Opinion

By Abdullahi D. Hassan

Yelwa Zangam is a gridlocked, rural area located in Jos North Local Government, Plateau State, North-Central, Nigeria. It has an estimated population of over 10,000 inhabitants and its nearest villages. The hinterland is just 21 minutes’ drive from the University of Jos, main campus. Most of the people are agrarian farmers and living below a minimal income.

Nigeria operates a three tier system of government, consist the federal, the state and the local government. Similarly, the Nigerian health system functions along such relations. Primary health care is at the local government stage, Secondary health care is managed by the state and the tertiary health system by maintained by the Federal.

Primary Health care is known for intervening, caring and controlling communicable diseases and non-communicable diseases, taking care of antenatal and post-natal, observing child growth, dispensing vaccines to children and Health Education and Community Mobilization.

According to the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), a body oversees, coordinates and regulates the standard of Primary Health Care in Nigeria. The minimum infrastructural requirements for such a health centre; are as follows; a least 13 rooms in good condition with functional doors and netted windows, separated female and male words toilets, water supply (borehole), electricity (or alternative source of power), sanitary waste collection spot, waste disposal site and staff accommodation. However, it has a staff station, two consulting rooms, two delivery rooms (labour rooms), maternity sections, and a laboratory and the building must be fenced.

The United Nations, Refugee Agency (UNCHR) stated in its ‘Emergency Handbook the primary healthcare workforce is composed of a wide range of health professionals, including medical doctors, nurses, midwives, clinical officers or physician assistants, laboratory technicians, pharmacists, community health workers, managerial and supporting staff.

Yelwan Zangam’s Primary Health care began 31 years ago and was built by the local government in 2001 through direct allocations from federation funds. Global Alliance for Vaccine and Immunization, an international organisation under a sub-body ‘GAVI FUNDS’ partnered with the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) for the renovating the centre in 2011.

Now, the unfenced facility faced a series of challenges; a leak roofing with only 6 rooms apart from the labour room, unkempt rooms in shambles conditions, single working toilets, no water supply, shortage of mattresses, obsolete medical equipment, dearth of medical personnel and constants insufficiency of drugs supply problems. Since its existence, the hospital has not been connected to an electric power source.

Fali Emmanuel John is a Health Officer in primary health care. He narrates a dire condition “We are facing a lot of problems in maintaining the hospital. Firstly, non-availability of electricity and solar systems for the storage of children’s vaccines, even if there is electricity. It’s compulsory to have a solar system. Due to power instability in Nigeria, so that we can render vaccination daily. Lack of electricity is a big setback to the community and the hospital. Secondly, our personnel need staff quarters. Primary health care is established for 24-hour services. Definitely, staff accommodation should be within the vicinity”.

He reiterates “The community starts building a staff quarters. But they are overstrained. The building is uncompleted”.

Mr. John lamented “The hospital is supposed to have 10 to 20 medical staff. According to medical ethics, working hours range from three shifts; morning, afternoon and evening (night). The deficiency of personnel here is too bad. We only have 3 medical doctors. Sometimes 1 medical doctor works for 24 hours, which is unprofessional and painful to us”.

“Issues concerning drugs, the government are making a little effort. We urged for more. Before the community donated money for drugs and other essentials”, he added.

Fauziya Musa Abdullahi is a nursing mother, who visits the hospital often for antenatal services and delivers her 6-month son to primary health care. She expresses “The most difficulty, women encounter is during night hours. For example, if a woman came to give birth. On certain occasions, there is no doctor available”.

She added “Sometimes, drugs are not available. It’s for patients to buy from the city. During, my last admission here. I wait for a long moment. Before drugs, injections and intravenous drips were bought. If authorities get involved and provide drugs in a hospital. It will be good for the patient to have treatment in any given situation”.

Usman Garba Danladi, an assistant sectary to the community and for years among the people work in progress of Yelwa Zangam community, says “For now, a local agency, Plateau State Contributory Health Care Management Agency (PLASCHEMA), supplies drugs”.

He shared “30 years ago, local government authority grants a fund under a scheme ‘REVOLVING FUNDS’, it was used to supply drugs and other necessary items. The drugs were sold to patients at affordable prices”.

“Financial challenges for buying drugs. Some patients run away with complicated health issues”, he cried out.

Nigeria’s highest court, on 11 July passed a judgement for local government to have full autonomy. Henceforth, the allocation from the federation account is to be funded directly into the local government, not through the state government ‘Joint account’. Mr. Danladi chip in “I am dreamt for local government to be independent. In the past, primary health care was managed from local government funds, not state government. Certainly, with this development electricity will be installed, more workforce and enough drugs to the patients and the facility will be improved”.

Mr John remarks “I am grateful to Almighty God for the Supreme Court’s verdict to allow local government to use their money for local affairs. Local government autonomy is a great success to health sectors”.

Abdullahi D. Hassan writes from Jos in Plateau State and can be reached via +234 803 323 7977.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Those with a deep knowledge of my biography will always remember me in the Faculty of Education’s Department of Education, which I joined in July 1980 at the relatively young age of 24. With a professorship in 1997, I felt I had enough of Education: I was talking loud and saying nothing. So, I shifted my research focus to media and cultural communication. 

I never thought the shift would lead to another professorship in 2012, giving an academically glamorous status of being ‘dambu mai hawa biyu’ (up till now, I don’t know exactly what this epithet means!), or double professor – in Science Education and Media and Cultural Communication. Three people were responsible for this, one from Edo State and another two from Zaria. How did it all start?

In 1992, I had just returned from a Fulbright African Senior Research Scholar residency at the University of California, Berkely, when I was visited in my office by the late Prof. Mike Egbon (from Benin), then the Head of the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University Kano. It was our first meeting, and it instantly created a deep bond of friendship between us. He wants me to work with a student of his in supervising a PhD project on the Mass Communication curriculum in Nigerian universities. I was happy to oblige, especially when I learnt that the student is another highly respected colleague, now Prof. Umar Faruk Jibril, the Dean of Communication at BUK. 

Thus began my first footsteps in Mass Communication. Before long, I was drafted to teach Advanced Research Methods for PhD students (while still in the Department of Education). This put me in contact with virtually all the current staff of the Faculty of Communication. I felt so happy and so comfortable with them, as well as their tutors in other areas of the Department. One tutor stood out. He was Mal. Gausu Ahmad (from Zaria, if you are keeping track!).

My relationship with Mal. Gausu was incredible and often amusing. For some reason, we were both mesmerised by each other. I had followed his column in New Nigeria years earlier. I was fascinated by his incredible take on Bayero University in his essay “Looking Beyond the Badala”, a critique of the lack of synthesis between Bayero University and its host community. That article drew my attention to Mal. Gausu and I became an avid follower. So, when Mike drafted me into supervision duties in Mass Comm, I met Gausu Ahmad for the first time. 

I saw a neoclassical Hausa gentleman in Malam Gausu. His cheerful mien reminds one of an older Uncle or a grandfather but with contemporary perspectives—for instance, Mal. Gausu is the only person I know who has commissioned a traditional barber (wanzami) to come to his office and cut his hair in molo style. No barbing salons for him! We became instantly drawn to each other. 

In 2003, I was the Chairman of the defunct Center for Hausa Cultural Studies Kano, a think tank on interfaces between media and society. We organised an international conference on Hausa films—the first of its kind in the country. Virtually all the staff of Mass Communication, including Mal. Gausu, was wholly involved in the conference. Mal. Gausu was the HOD of Mass Communication then. It was at the conference that he consolidated his relationship with me. 

I was then also asked to teach a course on Online Communication in the Department, introducing new ideas that departed from the straight-up Mass Communication scholarship of the Department in print and broadcast media. By then, I had well-established online communities on the defunct Yahoo! Groups (since 2001), which became the first gathering places for future social media citizens. So, I was excited to be asked to teach Online Communication – even more excited were junior colleagues who wanted to be part of the course. 

This went on for a while, with me being an adjunct member of the Mass Communication Department, a position I relish far more than my education position at the university. In 2004, my break-out media year, I was a visiting professor at the University of Cologne, Germany. The paper was “Enter the Dragon: Shari’a, Popular Culture and Film Censorship in Northern Nigeria.” When I returned, Mal. Gausu expressed dismay that I presented a paper about events in Kano at a foreign university. He insisted that the paper must be represented in the Department of Mass Communication, which I did later in the year – thus opening up new vistas of media anthropology. To cement this position, I invited Brian Larkin to come to the Department and present his book “Signal and Noise” about media anthropology in July 2008. It is the first public presentation of this ground-breaking book.  

Unknown to me, Mal. Gausu has submitted my name to the Registrar of the University, then Mal. Sani Aminu (Zaria!) for appointment as Part-Time Lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication. This was instantly approved, and I was only aware of it when I got the letter in November 2005. From then on, I became part of the Mass Communication ecosystem. Not only did I have more classes, but I also had more students. The number of postgraduate students I supervised in a few years in Mass Comm was far more than the number of students in all the 25 years I had been in Education. 

Under his leadership of the department, a wonderful atmosphere of camaraderie and brotherhood was fostered. His elegant, calm demeanour does not brook any disagreement with any policy because policies and decisions in the Department were collectively arrived at and implemented together. 

His biggest trait, however, was his humility. He was indeed a knowledge seeker. He was never shy or hesitant in asking questions about what he did not know. Our offices were always close together, and in the evenings after Asr prayer, when the building was quieter, we spent moments exchanging ideas and concepts. He became a sort of student to me. He would ALWAYS insist on carrying my rucksack to my car. ALWAYS. He fiercely resists anyone attempting to take the rucksack from him, insisting it is his duty and honour. On the other hand, I always felt uncomfortable with an older person taking my rucksack to the car! But he always insisted. 

From January to March 2012, I was a European Union visiting professor at the University of Warsaw. When I returned in April, informed my Vice-Chancellor, and submitted my report, the next thing I knew was that I was caught up in the whirlwind of being appointed as professor of Media and Cultural Communication and already a professor of Science Education since 1997. I was surprised as I thought it was not done. However, the vice chancellor who did it, Prof. Abubakar Adamu Rasheed, was another bold and innovative person. And from Zaria! After all the due process, I was eventually announced as a Media and Cultural Communication professor in January 2013, effective October 2012. 

The icing on the cake was the clause that I was to move from the Department of Education to the Department of Mass Communication. After 32 years in Education and having served as HOD for nine years, I was delighted to leave. Thanks to Mal. Gausu Ahmad, I felt more comfortable, personally, emotionally and intellectually, in Mass Communication. I felt blessed. Imagine doing research in an area I am deeply interested in and making contributions to knowledge. Currently, in 2024, as a staff member of the Department of Information and Media Studies, I am under the administrative leadership of Prof. Nura Ibrahim. Do I need to say it? Ok. From Zaria!

The biggest lessons I learned from Malam Gausu were humility and patience. He faced many challenges during his time in Mass Comm, but he stoically endured them and eventually triumphed. 

Mal. Gausu retired at the age of 70 on 12 September 2024. He retired as a professor, but his humility and salute to scholarship will always root him in the superior ‘Malam’ category. Anyone can be a professor, but it takes a special kind of person to be appreciated and applauded as a Malam. Mal. Gausu Ahmad is genuinely a first-class Malam, embodying all the qualities of such a position. 

I congratulate him on his successful and honourable retirement from the University. He was one of the few academicians who brought real-life print journalism to academia and brought out the true application of the theory of Political Economy. His doctoral thesis, “The Rise and Fall of the New Nigerian Newspaper”, in 2014, followed by publication by ABU Press in 2016 under the same title, is an excellent slice of northern Nigerian media history, as only possible from an insider. If you really want to know print media history in northern Nigeria, get the book. 

I pray to Allah (SWT) to continue to endow him with humility, kindness, gentleness, health and prosperity as he charts the next course of his life. 

Oh, and my prayers and gratitude to Zage-zagi for being ‘iyanyen gidana’ in scholarship (but not iyayen gidan Kanawa)!

By Mukhtar Jarmajo

Indeed, when people begin to do things in such a way as to defy their rules or behaviours, it is only proper for scientific research to be conducted to discover the reason(s) behind such behavioural change. In fact, for leaders, it is essential to continuously study the people’s behaviour to decode their actions and inactions in response to government decisions for the sake of the government’s sustainability and continued law and order in the polity. If, however, this is not done accordingly, there is every tendency that, in time, a government may not know it has lost the people’s confidence.

An example of such a situation is that of the present Nigeria, where its people, who in their usual antecedents are most unlikely to protest against hardship and pain, went to the streets to express dissatisfaction with how things are happening in the country. 

Just as the haranguing of the taciturn is altogether a surprise and definitely attention seeking, Nigerians, in unison, going out to the streets to express anger is astonishing and thus a clear message to the government that all is not well in the country. And true to it, most Nigerians are in untold hardship, increasingly perceiving the miasma of hopelessness with each passing day.

The people cannot be well and happy in an economy, with its currency becoming valueless at the end of every business day. This implies that at every sunrise, the Naira in the hands of Nigerians can buy less than what it could have on the previous day. And with the government’s refusal to subsidise fuel and electricity, the economy, which is already unproductive, has nosedived the more, leaving entrepreneurs at the receiving end. The nation’s economy now has no middle class. Poverty is in every corner of Nigeria, with illiteracy buttressing it.

This economic downturn has had a ripple effect on the social fabric of the nation. Crime rates have skyrocketed as young people, desperate for survival, resort to illegal activities. The once vibrant and bustling cities are now ghost towns as businesses close down and unemployment soars. The health sector is already deplorable and is now on the brink of collapse. Hospitals lack basic amenities, forcing patients to purchase essential drugs and supplies. The educational sector is not spared either. Public schools are dilapidated, and teachers are poorly remunerated, leading to a decline in the quality of education.

The political landscape is equally fraught with challenges. The ruling class is more concerned with self-enrichment than the welfare of the people. Corruption is endemic, and public funds are siphoned into private pockets. Irregularities mar the electoral process, and the voices of the people are often ignored. The lack of accountability and transparency has eroded the trust between the government and the governed.

The security situation in the country is also a major concern. Banditry and kidnapping have become commonplace in most parts of the country. The people live in fear and uncertainty, as their lives and property are not safe.

It is evident that Nigeria is at a crossroads. The government must take urgent steps to address the myriad problems facing the nation. This includes revamping the economy, improving the standard of living, providing adequate security, and promoting good governance. The government must also listen to the people and implement policies that are in their best interest.

The time for empty promises and rhetoric is over. The people are demanding action. The government must deliver on its promises or risk losing the trust and confidence of the people. The future of Nigeria depends on the choices made today.

Jarmajo can be reached via dattuwamanga@gmail.com.

By Gaddafi Yusuf Young Journalist 

Someone who stands up for justice and rejects ineptitude and injustice in all facets of his people’s lives is considered a comrade. 

Dan Bello is a well-known character who appears everywhere. He uncovers a secret: the Nigerian government is embezzling and laundering money. Despite being abroad, more precisely, born in the United States of America, where everyone is entitled to freedom, and living in China, the birthplace of major global advancements.

Dan Bello conducts in-depth research and analysis to spit out everything the Nigerian government is doing. He affects all three branches of the government, clerics, and the populace at large.

Although he had few views when posting his skits on social media, his consistency helped him grow over at least two years. He raises awareness of the hardships and unrest occurring in Nigeria, particularly among the northerners, as well as the bribery and corruption that have become ingrained in the country’s citizenry. 

Despite his abundance of knowledge, he made the Nigerian people aware of what was happening outside their doors—the waste and theft of the country’s natural resources and wealth by providing them with factual and empirical reports.

Unfortunately, he is being attacked, mistreated, and vilified by a few ignorant and disloyal young people in the north just because he exposed their political ancestors, who exploited the nation as a prop for themselves and their progeny. 

It touches my heart more, but I understand how our youths have turned to beggars for food without thinking about the consequences in their lives. All they need is their boss’s appreciation and happiness, regardless of how others are torturing and tormenting by their action. 

Even now, our people still find it difficult to embrace the harsh reality of their religious beliefs, political opinions, and relationships with loved ones. 

I felt compelled to appeal to Dan Bello because it hurts to fight for the people you love and those people to fight back because they are self-centred and ignorant. But I beg of you, Dan Bello, and your men, including Barr. Bulama Bukarti, Jafar Jafar, Salisu Zango, Barr. Abba Hikima and the rest of your team have taken me as mentors and role models for journalism and freedom fighters, not to mention them. I promise to work tirelessly alongside you and your team to uncover the truth no matter where it may be found, all the way to the end of this incredible journey to liberate ourselves from the oppressive leaders that rule us.

I pray to Almighty Allah to provide you success, direction, and safety wherever you are. I hope that my beloved Nigeria will soon be restored and revitalised.

Gaddafi Yusuf is a Mass Communications student from A.M.T Massive College and can be via gaddafiyusuf240@gmail.com. 

By Muhammed Bello Umar

Nepotism is a long-standing problem in Nigeria that has plagued the country for several years. It is the practice of favouring family or friends over others, typically without regard for their qualifications or abilities. This practice is widespread in Nigeria and has manifested in various sectors of the economy, including politics, education, and the job market.

Nepotism is common in the political arena, as politicians appoint their relatives or friends to positions of power or influence, regardless of merit or qualifications. This practice has resulted in appointing unqualified individuals to high-level positions, leading to the underdevelopment and poor performance of many sectors in the country.

Nepotism also exists in the education sector, as students are often admitted into universities based on connections rather than merit. This practice has led to a decline in the quality of education and has hindered the sector’s growth.

Similarly, nepotism is widespread in the job market, and family or friends of employers are often given preferential treatment over more qualified candidates, resulting in high unemployment rates and low job opportunities for deserving individuals.

Overall, nepotism undermines Nigeria’s growth and development by promoting mediocrity over meritocracy. Nigerian leaders must prioritise meritocracy and ensure that positions of power and influence are given to the most qualified individuals, irrespective of their connections. Only then can Nigeria progress towards prosperity and sustainable development.

Muhammed Bello Umar wrote via princemub28@gmail.com

By Abdulsalam Alkali

Mr President, when you contested for the presidency of this country, many Nigerians believed that you were a democrat. This made you endearing to Nigerians who believed that democracy was the only way to bring about the desired change for the country. Hence, Nigerians supported you in actualising your long-term dream of becoming the president of this country. 

For over 14 months that you have been the President of this country, Nigeria has been engulfed by economic instability, high inflation rate, insecurity and gross poverty. Due to some of your policies and programs, Nigeria has never had a bad situation like this before.

These aforementioned challenges have forced Nigerian Youth, including those of older ages, to protest in the hope of finding a panacea to the problems that bedevilled us as a country. Unfortunately, your recent broadcast failed to address the issues being raised by Nigerians. It was a plea and assurance, as usual. Mr. President, we need action because, at this point, people have virtually lost hope in your government.

Mr President, I want to remind you that the issues facing Nigerians require your immediate attention. It is your responsibility to take swift action to lift this country out of the dire situation it finds itself in and set it on the path to peace and prosperity. 

Poor Nigerians’ only concern is for the government to make things more affordable and work toward reducing the price of food and other basic necessities of life.

The recent protests may have subsided, but if the current situation persists, it will undoubtedly affect your chances and, by extension, disrupt the fragile peace we currently enjoy. Food security is crucial in maintaining a nation’s stability and ensuring national security. 

Abdulsalam Alkali writes from Maiduguri, Borno State.

By Dr. Mansur Hassan

The Kwankwasiyya movement, founded and led by Senior Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, has emerged as a dominant force in Nigerian politics, particularly in Kano State. With a reputation for championing transparency, good governance, and the empowerment of the masses, Kwankwasiyya has also developed a unique and highly effective method for selecting political candidates. This process reflects the movement’s deep-rooted commitment to democracy, grassroot participation, and merit-based leadership.

A Thoughtful Approach to Candidate Selection

At the heart of the Kwankwasiyya movement’s political ideology is the belief that leadership should reflect the will of the people while upholding competence, dedication, and integrity. In line with these principles, the movement has designed a multi-layered process for selecting candidates for both primary and secondary elections, ensuring that only the best and most qualified individuals are chosen to represent the party.

The selection process begins at the local level, where the local government caucuses play a crucial role. The caucus engages in a consensus-building exercise among the aspirants within the constituency. This initial step underscores the movement’s emphasis on local representation and grassroots decision-making, allowing the community to participate in choosing those who will best serve their interests.

In cases where the consensus fails and the local leadership is unable to agree on a single candidate, a screening process is initiated. This screening is designed to assess the qualifications, leadership capabilities, and electability of the aspirants. The goal is to streamline the number of candidates, ensuring that only the most capable individuals advance to the next stage.

The Role of the National Leader

Once the screening process is complete, the shortlisted candidates are presented to the national leader, Senior Dr. Kwankwaso, for final review. Here, the movement’s supreme leader plays a pivotal role in ensuring that the selected candidates align with the values and vision of the Kwankwasiyya movement. Dr. Kwankwaso, with his vast political experience and insight, assesses whether the shortlisted candidates truly reflect the will and aspirations of the people. If there is any indication that the candidates do not align with popular sentiment, the national leader has the authority to call for further changes, ensuring that the process remains fair and representative.

However, when the consensus and the screening process successfully produce a candidate that meets both the local caucus’s approval and the movement’s broader ideological standards, the national leader endorses the candidate. This method guarantees that the selected candidates are not only popular but also competent, ethical, and aligned with the movement’s long-term vision for societal progress and development.

An Open Democratic Platform

Despite the careful and thoughtful selection process, the Kwankwasiyya movement remains committed to upholding democracy within the party. For any aspirant who feels dissatisfied with the outcome of the selection process, the opportunity to contest in the party primaries remains open. This option ensures that all candidates have a fair chance to present their case to the party’s larger membership, maintaining transparency and inclusivity within the movement.

This democratic safety valve is another reason why Kwankwasiyya’s method of candidate selection stands out. It allows for robust internal debate and competition while ultimately reinforcing party unity and strength.

A Cornerstone of Political Dominance

The Kwankwasiyya movement’s candidate selection process is a key factor behind its sustained political dominance in Kano State and its growing influence across Nigeria. The movement’s ability to produce competent, popular, and well-prepared candidates has earned it the trust of the people. The process ensures that leadership emerges from a foundation of integrity, merit, and accountability, reflecting the movement’s broader commitment to progressive governance.

Beyond mere electoral success, the Kwankwasiyya movement represents a political ideology that is centered on empowering the masses, fostering development, and ensuring that governance is responsive to the needs of the people. Its candidate selection process is a reflection of this ideology, ensuring that leadership is not imposed but earned through consensus, merit, and democratic principles.

Conclusion

The Kwankwasiyya movement, under the guidance of Senior Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, has set an exemplary standard for political organization and candidate selection. By balancing grassroots participation with strong national leadership, the movement has created a model that ensures only the best candidates emerge, reinforcing its dominance and appeal. As Kwankwasiyya continues to grow in influence, its political ideology and practices will undoubtedly shape the future of Nigerian politics, setting a standard for others to follow.

Mansur Hassan, PhD
Secretary, Kwankwasiyya movement
Kano state.

By Kabir Fagge Ali

Throughout its history, Nigeria has allowed political figures who have failed to meet public expectations to remain in or return to positions of power. This trend of political recycling has not only stifled progress but also perpetuated a cycle of inefficiency and corruption.

Nigeria ranks among the most corrupt countries globally, consistently near the bottom of the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). In 2023, the country was ranked 145 out of 180 countries, with a score of 25 out of 100, reflecting minimal improvement from previous years. The country’s persistent corruption is deeply rooted in its political culture, where high-profile politicians frequently escape serious consequences for their actions. 

For instance, despite numerous corruption allegations, former officials often receive minimal penalties or are pardoned altogether, as seen with former governors pardoned by former President Muhammadu Buhari.

Over the years, the Nigerian government has established institutions like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to combat corruption. However, these bodies often face significant challenges, including political interference and inadequate resources, which hinder their effectiveness.

Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has seen a recurrent pattern of political leaders re-emerging in positions of power despite their previous failures. This trend spans various administrations and political parties, often characterised by a lack of accountability and transparency. One prominent example is the Senate leadership. David Mark served as President of the Senate from 2007 to 2015. 

Despite controversies surrounding his tenure, including allegations of misappropriation of funds and lack of transparency, often re-emerged in various political capacities. Similarly, Bukola Saraki, who served as Senate President from 2015 to 2019, faced numerous allegations of corruption and asset declaration discrepancies. Despite these issues, he continued to wield considerable influence in Nigerian politics, running for the presidency and remaining active in politics.

Similarly, state governors in Nigeria have also exemplified this trend. James Ibori, the former Governor of Delta State (1999-2007), was convicted of corruption and money laundering. Despite his conviction and imprisonment, he remains influential in Nigerian politics, with significant support and influence within his home state and beyond. 

Another example is Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former Governor of Bayelsa State (1999-2005), who was impeached and later convicted of corruption. Despite this, he remained an influential political figure until his death, and his family remains politically active.

These cases highlight how political figures, even after being held accountable for significant misconduct, continue to wield influence and often return to positions of power.

This trend is not limited to high-ranking officials. Ministers and other political appointees in Nigeria also exhibit this pattern. For instance, Diezani Alison-Madueke, the former Minister of Petroleum Resources, was implicated in numerous corruption scandals. Despite being under investigation and facing charges, she remains a prominent figure, and her case highlights the challenges of holding high-ranking officials accountable.

The re-emergence of such figures in the political scenery perpetuates a cycle of inefficiency and corruption, preventing new and potentially more effective leaders from taking the helm.

On the contrary, in stark contrast to Nigeria and many African nations, political accountability in the United States often results in swift removal from office for leaders who fail to meet public expectations or are involved in scandals.

For example, Rod Blagojevich, the former Governor of Illinois, was impeached and removed from office in 2009 after being charged with corruption, including attempting to sell a Senate seat. His removal demonstrated the U.S. system’s ability to hold officials accountable.

Similarly, Anthony Weiner, the former U.S. Representative, resigned in 2011 after a scandal involving inappropriate online behaviour. Despite attempts to return to politics, his repeated misconduct prevented a successful comeback. 

Another U.S. Representative, Katie Hill, resigned in 2019 amid allegations of inappropriate relationships with staffers and other ethical concerns. These resignations highlight the high accountability standards for U.S. public officials.

The recurrent emergence of previously unsuccessful leaders in Nigeria has major implications.

One major consequence is the stagnation of progress. Recycled leaders often bring back old policies and approaches that have already proven ineffective, hindering progress and innovation. This stagnation is evident in various sectors, including the economy, education, and infrastructure development and even the introduction of our dear nation’s old national anthem. The lack of new and dynamic leadership prevents implementing fresh ideas and solutions that could drive the country forward.

Additionally, another life-threatening implication is the erosion of public trust. The public’s faith in the political system diminishes when leaders who have failed to deliver on their promises can return to power. This erosion of trust leads to apathy and disengagement among the electorate, further weakening the democratic process. When citizens feel their votes do not lead to meaningful change, they are less likely to participate in elections and other civic activities, perpetuating a cycle of ineffective governance.

Furthermore, the preservation of corruption is another significant consequence of political recycling. Leaders who have previously engaged in corrupt practices will likely continue such behaviours, further entrenching corruption within the political system.

This persistent corruption undermines the rule of law, hampers economic development, and exacerbates social inequalities. The lack of accountability for corrupt leaders creates an environment where corrupt practices are normalised and even expected, making it difficult to establish a culture of integrity and transparency in governance.

Consequently, to break this cycle of political recycling and foster more accountable and effective leadership, Nigeria should consider several measures. Strengthening democratic institutions is crucial. Enhancing the independence and capacity of institutions like the judiciary, electoral bodies, and anti-corruption agencies can help ensure that leaders are held accountable for their actions.

The leadership should ensure that these institutions are empowered to investigate and prosecute corruption and other misconduct without political interference.

Additionally, promoting political accountability is another essential step. Implementing mechanisms to hold leaders accountable for their actions and ensuring transparency in governance can help restore public trust in the political system. This includes enacting and enforcing laws that prevent individuals with a history of corruption and misconduct from holding public office. Also, the media and civil society organisations play a vital role in holding leaders accountable by investigating and reporting corruption and other issues to the general public. 

Moreover, encouraging political renewal is also necessary to foster effective leadership. Creating opportunities for new leaders to emerge by promoting political education and participation, especially among the youth and marginalised groups, can help bring fresh perspectives and innovative solutions to governance. Of course, this includes investing in civic education programs that teach young people about their rights and responsibilities as citizens and encouraging them to participate in the political process.

Ultimately, political recycling in Nigeria has hindered the country’s development and eroded public trust in governance. By learning from global examples like the United States, where political accountability is enforced more rigorously, Nigeria can adopt strategies to ensure a more accountable and effective political leadership.

This, in turn, would foster a more prosperous and stable nation. The journey towards breaking the cycle of political recycling will not be easy. Still, with concerted efforts and a commitment to accountability and transparency, Nigeria can pave the way for a brighter future.

Kabir Fagge Ali is a Youth Corps Member with PR Nigeria centre and wrote via faggekabir29@gmail.com.

By Maimunna Katuka Aliyu

Understanding blood types and genotypes is crucial for emergencies, such as blood transfusions during accidents. However, knowing one’s genotype, particularly before marriage, is equally important to avoid having children with Sickle Cell Disease (SCD).

Blood genotypes determine an individual’s blood type, inherited from our parents and remain constant throughout our lives. The four main blood types are A, B, AB, and O, classified based on the presence of antigens in red blood cells. The Rh factor can also be present (Rh-positive) or absent (Rh-negative), further defining blood types.

Blood genotypes play significant roles in the following:
– Blood Transfusions: Ensuring compatibility between donor and recipient blood.
– Pregnancy: Preventing complications like haemolytic disease of the newborn.
– Organ Transplants: Matching donor and recipient blood types for successful transplants.
– Disease Susceptibility: Influencing susceptibility to diseases like sickle cell anaemia.

Sickle cell disease is a genetic disorder affecting haemoglobin production, leading to abnormal red blood cells. These cells become crescent-shaped and rigid, causing a range of health problems. The genotype responsible for SCD is known as HbSS or HbSβthal, resulting from a mutation in the HBB gene.

Individuals with sickle cell disease have two copies of the mutated gene (HbSS), while those with one normal gene and one mutated gene (HbAS) have the sickle cell trait but generally remain healthy. Understanding an individual’s genotype is crucial in determining their risk of developing SCD or passing it to their offspring.

The symptoms of sickle cell disease can vary in severity and include:
– Anemia
– Fatigue
– Shortness of breath
– Pale skin
– Yellowing of the skin and eyes (jaundice)
– Painful episodes (crises)
– Swelling of hands and feet
– Increased risk of infections

While there is no cure for sickle cell disease, several management options help alleviate symptoms and prevent complications:
– Pain Management: Medications like acetaminophen and ibuprofen.
– Blood Transfusions: Increasing healthy red blood cell levels.
– Hydroxyurea: Reducing the frequency of painful episodes and improving anaemia.

Aisha Mahmud, a sickle cell patient diagnosed at age three, shared her experiences. As she grew older, the frequency of her crises reduced, occurring only once every three months. She regularly visits Primus Hospital in Karu, Abuja, and FMC Azare for checkups. Aisha emphasises that emotional stress often triggers crises, highlighting the importance of therapy over medication. Remarkably, her genotype changed from SS to AC, bringing immense joy to her family.

The challenges faced by sickle cell patients are immense, impacting them physically, psychologically, emotionally, and financially. Crises can occur unpredictably, causing significant distress to patients and their families.

Researchers are continuously exploring new treatment options for sickle cell disease. Some of the latest developments include:

– Hydroxyurea: Reduces pain crises and acute chest syndrome, decreasing the need for blood transfusions.

– Voxelotor: Approved for people age four and older to reduce pain crises and improve anaemia.

– Crizanlizumab: Approved for people age 16 and older to reduce pain crises.

– L-glutamine: Approved for people age five and older to reduce pain crises.

– Bone Marrow Transplant: Can cure some individuals with SCD but requires careful consideration and a suitable donor.

– Gene Therapy: Genes are used to correct the mutations that cause sickle cell disease.

– CRISPR Technology: A gene-editing tool that corrects the mutation causing SCD.

In conclusion, sickle cell disease is a complex and debilitating genetic disorder affecting millions worldwide. While there is no cure, management options help alleviate symptoms and prevent complications. Ongoing research and new treatment options offer hope for improved treatment and potentially a cure in the future.

Maimunna Katuka Aliyu wrote via munat815@gmail.com.

By Dr. Abdulkadir Lawan

A putatively held belief is that the banditry and crime in the Zamfara region of Nigeria cannot be unconnected to the politics of gold and other natural resources mining. But something deadlier than politics, a stealthy by-product of crude extraction methods at the core of gold mining, might have played a leading role in the increase in crime we are witnessing today in the region. 

In the early 2000s, possibly due to the recent change in rule from a military to a democratic one, a renewed gold interest in Zamfara resulted in a mini gold rush. Women and men in the villages would dig out rock ore and extract the gold through crushing and grinding; the resulting dust was contaminated with lead. Some even brought this newfound work to their homes, contaminating their food, water, clothes, and, most dangerously, children. What followed in child deaths from lead poisoning created an unintended raucous through polio vaccination outreach and ended up inviting several efforts to clean up the areas and treat the surviving children.

It is well known that lead is dangerous, even in small doses. It mimics calcium in the body and can be stored in bones, continuing to poison the body even years after initial exposure. The brain is the most sensitive organ to lead. It basically blocks the release of neurotransmitters, which causes headaches and memory loss, and children are especially susceptible. There is no doubt among scientists that lead exposure can cause permanent learning disorders and behavioural problems.

Studies on baby teeth showed that even lead exposure well below the “safe” level results in delayed learning, decreased IQ and increased behavioural problems. There was a direct correlation between lead in children and the inability to graduate from high school in the US. While the CDC has since lowered the acceptable levels of lead in children’s blood from 60ug/dL to 3.5ug/dL over the years, there is no safe lead level as far as it is known today.

Globally, about 65% of all unexplained intellectual disability are believed to be caused by lead. Many countries have monitored the levels of lead exposure in their children over time. In Nigeria, we have little to no data nationwide. A particular US data, however, shows troubling correlations. 

Violent crimes steadily rose from the 1970s to the 1990s before abruptly declining. The troubling part? A graph of average preschool blood lead levels looked strikingly similar to crime levels roughly twenty years apart. The question was whether kids exposed to higher levels of lead grew up to commit more crimes.

The same pattern appears in Britain, Canada, and Australia. In another study, the lead concentrations in the blood of those arrested for violent and anti-social behaviour could not have been more correlated with their behaviour. This shows that lead is at least very likely responsible for some of the increase in crime. 

Whatever the reason for the resurgence of artisanal gold mining in Zamfara in the early 2000s, children raised in that period were in their early teens and 20s when the country began to witness an upsurge in bandit activities at the start of 2010. Thankfully, considerable clean-up efforts and community sensitisation mean there is an unlikely recurrence of lead poisoning effects on this scale around the region. A decline in violent activities can only then be hoped for. 

Glissading along the same line, the biggest source of lead pollution worldwide was the tetraethyl lead compound that was added to gasoline to make leaded fuel. Nigeria completely phased out leaded gasoline in 2004, as did all other countries between 1986 (Japan) and 2021 (Algeria). Nigeria witnessed a record period of civil violence from the 1970s until about the early 2000s. The current crop of our, in my opinion, clearly cognitive-declined politicians was the most exposed to vehicular lead poisoning in the same generation as the perpetrators of multiple violent religious and ethnic crises.

The dangers of lead had already been known for hundreds of years. In 1786, Benjamin Franklin remarked that lead had been used for far too long considering its known toxicity – “This, my dear friend, is all I can at present recollect on the subject. You will see by it that the opinion of this mischievous effect from lead is at least above sixty years old. And you will observe with concern how long a useful truth may be known and exist before it is generally received and practised on.” 

Scientists decided to add lead to fuel one hundred and fifty years later (i.e., after Benjamin Franklin’s speech). Almost one hundred years after that, the juveniles among our (Nigerian) citizenry were exposed to lead, leaving a nation to wonder why there is so much crime in our time.

Dr. Abdulkadir Lawan wrote via abdullwn@gmail.com.