Opinion

By Haroon Aremu

The world is reeling from a relentless storm of inflation that knows no borders. Post-pandemic recoveries have become nightmares for many, with economies struggling to keep pace with skyrocketing demands. Disrupted supply chains—fueled by the devastation of COVID-19 and further shattered by the Russia-Ukraine war—have left nations gasping for stability. Commodity prices for essentials like oil, gas, and food have surged, igniting a crisis felt most acutely by those already on the edge of survival.

Global inflation hit 8.8% in 2022, shrinking consumer spending and pushing 150 million people into extreme poverty. Economic slowdown and uncertainty have gripped every continent, turning hopeful recoveries into distant dreams. In one sentence, we can say, “The Global Economic Chaos: A World on Fire”. But if the global economy is trembling, Africa—already vulnerable—is teetering on the brink of collapse.

With inflation soaring to 12.3%, Africa is caught in a spiral of despair. Food inflation hit 15.6% in 2022, driven by droughts, conflict, and the uncontrollable price surge. Energy costs have become unmanageable, soaring by 20.5%, and with local currencies crumbling against the U.S. dollar, daily survival has become a question mark for millions.

The hope of a unified, self-reliant Africa through initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) seems increasingly remote as corrupt leadership and poor economic management derail potential progress. Sigh, Africa’s Plight: A Heavy Toll on the Weakest

Now to Nigeria’s Economic Downfall: A Land Bleeding Under the Weight of Inflation. Nigeria! Africa’s largest economy is sinking under the weight of its own ills. With inflation at a devastating 31.7% as of February 2024, Nigerians face a nightmare scenario where everyday life becomes a battle for survival. 

Food prices have skyrocketed due to domestic challenges like drought, conflict, and the fallout from removing fuel subsidies. Transportation costs have become unbearable, and with the Naira weakening against foreign currencies, the cost of imported goods has skyrocketed.

Yet, these economic problems are not only the result of natural or external factors. Nigeria’s reliance on oil exports has left its economy vulnerable to the volatility of global oil prices. Corruption and inefficient supply chains worsen the impact, while a broken infrastructure leaves the country incapable of delivering basic services.

As Nigeria’s economy crumbles, its leaders—those entrusted with the nation’s welfare—have instead chosen to enrich themselves. Public funds meant for development are looted, while ordinary citizens—whether struggling innocents or corrupt poor—are left in despair. Yahaya Bello and Rochas Okorocha have been accused of dipping their hands into funds meant to lift Nigeria out of the abyss. The worst part? The justice system, weak and compromised, seems incapable of holding them accountable.

Yahaya Bello, for instance, has mastered the art of playing “hide and seek” with the law, knowing that in a system as broken as Nigeria’s, his chances of facing real consequences are slim to none. Meanwhile, regular citizens, including “yahoo boys” and even innocent individuals, are being hunted and prosecuted with swift brutality. This stark contrast between how the law treats the powerful and the powerless is a cancer eating away at the soul of the nation. Who protects the people if the leaders steal from the innocent and the corrupt?

Should all this be blamed solely on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu? Or is there a broader problem that goes deeper into the fabric of Nigeria’s leadership and society?

The mismanagement of Nigeria’s resources is not only the fault of a select few in power. It is the collective failure of all those in leadership positions who have turned governance into a self-serving endeavour. Governors, senators, and other public officials have consistently failed to deliver on their promises, leaving citizens to bear the brunt of their incompetence.

But are the citizens themselves free of blame? The culture of apathy that pervades Nigerian society has allowed this systemic rot to fester. When people fail to hold their leaders accountable by demanding better governance or active civic participation, they become complicit in destroying their nation.

If Nigeria continues on this path of corruption, injustice, and economic decay, the consequences will be catastrophic. The poverty rate is already climbing at an alarming pace, with an estimated 87 million Nigerians living below the poverty line. This number will only increase as inflation pushes basic commodities out of reach for the average citizen.

Social unrest is bubbling beneath the surface, waiting for a spark. Frustration and desperation are building, and if left unchecked, they could lead to widespread violence and instability. As Nigeria’s institutions crumble, its brightest minds will continue to flee the country in search of greener pastures, further accelerating the brain drain that has left Nigeria without the intellectual capital it needs for progress.

Decisive action is required to prevent Nigeria from falling into the abyss. For the government, transparency and accountability must become non-negotiable. Strengthening institutions, particularly the justice system, is critical if corruption is to be rooted out. Public funds must be directed toward tangible development, focusing on infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

For citizens, the time for apathy is over. A collective awakening is needed, where people demand better governance at all local and federal levels. Nigerians must realise that their silence is contributing to the nation’s downfall. Only through collective effort—by both government and citizens—can the cycle of corruption and economic ruin be broken.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a mass communication graduate and an NYSC member of the PRNigeria Center in Abuja. He can be contacted via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu and Muhammad Umar Shehu

As Nigeria celebrated its 64th independence anniversary a few weeks ago, it is essential to reflect on the nation’s potential and the persistent challenges that continue to hinder its progress. Despite being blessed with vast natural resources and a vibrant population of over 200 million people, Nigeria’s struggles have deepened rather than improved over the past year. From widespread poverty to increasing insecurity, the country’s path to growth remains uncertain unless urgent and substantial action is taken.

Poverty in Nigeria continues to be one of the most pressing challenges. A significant portion of the population, over 40%, still lives below the poverty line. As the cost of living soars and job opportunities remain scarce, millions of Nigerians find themselves trapped in cycles of deprivation. While government programs aimed at alleviating poverty have been implemented, the results have mainly been insufficient due to inefficiency, poor implementation, and corruption. 

The lack of job creation remains a critical concern. Despite having a young and dynamic population, many Nigerians face an uncertain future as there are not enough opportunities for them to contribute to the nation’s economic growth. The high unemployment rate, particularly among the youth, exacerbates feelings of hopelessness, contributing to social unrest.

Corruption continues to plague every sector of Nigerian society, from the public to the private sector. It has been described as a systemic problem deeply embedded in the fabric of governance, politics, and even business practices. Public funds for infrastructure development, healthcare, education, and poverty alleviation are often diverted for personal gain, leaving the masses to suffer.

Though active in many areas, the fight against corruption has proven ineffective in bringing about substantial reform. The long-standing lack of political will and the entrenchment of corrupt practices ensure that those in power remain immune from real accountability. Until corruption is thoroughly tackled, Nigeria’s progress will continue to be hampered.

One of the most alarming issues Nigeria faces today is the increasing insecurity. What began as localised conflicts in specific regions has evolved into nationwide terror. Terrorist groups, bandits, and separatist movements are now operating with impunity across the country. The rise in violent crimes, abductions, and ethnic clashes has not only resulted in loss of lives but has also displaced millions, further straining the nation’s resources.

Investors remain wary of Nigeria’s unstable environment, while everyday Nigerians are forced to live in fear. Insecurity has undoubtedly slowed economic activity, as businesses are reluctant to set up or expand in areas prone to violence. The government’s inability to secure the nation and protect its citizens is a glaring failure that demands urgent attention.

The educational sector, too, is still struggling. Though the government has made some efforts to reform education, such initiatives have not yielded the desired results. The country’s education system remains underfunded and ill-equipped to handle the growing demands of a population that values knowledge and skills as the gateway to prosperity.

A critical shortage of teachers, infrastructure, and learning materials leaves millions of children and young adults without access to quality education. Many Nigerian students are forced to attend overcrowded classrooms, while those in rural areas often lack basic educational resources. The result is a generation of young people who are ill-prepared to face the challenges of the modern world.

Unemployment remains at an all-time high. The nation’s reliance on oil as its primary source of revenue has left it vulnerable to global price fluctuations, causing economic instability. Additionally, the lack of diversification into other sectors, such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology, limits job creation.

Without a comprehensive economic overhaul focusing on sustainable development and the growth of non-oil sectors, Nigeria’s economy will continue to stagnate. The country must invest in infrastructure, create an environment that nurtures entrepreneurship, and promote policies that stimulate job creation.

The question is not whether Nigeria has the potential to be great but whether its leaders can rise to the occasion and make the necessary changes to unlock that potential. There is no shortage of resources in the country—natural, human, or financial. What is lacking is effective governance, transparency, and leadership that prioritises the needs of the people over personal gain.

The Nigerian government must take decisive action to address poverty, reduce corruption, enhance security, and overhaul the education system. Citizens, civil society organisations, and the private sector must also play their part by demanding accountability, fostering innovation, and supporting initiatives that contribute to national development.

At 64, Nigeria remains a land of possibilities. However, unless these challenges are addressed, the country will continue to suffer, and the future will remain uncertain. It is time for bold steps and concrete reforms to secure the next generation’s prosperous and peaceful future.

Usman Muhammad Salihu was among the pioneer cohorts of the PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship, along with Muhammad Umar Shehu. They can be reached at muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri recently stated that his successor must be a grassroots politician. So, to all grassroots politicians, are you prepared?

Whether or not you agree with Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, it’s impossible to ignore that he delivered an impressive performance in just five years. His leadership style, marked by decisiveness and a strategic approach, has left a lasting impact on Adamawa State. 

Three key factors contributed to his success: first, he profoundly understands local politics at the grassroots level. This knowledge allowed him to manage diverse interests, bringing various stakeholders together while effectively navigating the political landscape. He knows how to utilise power not just to control but to drive progress and development as well as the political power itself.

Second, Fintiri is known for making bold decisions without hesitation, which sets him apart from many political leaders who are often bogged down by fear or indecision. Whether in policy formulation or tackling complex issues, he has consistently courageously taken risks where necessary. However, boldness doesn’t equate to rashness. Fintiri rarely rushes critical decisions, opting instead for careful deliberation. He balances this decisiveness with a thoughtful approach, ensuring resources are allocated judiciously across various sectors, leading to sustainable development and equitable growth.

Finally, while he can be measured and calculated in his decision-making, Fintiri is also forthright. He doesn’t shy away from expressing his views openly, making him a leader who is both pragmatic and honest. This combination of boldness, caution, and openness has earned him recognition on a national level, bringing Adamawa into greater prominence. Recently, Fintiri expressed his political views in Rivers State but remained balanced as a leader. That is how a true leader speaks.

For Fintiri’s successor, the road ahead will be marked by both challenge and opportunity—a situation that could be described as sweet-bitter. The primary challenge will be following in the footsteps of a highly successful leader. Succeeding a high performer often comes with the burden of high expectations. The new leader will be required to exceed Governor Fintiri’s accomplishments, as merely matching them or falling short would likely be a failure. This catch-22 is often the hardest part of leadership transitions—especially when the predecessor has set a high bar.

On the flip side, there is a significant advantage. Fintiri has laid a strong foundation, which includes efficient tools, systems, and a skilled human resource base. Gov. Fintiri’s successor will have the opportunity to build on these assets, improving where needed while inheriting a well-established structure. With the right approach, he or she can take Adamawa to even greater heights.

Fintiri’s understanding of politics in Adamawa has been straightforward—he sees it as the art of balancing interests driven by fairness and people’s rights. His ability to manage conflicting interests while making decisive moves has been crucial to his success. Bold yet measured, he has used resources to create visible impacts, from infrastructural developments to social programs, all of which have put Adamawa in the national spotlight. His performance will give his successor powerful momentum on which to capitalise. However, whoever succeeds Governor Fintiri must recognise the weight of expectation that comes with succeeding a well-regarded and high-performing predecessor. It will require vision and strategy to maintain the trajectory and deliver even greater results.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Hajara Abdullahi

The long reoccurring war between Israel and Palestine spans decades which can be traced to the Balfour Declaration of 1917  that led to the creation of a national home in Palestine for the Jewish people fleeing the Nazi Holocaust in Europe. After the creation of the zionist state in 1948, the Arab states went to war with Israel, which led to the first Nakba (Catastrophe) that led to the killing of hundreds of Palestinians and thousands of others fled their homes. Israel won the war, and the reality surfaced that the Zionist state had come to stay, especially with unwavering support from allies like the US, France, Germany and other European countries.

Since the creation of Israel, Palestinians have been subjected to the worst form of apartheid and dehumanisation, as well as the forceful annexation of their lands to establish Jewish settlements, which the U.N. have described as illegal under international law. Peace accords and diplomatic efforts have done little to address this decade-long conflict from Camp David to Oslo.

On October 7 2023, Hamas launched an unprecedented attack on Israel that led to the loss of about 1,139 lives, while about 250 were kidnapped, according to the BBC. This attack sparked rage worldwide, considering the strong support Israel enjoys from powerful allies like the U S and the U.K. This attack had led to the launch of a full-scale wall on the besieged Gaza Strip that has claimed the lives of at least 45,000 people, and almost 100,000 have been injured. It has also led to the displacement of nearly the entire population of 2.3 million, a hunger crisis and a genocide case at the World Court. Even the occupied West Bank is not spared, as IDF have carried out airstrikes and shellings that have killed civilians and displaced thousands. The U.N. has described 2024 as the deadliest year for Palestinians in Gaza, with the IDF offensive reducing the enclave to rubble.

Since the outbreak of the conflict, The U.N., E.U., U.S. and other world leaders have condemned the Hamas act and called for restraint to avoid escalation. Diplomatic efforts have been put in place after months of fighting with Iran-backed resistant groups Hezbollah and Houthi launching solidarity attacks against Israel. On October 18 2023, U.S. President Joe Biden visited Tel Aviv to make a peace deal between the warring parties. Similarly, the G7 leaders also met in Tokyo in June to push forward for a ceasefire to avoid a wider regional conflict.

On May 31, U.S. President Joe Biden announced a three-phase proposal to the U.N. Security Council to end the war in the Gaza Strip. He called, first, for a temporary ceasefire tied to partial withdrawals of Israeli forces, limited hostage exchanges, and an influx of aid. Negotiations would then begin and, if successful, lead to the second phase, involving a permanent cessation of hostilities tied to total withdrawals and complete hostage exchanges. The final phase would see reconstruction efforts being set up, but Israel’s refusal to accept the conditions witnessing the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza a total setback amidst protests by families whose relatives are held as hostages in Gaza. However, the ceasefire plan was short-lived when Israel, with the assistance of intelligence support from the U.S., launched a deadly attack that led to the killing of at least 200 Palestinians while  4 Israeli captives held in Nuseirat camp in Central Gaza were rescued, according to the BBC.

Hopes were lit when U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, in his 11th trip to the Middle East on August 15 to avert a wider conflict after the killing of top Hamas leader by Israel, told a gathering of reporters while departing Tel Aviv that the ball is in the court of Hamas to accept the conditions as Israel has accepted the bridging proposal for the ceasefire to work. Unfortunately, Hamas said it won’t be part of a new proposal, saying it will only accept the initial proposal put forward by President Biden.

While Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vehemently opposes the release of Palestinian prisoners held in Israel in exchange for captives held in Gaza, the withdrawal of IDF from Gaza while Hamas has not been dismantled, as well as leaving the strategic Philadelphi corridor  ditched the last hope of the ceasefire which two key mediators Egypt and Qatar have been working on.

Marwan Bishara, a senior political analyst with Aljazeera, said, “Both parties understand that they cannot achieve in diplomacy what they couldn’t achieve in war” This implies that the Israelis won’t get the captives back on a platter of gold, neither would Hamas get Gaza free of Israeli soldiers free of charge.

The  Wall Street Journal, in an exclusive article it published on September 20 2024, said it’s unlikely for a ceasefire to be reached in Gaza, citing top-level officials in the White House, State Department and Pentagon without naming them while explaining two obstacles will make it difficult: Israel’s demand to keep forces in the Philadelphi corridor between Gaza and Egypt and the specifics of an exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners held by Israel. In the recently concluded 79th session of the UNGA, world leaders called for restraint in Lebanon as tension heightened.

In the end, diplomatic efforts may produce little or no results because, as Tim Marshall explained in his book Prisoners of Geography, the map of the region is being redrawn in blood, and the current fault lines emerged from the artificial lines drawn by Europe. Therefore, the U.N., U.S, Arab League and other world leaders must work hand in hand for a two-state solution agreed upon in the Oslo Accord of 1993, as well as press Israel and Hamas to accept the conditions laid down for the ceasefire to work which will ensure a peaceful coexistence in the Middle East region as well as prevent a wider regional conflict the region risk facing with the recent clash between Hezbollah and Israel on the Lebanese southern border.

Hajara Abdullahi wrote from the Dept of Mass Communication, Bayero University Kano.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Whenever I am in my community, I usually go to Kebbi State College of Health Technology, Jega, for computer business services. But suddenly, this Thursday, I encountered violent rioting students, blocking the road with what usually signals tension: burning tyres. When I noticed the school gate ablaze, I realised the situation was out of hand.

Later in the evening, I learned about even more harrowing stories, as the house and vehicles of the school provost, Haruna Saidu-Sauwa, were destroyed beyond imagination. The provost was barely said to have escaped lynching. This is the part of the country where even a peaceful demonstration is culturally and morally avoided, so bringing such riots of this magnitude called for reckoning.

The students reached the breaking point when they felt utterly swindled by the school management. According to some of them who spoke with correspondent of Radio Nigeria Equity FM Birnin Kebbi, they were admitted to study various newly introduced courses for national diploma, boldly indicated by their admission letters. But, unknowing to them, they would be given certificates because their courses were not accredited. What made the matter bitter was spending two years waiting for a ship that never came and the ultimatum to meet the deadline for registration fees or miss the national exam, so through the sweat of their brows, they cough up the 65k examination fee. One student’s story paints the extent of their predicament. According to this student, his father was due for an eye operation, but because of this dateline, the operation had to be delayed.

Penultimate to the incident, the students have been giving excuses, especially by the person they channel their anger the most: the school provost. When one-on-one with him, having exhausted all possible excuses, he allegedly steered up the honest net: “We have nothing to do for you; you can do your worst if you cannot accept certificates (instead of national diplomas). 

Why the student could not settle for state certificates? According to one graduate of the school, only the national diploma gets recognition countrywide, and the state certificate is the lowest pecking order, which is looked down upon even within Kebbi State. When the first set was introduced for employment this year, they were told such certificates didn’t exist.  Thus, one student bore his frustration about this turn of events: the management just wanted, at all costs, to reduce us to roadside hawkers by giving us state certificates.

This turn of events was not all the reason behind the escalation of the matter, just the straw that broke the camel’s back. The school students’ cries have been echoed offline for a long time, and only a few courageous people have taken their cries to social media. The situation of running the school was dire; the light availability, water supply, and environmental sanitation were all allegedly pathetic—these factors, together with the latest lack of accreditation, combined to culminate into the time bomb.

This matter escalated because loyalty wins over competence. Another allegation was that the current provost of the school was chosen over Sadiq Noma, an upright, principled scholar who upholds due process. He was appointed for several days, and even a Walima (eating party) took place to celebrate his appointment. However, the appointment was suddenly terminated in favour of the current provost.

But reading about the predicament of other schools and colleges of health, especially through Dr Muhsin Ibrahim’s posts and the trove of comments that followed them, I realised that the malaise in health colleges in Nigeria is widespread. The sale of admissions has been normalised; benefits for grades are rampant, and now a new layer of irregularity has been introduced: ghost courses.

Health-related courses have the tradition of graduating self-employed students, so unarguably, the reason behind desperation to get admission in such institutions at all costs. Unfortunately, this is the weakness that the officials exploited across the country. Therefore, it is imperative for his excellency, the Kebbi State governor (and, of course, over Nigerian governors) Dr Nasir Idris, as an educationist, to arrest the situation to avoid losing the benefits that come with health-related schools: providing sought-after health staff in the state as well as serving as a source for self-employment.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Muhammed U. Hong

Nearly six decades ago, the practice of external borrowing for many developing countries could be linked to two major International Financial Institutions (IFIs): The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These institutions became the most significant source of finance for many third-world economies, particularly in Africa, where countries owe both institutions a large portion of their external debts. However, towards the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, the IMF experienced a decline in lending activities in the region. 

The institution was becoming almost irrelevant as most countries were reluctant to borrow from it due to its policies and programs, notably the Structural Adjustment Program, which worsened economic and social conditions rather than improving them. As a result, the IMF’s reputation was severely damaged, and countries began to seek alternatives.

In the last two decades, China emerged as a major bilateral lender, gaining prominence for its infrastructure and economic development projects in African countries through three of its most prominent institutions: The China Exim Bank, China Development Bank, and China Agricultural Bank. This led to the rise of many other private sector entities that helped cater to the fiscal needs of developing countries.

Between 2013 – 2022, African countries’ total external public debt stock, as reported by the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), rose from US$109.63 billion in 2013 to US$223.74 billion in 2022. China disbursed loans over the same ten-year span, increasing from US$24.11 billion in 2013 to US$62.89 billion in 2022. As of March 2022, 34% of Africa’s total external debt was owed to multilateral creditors, such as the World Bank’s IDA and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), while 23% was linked to bilateral creditors, including China and Germany. Private creditors, like Bondholders from the United Kingdom, accounted for the remaining 43%.^[1] Only a modest portion of Africa’s total external debt stock is owed to China.

External or foreign borrowing is not inherently negative for countries, including African ones. It is widely understood that virtually no country can sufficiently fund its budget by relying solely on its yearly revenue. Thus, governments resort to public debt to fulfil fiscal obligations, especially when running a deficit or intending to spend more than their revenue. In Africa, external borrowing has served as a necessary tool to fund critical domestic infrastructure projects that aim to generate developmental and social gains.

However, the criteria for borrowing—such as the type of debt, its purpose, repayment terms, currency of repayment, and borrowing conditions—play a crucial role. One key metric that lenders assess is the Public Debt-to-GDP ratio, which indicates what a country owes in relation to what it produces and thereby reflects its ability to repay the debt. The higher the Debt-to-GDP ratio, the greater the risk of default. The World Bank established that a threshold of 64% for emerging markets (such as African countries) and 77% for developed economies is where public debt may begin to impact economic growth negatively. ^[2]

Interestingly, some of the world’s leading economies, including Japan, the United States, and the United Kingdom, have the highest public debt-to-GDP ratios—241%, 114%, and 79%, respectively—while African nations such as Cabo Verde, South Africa, and Nigeria have ratios of 117%, 47%, and 20%. ^[3] This demonstrates that African countries adhere more strictly to their public debt-to-GDP limits than their Western counterparts. Nonetheless, high public debt does not necessarily indicate weak economies, as some countries can rely on other sources of revenue to offset their liabilities.

So, why does Africa find China more attractive as a lender than IFIs? The World Bank and IMF initially offered loans with favourable terms to African countries in need but came with high interest rates and stringent conditions. African governments were often required to implement reforms designed by these institutions, and the loans were subject to strict environmental, social, and governance standards. Not all African countries were willing or able to comply with these requirements, which diminished their appetite for loans from IFIs and increased their interest in China’s concessional loans, which had fewer conditions. Their “no strings attached” model made Chinese loans more accessible and did not require adherence to governance or environmental standards while offering prospects for debt moratoriums.

For example, new data shows that China’s total lending to Zambia stands at $5.05 billion, equivalent to 30% of Zambia’s external debt. About 80% of China’s loans come from low-interest, concessional finance from China’s development banks, like the China Exim Bank, with the remaining $948 million held by commercial entities such as ICBC and Huawei.^[4]  However, there are widespread reports of opacity in Chinese lending practices. African governments have been largely silent about whether loans are used for capital or recurrent expenditures, which makes it difficult for citizens to determine the health of their countries’ debt paths.

This lack of transparency raises concerns about inflated project costs, kickbacks, or the financing of white elephant projects ahead of crucial elections. The China-Africa Research Initiative (CARI), a Washington-based team of independent researchers, is one of the few reliable sources for data on Chinese loans, as it gathers information from loan contracts, interviews, and its global network.

Why do some believe Chinese loans are different from IFI loans and are designed to trap low-income countries into surrendering their natural resources? 

Public-private partnership (PPP) arrangements and the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model, in which Chinese firms manage projects without fully taking over, have been common in Chinese contracts. However, African countries have begun to default on their loan commitments, leading China to adopt the more controversial resource-backed lending model. This model has been used in Africa as a fundamental way to finance many economic and social infrastructure projects like railways, telecoms, mining, construction, power, etc. 

The principle behind the resource-backed lending or resource-financed infrastructure (RFI) model, as they call it, is to allow the borrower country to commit its future revenues derived from the sale of its natural resources to pay for loans provided by the Chinese creditors. Under the RFI model, Chinese lenders have financed an average of 71 projects per year in Africa, at an average value of US$ 180 million since 2010. Between 2000 and 2019, only 26 per cent of Chinese lending in Africa has been tied to the future revenue from natural resources, with Angola taking a sizeable portion of 18 per cent alone. The remaining 8 per cent is evident in loan commitments of US$ 500 million made to Nigeria for its Abuja light rail project in 2012 and 2011 to finance new phases of its airport projects and the Lekki Port’s Free Trade Zone. Others have been used for the US$ 475 million loan in 2011 for the Addis-Ababa light rail project, and in Egypt, for a US$ 1.2 billion loan for their light rail projects.^[5] The primary risk of the RFI model is that commodity prices are volatile, which could undermine debt sustainability. 

According to CARI, in 2019, Chinese borrowings to African governments began classifying the countries that were perceived as ‘less risky’ due to concerns about debt sustainability. This is because most countries borrowing heavily from China have been identified to have histories of IMF bailouts, making new such borrowings from China unsustainable. CARI examined the situation in 17 African countries that are either in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress due to the high lending volume, which has forced China to address the issue of debt sustainability. 

Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Djibouti were all denied fresh loans in 2019. Others like Kenya, Cameroon and Zambia were given relatively small loans. Angola, the continent’s largest borrower of Chinese loans, with an average of US$ 4 billion per year between 2010 – 2018, experienced a decline to about US$106 million in 2019. This is despite securitising Angola’s future revenue from its oil exports. Nigeria, which surpasses as the continent’s largest crude oil exporter with a history of debt sustainability since 2000, had only been granted a loan commitment of around US$500 million. ^[6]

The issue of debt sustainability gained further attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to widespread calls for debt relief. China responded by offering debt relief packages (debt cancellation) and an (undisclosed) deferment of interest payments due to the pandemic. In 2020, China joined the G20 to create the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) framework to alleviate the economic suffering imposed by the Coronavirus pandemic on African countries. By the following year, China was reported to have suspended debt worth over US$1.3 billion for 23 countries, out of which 16 are African countries.^[7] In a similar vein to tackling the Coronavirus pandemic, the IMF was also reported to have approved $500 million to cancel six months of debt payments for 25 countries, with 19 of them in Africa – which is almost one-third of what China had been able to offer to African governments.^[8]

According to Jubilee Debt Campaign UK, now referred to as Debt Justice, a UK campaign organisation to end exploitation of debt by more affluent countries, China remains the largest suspender of debt with a whopping $5.7 billion in debt repayment). ^[9] The China Development Bank – which is a major lender to African countries – had also since 2021 provided US$1.168 billion in debt relief to these countries as a way of cushioning the impact of the pandemic.^[10]

What makes China engage in “debt-trap diplomacy” with its African borrowers? — An allegation that Chinese firms intentionally lend to financially irresponsible governments that will be unable to repay loans to take possession of assets.

Many unsubstantiated claims about the Chinese takeover of major state assets in developing countries exist. The most cited case for reference is the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government secured 2007 finance from China’s Export-Import (EXIM) Bank to develop the port. In 2015, however, Sri Lanka had to arrange a bailout from the IMF even though the Chinese loans only accounted for some 10% of the debt. The government sought to raise cash by privatising state-owned assets, including a significant stake in Hambantota port. Then, a Chinese company got wind of it and successfully bided and bought 70% of the shares. The Sri Lankan government used the proceeds to pay for Chinese loans and other debt services. ^[11] However, no definitive evidence suggests a similar practice is prevalent in Africa.^[12]

Ultimately, it is hard to think that Chinese loans to Africa are meant to inextricably trap them for their rich oil and other natural resources. Over the past decades, Africa’s growing need for infrastructure has led China to fill the void created by Western financial institutions, offering easier access to capital with fewer stipulations. 

Although the African continent has managed its debt well, there are still significant risks and challenges associated with Chinese loans, particularly in governance and transparency. It is also true that China’s approach to lending has evolved from being more lenient to becoming more cautious, especially in response to concerns about debt sustainability. This is why it tries to mitigate the risk of defaulting by primarily resorting to the resource-backed financing model, and this has only been linked to a meagre percentage of all its loan commitments to the continent– with the exception of Angola. While resource-backed lending seems pragmatic, it is not necessarily predatory or equate to an intent to exploit or trap countries, especially given China’s history of debt relief. China’s participation in debt relief efforts is consistent with its broader strategy of maintaining long-term relationships with African countries rather than exploiting them.

Africa must halt the practice of raising money at the Eurobond markets—where a range of investors trade bonds—because these bonds come at steep commercial rates and are subject to the dictates of the international financial markets. African countries must also be discouraged from seeking bailouts from financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank to offset existing loans, which excessively pile up debts that lead to unsustainable liabilities. 

African governments must ensure prudent financial management while refraining from depleting their foreign currency reserves to pay high interest on those loans. The utilisation of these loans for their intended purposes, whether in infrastructure, social or economic, is crucial for Africa to foster sustainable development, bolster its revenue growth, and improve the quality of life for its citizens. Loans that yield commensurate economic benefits.

Muhammed U. Kong wrote via muhammedu.hong@gmail.com.

By Hassan Idris

Honestly, I’m tired of Wadata Community, Makurdi. I have spoken out and written several articles and been published in various newspapers, yet things continue to worsen. The incessant killings in the name of cultism are exhausting and appalling. Every day, we wake up to the sound of continuous heavy gunshots. And with each shot comes injury or death.

Some weeks ago, there were serious gunshots at night. I had to close my gate tightly and hide inside my room. Not less than ten bullets were fired into the sky. Last night, I was startled awake by gunfire in our Wadata Community again. Sadly, these disturbances aren’t uncommon, so I tried to go back to sleep despite feeling uneasy.

This morning, as I rushed to the Islamiyya where I teach, eager to start the day with my students, I saw people around the area. I was told that the gunshots I heard last night killed Nurah and injured another young man. Bullets had pierced through Nurah’s neck while he was having tea and bread at a Mai Shayi joint. Nurah was rushed to the hospital but died instantly, while the other young man, who was shot in the leg, is still receiving treatment.

This is a stark reminder of the grip cultism has on our community. Like many others, this young man paid the ultimate price due to our collective negligence—parents, society, and the government alike. As I stood there this morning, I couldn’t help but imagine the pain and fear he must have felt in his last moments.

Cultism in the Wadata Community, Makurdi, is a tragic cycle of violence that has claimed too many young lives, leaving families devastated and dreams shattered. It’s tempting to blame parents, society, or the government, but the reality is more complex. Cultism thrives in neglected and indifferent communities, preying on vulnerable young people. It’s a symptom of deeper issues—a lack of opportunities, guidance, and protection for our children.

As I stood before my students, unable to find the words to teach, I felt a deep sense of urgency. We can’t keep losing our young people to cultism. It’s up to all of us—parents, teachers, leaders, and policymakers—to come together and tackle this problem head-on.

May we find the wisdom and courage to act decisively, to protect our children’s future, and to heal the wounds caused by senseless violence. Only then can we restore the promise and potential lost to the darkness of cultism.

Hassan Idris wrote via idrishassan035@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

As citizens of Kano State, we have witnessed the power of effective leadership in fostering youth empowerment and curbing youth restiveness. Under the fair representation of former House of Representatives Member, Rt Hon Aminu Sulaiman Goro of Fagge Federal Constituency, there was a clear commitment to improving the lives of young people. 

We call on the incumbent Fagge House of Representatives Member, Barr. Muhammad Bello Shehu to step up and continue the vital work that his predecessor began. There is an urgent need to reinvigorate efforts to fight youth restiveness through job creation, vocational training, and mentorship programs. 

Similarly, women must be given the tools and opportunities to succeed through economic empowerment initiatives, access to loans, and business development programs.

Ex-Rep Aminu Sulaiman Goro was a youth and women’s empowerment champion, leaving behind a legacy of initiatives that addressed the pressing needs of both groups. Through programs aimed at reducing unemployment, promoting skill acquisition, and empowering women economically, he provided pathways to prosperity for many, contributing to a more stable and thriving environment.

Since the end of Aminu Sulaiman Goro’s tenure, the challenges of youth restiveness and the marginalisation of women have resurfaced with greater intensity. Many of our young people are again feeling the weight of unemployment and lack of opportunities, leading to increased frustration and social unrest. Therefore, we call on Barr. M. B. Shehu to emulate the footsteps of his predecessor by implementing impactful youth empowerment initiatives and women empowerment programmes 

M. B. Shehu needs to focus on job creation, scholarship, and skill-building programs tailored specifically for young people. These efforts can reduce youth restiveness and position the younger generation as crucial contributors to economic progress, instilling a sense of hope and optimism in our community.

The well-being of our youth and women is central to the prosperity and peace of the Fagge Federal Constituency. As a community, we urge M.B. Shehu to prioritise these issues and make youth and women’s empowerment a central part of his legislative agenda. It’s our collective responsibility to ensure that the most vulnerable are given the support they need to thrive. 

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Abdulrauf Mudi

No words can truly capture the bond between brothers, but for me, my younger brother was more than just a family member; he was my closest companion, a light in our home, and someone who always had a smile for everyone. Full of life and optimism, he never failed to see the good in others, even when it wasn’t deserved.

Sadly, one of his closest friends since childhood, someone he grew up with and trusted, would eventually be the cause of an unimaginable tragedy – a grand betrayal. It was a life cut too short.

Aminu Abdulrauf was born in Rugu-Rugu in 1999, a small community in Tudun Wada Local Government Area of Kano state. He was a kind, hardworking, and respectful young man loved by everyone in our family and known for his joviality.

Aminu wasn’t just a brother to me; he was inspirational. He led a peaceful, trouble-free life and enjoyed spending time with his friends, who he considered family.

Aminu completed his education at Rugu-rugu Central Primary School and graduated from Government Senior Secondary School Faskar Ma’aaji in 2018. From all indications, Aminu’s future seemed bright. He had built a house and was preparing for his marriage. But everything changed all of a sudden. 

One fateful Monday afternoon in 2022, around 2:30 pm – a typical afternoon for Aminu, who was sitting with his friends, chatting and playing at their usual meeting point just opposite my house, he borrowed a knife from one of his friends who sold sugarcane, intending to fix a stick he was holding. As he worked on the stick, Mudassir Ashura, one of their childhood friends, had the other end. In a tragic accident, the knife Aminu was using slipped and cut Mudassir’s hand, leaving a minor injury.

Aminu was horrified at what had happened and immediately tried to help. He offered traditional medicine to stop the bleeding and even pulled out ampicillin from his pocket to provide some first aid. But Mudassir denied any help, instead muttering words of revenge.

Neither Aminu’s friends nor my brother himself took Mudassir’s threat seriously. They thought it was a passing comment born out of frustration.

But Mudassir’s anger wasn’t fleeting, so he rushed home, grabbed a sharp knife, and returned to confront Aminu. Without hesitation, he stabbed Aminu on the right side of his stomach. The air was filled with my brother’s cries for help as blood began to flow rapidly from the wound.

In the chaos, Mudassir fled the scene, leaving Aminu in the pool of his blood and gasping for breath.

We rushed Aminu to Tudun Wada General Hospital, where he was immediately admitted to the emergency ward. As soon as our father heard the news, he went straight to the Tudun Wada police station and filed a report. Inspector Aminu Shuaibu entertained the case, and an order was given for Mudassir’s immediate arrest.

For two agonising days, we stayed by Aminu’s side at the hospital, praying for his recovery. Despite the tests, treatment, and even the scan to assess the depth of the knife wound, his condition worsened. On Wednesday, he passed away, leaving us shattered and consumed with grief and anger.

The following day, Aminu was buried amidst hearts. We offered prayers in an attempt to find solace in our faith. Our father assigned me the responsibility of following up the case against Mudassir. The authorities charged him with murder,and we spent weeks going back and forth between the police station and state headquarters in Kano.

One of the most heartbreaking aspects of this process was how the system treated us. The police demanded money from us to fuel their vehicle to transfer the case, a painful reminder that justice can be costly even in tragedy.

After a week of efforts, the case was finally filed at court number 7 at No Man’s Land, Kano. I met with the court registrar and was informed that we would bring three witnesses to the trial.

When I returned home to update my father and family members, he made a decision that took me by surprise. With a heavy heart, he told me it was enough that no amount of struggle or court proceedings would bring Aminu back to us. He believed we should leave the matter to Almighty Allah, the ultimate judge.

In the end, my brother’s death left a permanent scar, not just in the heart of our family but also in the hearts of all who knew him. Aminu’s passing taught us painful lessons about the fragility of life, the unpredictability of those we called friends, and the dark consequences of unchecked anger.

As much as we wanted justice, my father’s decision to leave everything in the hands of Allah reminded me of the importance of faith and trust in divine wisdom, even in the face of heart-wrenching tragedy.

Abdulrazak Abdulrauf Mudi wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Olanike Ometere Bolaji 

Just like every other gender base violence against women and girls, femicide is a problem that affects every other country across the globe.

Femicide is the act of killing women or girls because of their gender, and it can take place in different ways, such as the murder of a woman by her intimate partner or the torture or slaying of women and girls in the name of honour.

According to the research carried out by the United Nations Women’s Organization in 2022. It shows that Africa recorded the largest number of female intimate partner and family-related killings with an estimated 20,000 victims, followed by Asia with 18,400, then America with 7,900, in Europe 2,300 and 200 in Oceania. This report also shows that these women or girls were mainly killed by their partners, close friends or other family members.

Nigeria is not left out on the issue of femicide or gender-based violence. We mostly wake up with such news that makes the headlines in many newspapers. An example of this is the issue of Adeleye Ayomide, a 23-year-old 200-level philosophy student at Olabisi Onabanjo University Ogun State. He kidnapped and murdered his friend Christianah Idowu, a student at the Federal University of Technology Abeokuta.

From the investigation carried out by the police, Christina was declared missing on 19 August 2024. Adeleye demanded 3 million from her family members. They negotiated with him, and then he reduced it to 1.5 million. After paying the sum of  350  thousand naira into his betting account, the police authorities were able to track him down. But he had already killed the girl and buried her in his family compound in the Ikorodu area of Lagos.

An X user with the username @adetejumi gave an in-depth narrative saying the young serial killer killed his ex-girlfriend in 2018 and his blood sister in 2020, which his parents were aware of. His cousin testified to this because they were part of those who secretly exposed him to the police. Though his parents refused to cooperate with the authorities, after he was arrested, he confessed to committing the crime. According to the report, he committed his first murder at the age of 17, the second at age 20 and the third at 23 precisely.

Another example is the case of Gracious David West. This 40-year-old man was sentenced to death by hanging in Port Harcourt by Justice Adolphus Enebeli for killing nine women from July to September 2019. He was caught at a bus stop while he was trying to escape to Uyo after the police circulated his pictures, which were taken from a CCTV camera of the hostel where he killed his last victim.

Curious audiences have raised a lot of questions and comments on femicide cases about how some of these serial killers are able to live normally without being caught easily. Some of the causes  given by experts are:

1. Borderline disorder (the fear of abandonment or rejection).

2. Anti-social personality disorder: a mental health condition which makes people not show regard for right or wrong and ignore the rights or feelings of others.

3. Family background or Childhood experience.

4.  Misogynistic (Hatred for women).                        

5. Schizotypal personality disorder is when an individual has unconventional beliefs, which causes them to act strange.

   Doc Scott Bonn, a criminologist, author and public speaker, mainly said all serial killers or femicide have psychological compartmentalization, which means the ability to completely separate an aspect of one’s life that seems contradictory. They can successfully be good to people and sadistic without anyone noticing.

From the articles I read online, health personnel advised that those with the above disorder should seek help from doctors or therapists. Though these disorders can’t be cured completely, they can be appropriately managed.  The issue of femicide cannot be wholly eradicated, but with certain measures like implementing policies for gender equality and creating rehabilitation programs for children who have been violated or traumatized by certain childhood experiences or orientations.

Olanike Ometere Bolaji wrote via nickyberry171@gmail.com.