 15, July 2021, seeking to declare Bauchi State an oil-producing state given that oil exploration started in 2018 in Alkaleri LGA of the state. This is nothing short of bravery; it depicts Yakubu’s sheer love and concern for the development of his state.

Yakubu boldly puts it bare on the floor that it has become imperative to ascertain the fortunes at the disposal of the Federal Government in Alkaleri LGA so as to hasten the process of giving effect to the provisions of the new Petroleum Industry Bill, 2021, in terms of the economic benefit the host community stands to gain.

As a Bauchi citizen, I couldn’t hold back my applause when Yakubu asserted that any community from whose location oil is discovered and or produced is entitled to some extra monetary packages for the upkeep of its environment, infrastructure and health impact. He went further and bolder to make a case for the people of Bauchi to start benefiting from the 13% derivation being the constitutional right in the form of an incentive to the host community.

As expected, the motion, which Hon. Mansur Manu Soro seconded nearly divided the House for obvious reasons, one of which is that there are no reports of production from the Kolmani Well. Notwithstanding, the Ayes have it after a third submission by the Speaker of the lower chamber. It is a crying shame that most of southern Nigeria’s media houses hypocritically reported that the House overwhelmingly rejected the motion despite the fact that the Speaker ruled in favour of the Ayes.

By sponsoring such a critical motion, Wakilin Birni has won a bravery medal for himself and some degree of prestige and assurances for the Pearl of Tourism. Moreover, the motion gives Bauchi people a sense of victory, for it puts Gombe’s unfounded contest over the oil field to a permanent rest. It also serves as a groundbreaking argument for declaring Bauchi an oil-producing state in the country, which shall come to pass God willing.

However, the most crucial component of the brave Yakubu’s motion was his prayer to mandate the committee on petroleum resources (upstream) to invite the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to give a comprehensive presentation on the level of work in the oil exploration currently undertaken in Alkaleri and the successes recorded. This is because we don’t want to be taken for a ride or fall into the same ditch as the Mambila hydropower project that was nearly completed on paper. Bauchi people and Nigerians need to know what is going on in the Kolmani River.

As I applaud Hon. Yakubu, I want to assure him that all well-meaning Bauchi citizens are solidly behind him on this. He must not relent, especially on mandating the committee on petroleum resources (upstream) to invite the NNPC to give a progress report on their undertaking of oil exploration in our state.

Adamu Bello Mai-Bodi writes from Gidado Bombiyo residenceK/Kaji Azare. He can be reached via 08067481928.

This year’s Hajj and the preceding one are unique and unprecedented because they gather the lowest number of participating pilgrims since the creation of the Saudi Kingdom in 1932, thanks to coronavirus. Earlier, authorities in the kingdom had asked the international Islamic community not to participate in this year’s ritual for the fear that the pandemic might get a breeding ground among the pilgrims. So, only a few Saudis and fewer foreigners are participating.

As such, pilgrims arrive at Mount Arafat to observe the biggest of the Hajj ritual; we, outside Saudi Arabia, too share those moments, appreciate the day, and in awe supplicate to the Almighty Allah (SWT).

Mount Arafat is a sacred place where Prophet Muhammad (SAW) delivered the famous farewell sermon in which he, among other things, warned Muslims to guard as sacred: people’s property, their blood, women’s right, including their security, food and dignity. On that day, it was said, the last portion of revelation was sealed: “On this day, I’ve perfected for you your religion”, says Quran. Thus, the Arafat vigil offers the pilgrims some opportunities to stand, sit and bow in a contemplative, solemn mood to the Almighty. On this day, Allah forgives more people and liberates them from hellfire to paradise.

Arafat signifies diversity and pluralism, hence, the subtle directive for tolerance. The word ‘Arafat’ derives from the word ‘Arafah, or he learned/knew. Arafat is a place where people get to know each other. The place is known as Jabal al-Rahma or the Mountain of Mercy. Assembling such diverse people in one place, under one umbrella of universal brotherhood, is God’s subtle command: tolerate each other. I am yet to understand from which religious sects such as Bokoharam, Taliban, etc., emanate.

Moreover, Hajj, Aràfat in particular, is symbolic; it signifies peace and social inclusion as Muhrim/pilgrim is asked not to kill even an insect, including mosquitoes, flies, bees, etc. So when a pilgrim returns home, he’s at least taught to respect other God’s creatures as part of the ecosystem. Therefore, their lives are spared because they’re as sacred as human souls. In other words, Arafat teaches Muslims not to kill! 

Arafat signifies tolerance, as Muslims converge from different continents, countries, races, colours and languages in one place, same time, wearing the same garments, and performing the same rites. As a result, bodies come closer, faces meet, hands are shaken, pleasantries exchanged, tongues converse, and hearts reconcile.

Arafat symbolises utmost humility as people share sameness: bareheaded, with simple white clothes or Ihram, rich and poor, the rulers and the ruled, men and women, Arabs and non-Arabs, whites and blacks come together for a shared purpose. In this togetherness, unity penetrates the hearts as physical beauty is ignored: “The believers are but single brotherhood,” says Quran (49:10). 

Arafat is an adaptation of the day of judgement as people submit to the will of Allah in an open, vast ground. It, therefore, replicates and reminds the faithful that a day would come when only the kingdom of God reigns; only He can arbiter!

May the Lord in His infinite mercy restore peace to the world.

Salisu Yusuf teaches at the Department of English, Federal College of Education, Katsina.

By Ahmed Zakaria

With the recent agitations for “Yoruba Nation” and “Middlebelt”, it is pertinent for Kwara State indigenes to review their relationships with other groups, narrate their stories by themselves and resist all efforts at manipulations of the narratives.

Some raucous voices have always taken it upon themselves to categorise Kwara State where it suits their tribal, political, religious and sentimental inclinations without considering the choice of the state’s indigenes.

Just because the Yoruba language is the Lingua Franca in Kwara doesn’t separate Kwara from the northern states. But, that does not also mean only Yorubas reside in Kwara, or only they “own” Kwara, as there are many other tribes, like Nupes, Barubas, Kanuri, Fulani,

Some people wrongfully assume the scale to be a Northern State is being above River Niger, which is absurd and wholly superficial and unwarranted.

Others use Hausa or Fulfulde language as a yardstick for grouping northern and southern states, which is also fallacious. A lot of people in northern Nigeria do not speak Hausa or Fulfulde.

Others use religion as a criterion, which is also untrue. For example, many communities in northern Nigeria have large populations of Muslims, Christians, and worshippers of traditional religions. Most recently, agitators of the “Middlebelt” have used religion as a basis for dividing northern Nigeria. 

With the recent agitations in the South West for “Oduduwa Republic”, many people encourage Kwara Yorubas and even Kogi Yorubas to join the struggle. They claim they will regret being part of the North or be oppressed by the “Northerners” or that they won’t gain anything from the North. Many other things they enjoy saying without knowing the repercussions of what they are saying or putting into consideration the emotions of others while saying it.

It is all due to utter historical ignorance. It is highly offensive to assume Kwarans are Northerners by chance or are “Northerners” for the benefit of what they “gain” from the “North”. 

Kwarans are unfortunately projected as “power-hungry” folks, making them seem all their decisions are guided by the love of money, power or recognition, which is wrong, untrue, and humiliating. 

Adding more salt to injury is to assume that other “Northerners” will “oppress” Kwarans or take away their “rights” or “resources”. It is more painful and mischievous. Nothing as such exists in the dictionary of the good people of Kwara State. It is a lack of understanding of the historical relevance of the current nomenclature of Kwara State that leads to all these unfortunate and insincere utterances and views.

No one can take away the “rights” of Kwarans or “resources”. We are focused on what “we” can sincerely offer this nation and region and not what this nation or the North can offer us. We do not discuss our “rights” when we haven’t discharged the “obligations” upon us.

The people in Kwara State have a strong ideological and religious association with  Northern Nigeria, which is stronger than mere tribal and geographical relationships.

Those who wish to project Kwarans as unclear of where they belong or are lost, looking for an identity, or seeking acceptance are deceiving themselves, not Kwarans. They deny the obvious. 

Many Kwarans welcomed the news of the raid on Sunday Igboho’s house and the arrest of his criminal associates for their effrontery towards Kwara State heroes and monuments.

They employed their propaganda machines to tarnish the good image of Kwara as well as to portray them in a negative light. They rubbished our traditional institutions and had the audacity to instruct their foot soldiers to be insulting Our Royal Father, the Emir of Ilorin.  

He thought the hooliganism and thuggish behaviour he exhibited in Oyo State could be condoned and replicated in Kwara State. He does not know the bonds that bind the people of Kwara are more robust than what people like him could ever break. Many sacrifices were made to build, foster, and develop these bonds and brotherhood, but his followers kept praising him till he met his Waterloo.

No true son of Kwara will support the criminal attitudes of Igboho. That is why some people believe that most people causing trouble and tribalism today in Kwara State are not true sons of Kwara. No true son of Kwara will support the disrespect meted on the state by Igboho and his propaganda machines.

It is harrowing and highly disappointing to paint Kwarans as people without an identity, just like it is a blatant lie to assume Kwarans don’t know their identity; that was what Igboho worked extremely hard at achieving.

It is unfortunate to assume Kwarans don’t know where they belong to or are looking for love and affection from any people or group of people. But, on the contrary, Kwarans respect everybody and bear no grudge towards anyone.

The mere thought of what Igboho represents is distasteful, extremely humiliating, and deeply heartbreaking. Kwarans are not troublesome; they are warm-blooded, unlike their counterparts in other parts of the country. 

That is the opportunity Igboho seized and the reason he dared to insult, belittle, humiliate, and threaten Kwarans. Yet, he dared not threaten Kano, Sokoto, or Borno in the same fashion he threatened Kwara.

Those supporting Igboho’s antics, methods, styles, and methodology do not and will never represent Kwarans. The attacks on our Emir and traditional institutions even made us more united behind our Emir despite all our differences.

Igboho consistently portrays hatred for those he terms the “Fulanis”, but we all in Kwara State fall under that category. He has been blinded by deep-seated tribalism and hatred that he views all of us in Kwara State as Fulanis and “Eru Fulanis” to the extent that it is absolutely impossible to convince his myopic mind that not all people in Kwara are Fulani and that Yorubas, Nupes, Barubas, and Fulanis live side by side, peacefully since the time of Shehu Alimi, that’s two centuries ago.

We thank the swift intervention of the DSS in tackling the menace and criminal activities of Igboho and his cohorts, for if the government hadn’t intervened, other non-state actors would definitely spring into action to counter his illegal activities and unguarded utterances against Kwara State. He and tribalists like him are not welcome in Kwara State. 

May ALLAH bless Kwara State and the whole of Nigeria, amin.

Ahmad Zakariyah writes from Kwara State. He can be reached via ahmadzakariyah@gmail.com.

South African problem is the exact replica of black man’s disease. It is the reason why black Africa will never develop. Look at North Africa; Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria, they have infrastructure, mostly at par with Europe, some are even better than most European countries. They are not blacks. The Arabs, even with their deadly problems, are far ahead of blacks in terms of development. There is no black African success story as far as nation building is concerned. Some people mention Rwanda as a success story. I don’t know their standard of success. To me a country with no rail system, which has only seven 7 tiny airports, running an agrarian economy and presided by dictator, is not a success story. South Africa was built by the Whites. Zimbabwe had a wonderful headway until Mugabe chased away the whites and handed over the economy to blacks. But look at UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. They are developed peaceful societies with law and order per excellence.

The 79 years Jacob Zuma of South Africa was sentenced to prison to spend 15 months for refusing a constitutional court order to give evidence, at an inquiry investigating a high-level corruption during his nine years in office. Zuma is facing trial for corruption, fraud, racketeering and money laundering. What followed was total disgrace to Africa and black race. South African blacks and Zuma’s Zulu tribe went into violent protest in major cities of Natal, Durban, Johannesburg and other major provinces. They broke shops and looted the contents and set buildings ablaze. In the melee that followed, at least 79 people died with figures still counting.

Who, but African blacks, will go into riots to protest imprisonment of a corrupt leader on account of ethnicity only! The South Africans are not rioting because Zuma is innocent. They just don’t want him to be jailed no matter his crimes. Zuma defied court order. In any civilized society, defying court is tantamount to sleeping in prison. But see South Africa, arguably the most developed country in Africa, having the best infrastructure, best schools, functioning economy and a member of G-20, disgracing Africa, Africans and all blacks.

What kind of country do South Africans want if a leader can wreck the treasury and be above the law? Even with our myriads of problems I don’t see Nigerians behaving this way. Obasanjo was a former leader imprisoned for offences he did not commit but no one razed any shop or burnt down cities. Leaders will always have supporters but when they commit crimes, we should not give them ethnic refuge and fight their own battles. We should allow them to stew in the pot they arranged for themselves. That is the only way they will do the right thing in offices. As long as we allow them to commit crimes and run to ethnic and religious cleavages for protection, we will never develop as a country.

Alhaji Aliyu Nuhu

Is a social analyst based in Abuja

By Muhammad Mahmud

The recent debate between AbdulJabbar and representatives of Kano Ulama on the former’s reprehensible method of uttering unprintable words on the person of the Messenger of Allah (Peace be Upon Him) on the pretext of deduction and/or inference has opened yet another question on the freedom of expression. Some few supporters of AbdulJabbar decided to hinge their support on the hype of freedom of expression, saying that they are supporting him because he represents their free speech advocacy.

Nevertheless, a simple glance will expose this fallacy because if criticising other ideas is sanctioned by the freedom of speech article, AbdulJabbar himself does not seem to believe in it given his radical stance on the right of different sects to propagate their understanding. He condemns other people (sometimes using all available invectives) for no reason other than expressing opinions that contradicts his stance. He attacks other sects with impunity, descending on the personalities of many revered sheikhs, who were not even aware of his existence, in order to hurt emotionally and psychologically injure their admirers who disagree with him on one issue or another.

It is, therefore, hypocritical to premise supporting the man on the shaky ladder of free speech advocacy. This is even more evident as the peddlers of this chicanery never, even for once, voiced their dissatisfaction with the man’s assault on others who spoke their minds.

Now that the issue of freedom of expression is introduced into the unfolding drama, it is pertinent to ask what precisely this freedom of expression is? What is its scope, length and breadth? To what extent is it applicable? Who determines what it is and who will decide who is guilty of violating its principles?

We must address this because without fully knowing and understanding these, we may never have the much sought “liberty” to express ourselves. Unfortunately, many questionable elements will hide under it to deny us our own right to express ourselves.

It looks like almost every blasphemer or assaulter of people’s sacred places and/or scripture will find a supporter among the advocates of freedom of expression. Are the majority of people whose religion is attacked NOT free to express their anger? Why the intolerance against intolerance? It seems we are faced with what we can call a tyranny of the minority.

Section 39 (1) of the Nigerian constitution says: “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.” Why should this only be applicable when those opinions are from the minority?

Am I not free to hate and despise anyone who infringes on my liberty and attack me, my religion or culture? Put aside those reasons, am I not free to hate anyone, including AbdulJabbar, for no reason at all? Why should someone then try to gag me when I have a reason to hate and express my anger towards him when he attacks what I hold dear?

Some of them used to argue that we abhor dissent. This is also not true. We have been living with dissent throughout our history. Even after Sheikh Dan Fodio’s Jihad, there were non-Muslims who went about their businesses without any harassment. Throughout our towns, there are a handful of brothels known as Gidan Magajiya. There were singers and dancers. There were even ‘yan daudu in addition to prostitutes. They live here. None of them was reported to have been attacked by the people or the authorities, to the best of my knowledge.

Also, the Ulama differ. They write books for and against what they believe and what they do not believe. People follow any sect they feel they are more at home with. They form and join groups. All these existed in Arewa before Nigeria even existed; they still exist. What gave the impression that we hate dissent is yet to be enumerated. Therefore, this is not about disagreement; it is about attacking and insulting what people hold dear and sacred while waving the card of free speech.

By Abubakar Suleiman

No thanks to his polemics, fiery tongue and boastfulness, AbdulJabbar Nasiru Kabara, the scion of the famous and revered Islamic scholar Shaykh Nasiru Kabara, has dominated the tongue and pens (though in the negatives) of most Hausa-speaking Muslims after the long-awaited debate has been laid to rest. He stirred the hornet nest and got stung from all directions.

Over the years, he has gained currency due to his unrestrained and unhinged attempts during preachments to create a hole in the validity of the Sunni Canons, especially Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih al-Muslim. Plus, he has also never relent efforts in casting doubts into the minds of his gullible and unsuspecting followers on the narrative integrity of the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW). He is actually not the first to cast doubts on authentic Prophetic traditions, but he is the most reckless one I have come across.

Tellingly, in all his attempts, AbdulJabbar bucked context, methodological principles in the science of Hadith, Arabic nuances and even cultural conceptualisations or idiosyncrasies, especially in translations. And these translations ended up impugning the sacredness of the Prophet. Moreover, save for Allah’s intervention through the Kano state government, his dogmatism and preachings might have led to bloodshed and loss of lives and property.

This saga should once again bring to the front burner the issue of regulating preachers and preaching in Nigeria. One’s ability to translate Arabic text or to graduate from an Islamic university or a Christian theological seminary in Nigeria or abroad should not automatically confer on anyone the authority or absolute freedom to preach or use media houses to propagate ANY kind of religious ideology devoid of a vetting process.

There is no gainsaying that some religious clerics have exploited or abused the freedom of religion or expression for both personal and even political gains through dangerous indoctrination, misinterpretation of religious diktats and the preaching of skewed versions of religion. AbdulJabbar is a good specimen of how to throw decency to the dogs with the help of jarring sounds from a cheering and unsuspecting crowd in preference for personal gains.

Unfortunately, as a society, we most times abhor regulations on seemingly everything. Unfortunately, this nonchalant attitude has often come with a huge and devastating price, as we have witnessed in the case of Maitatsine and, now witnessing in the aftermath of Muhammad Yusuf’s death and the subsequent upsurge of the Boko Haram insurgency and, also AbdulJabbar’s preachments.

Regulation in religious matters is a sensitive issue. Still, it is a pertinent key in taming extreme tendencies, reducing margins of errors in religious fatwas and enhancing positive social policy and social integration. Yes, we can contemplate the government’s tendency to enact laws on preaching in erecting barriers that would insulate them from accountability or criticisms as humanly possible. However, we cannot underestimate the effects or the grave consequences of leaving preachers of any kind unchecked in our current realities.

The government at all levels should, as a matter of urgency, collaborate with relevant religious organisations in building or tweaking existing institutions which shall be backed by law. The institution should be shouldered with the responsibilities of, among others, screening and issuing a licence to preachers, judiciously and sincerely implementing the enacted rules and periodically revising and amending the laws in tandem with current realities or evolving peculiarities.

The solution, as mentioned earlier, is not a one-size-fits-all. Still, we desperately need a system or mechanism to check religious excesses and undue preachments before the next ‘AbdulJabbar’ or religious demagogue rears his ugly head and throws us into another quagmire that may be costly to our lives, religion, time and wealth.

Abubakar Suleiman writes from Kaduna and can be reached via abusuleiman06@yahoo.com.