Opinion

It is no longer surprising, though still highly debatable, that any political outing by Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti unsettles opponents and triggers a wave of commentary. Such reactions often generate more noise than substance, with some analysts offering arguments that appear less objective and more dismissive. At times, this tendency reflects a reluctance to confront observable realities or to revisit history in ways that enable a more informed understanding of current developments.

Wunti’s second major appearance since declaring his interest in the gubernatorial race has sparked fresh debate. Central to the discussion is his comparison of Qatar and Bauchi State, which he supports with logical reasoning and verifiable data. For me, this was not the first time I had heard him draw such parallels. I recall a previous engagement where he elaborated extensively on this comparison and shared some insights.

One striking point he raised is the contrast in population. As of January 2026, Qatar has an estimated population of about 3.3 million, while Bauchi State is home to over 8 million people, more than double Qatar’s population. Yet, despite its smaller population, Qatar boasts one of the highest GDPs per capita in the world, supporting a high standard of living, robust infrastructure, and extensive social services. In contrast, Bauchi and Nigeria more broadly continue to grapple with unemployment, inadequate electricity supply, limited access to clean water, and a struggling economy.

Land size presents another compelling contrast. Bauchi State spans approximately 45,837 square kilometres, making it more than four times larger than Qatar, which covers roughly 11,600 square kilometres. Despite its smaller size and limited arable land, Qatar has built a thriving economy. Bauchi, on the other hand, is richly endowed with vast agricultural land, offering significant potential to diversify and expand its economic base.

In terms of natural resources, Qatar produces approximately 2 million barrels of oil per day, forming the backbone of its economic strength. Bauchi State also holds promise in this regard, particularly with the Kolmani oil reserves, though these remain largely undeveloped. The contrast, therefore, is not one of absence but of utilisation. While Qatar has effectively harnessed its resources, Bauchi’s remain underexploited.

Dr Bala Wunti’s experience in the oil and gas sector adds weight to his argument. His perspective invites a reconsideration of what is possible, urging stakeholders to reflect more deeply on the state’s untapped potential.

With strategic planning and a commitment to good governance, transformative progress is achievable. Qatar’s success story is, at its core, a product of deliberate policy choices, effective leadership, and sustained investment. Bauchi State, with its abundant human and natural resources, possesses the foundational elements required for similar advancement.

Mallam Musbahu Magayaki writes from Sabon Fegi, Azare.

By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Nigeria’s debt clock has surged to ₦159.28 trillion, a figure that translates to roughly ₦724,000 per citizen when spread across a population of more than 220 million. This arithmetic alone underscores the scale of the nation’s obligations. While official voices emphasise that the debt-to-GDP ratio remains within accepted thresholds, the underlying reality is sobering: the country’s current account is being financed through persistent domestic borrowing and mounting external debt. Each statistic is a reminder that today’s fiscal gaps are tomorrow’s responsibilities, with the burden of development increasingly shifted onto generations yet unborn.

Is there a way out for Nigerians? The path forward demands more than borrowed billions. It requires a fundamental reassessment of how resources are managed, how revenue is diversified, and how structural weaknesses are addressed. While the figures may suggest sustainability on paper, the lived reality reflects rising costs, shrinking opportunities, and a future increasingly tied to creditor obligations. Breaking this cycle will require bold reforms, transparent governance, and a commitment to building an economy driven by productivity rather than dependence on borrowing.

When distributed across the population, the debt translates to roughly ₦700,000 to ₦725,000 per citizen. This figure is only a statistical illustration and not a legal obligation on individuals. Public debt remains a sovereign responsibility shared by the Federal Government, state governments, and the Federal Capital Territory, and it is serviced through public revenue rather than direct payments by citizens.

As of late 2025, Nigeria’s total public debt stood at approximately ₦159.28 trillion, equivalent to about $103 billion to $111 billion depending on the exchange rate applied. This represents an increase from about ₦144.7 trillion in 2024, reflecting continued reliance on borrowing to finance fiscal deficits.

Nigeria’s debt stock consists of both domestic and external borrowing. Domestic debt is estimated at ₦84-₦85 trillion, while external debt stands at ₦74 trillion. Persistent budget deficits have driven the growth in total debt, increased domestic borrowing through treasury bills and government bonds, and led to exchange rate depreciation, raising the value of the naira against external obligations. By mid-2025, total debt had reached about ₦152.39 trillion before rising further to ₦159.28 trillion by year-end.

Debt servicing remains a more pressing concern than the size of the debt itself. In 2025, debt servicing costs rose to approximately ₦15.8 trillion, up from about ₦12.8 trillion in 2024. Higher interest rates on domestic debt instruments largely drove this increase. Servicing costs for domestic debt rose sharply due to increased yields on treasury bills and Federal Government bonds. At certain points in 2025, the debt service-to-revenue ratio exceeded 80 per cent, meaning that a substantial portion of government revenue was used to service existing debt.

Looking ahead, Nigeria’s 2026 fiscal outlook reflects continued pressure on public finances. The proposed budget projects total expenditure of about ₦58.5 trillion against expected revenue of approximately ₦33.2 trillion, leaving a fiscal deficit of about ₦25 trillion. This gap is expected to be financed largely through additional borrowing, which could push total public debt beyond ₦160 trillion.

Planned borrowing includes external loans estimated at $6 billion, along with an additional $516 million under consideration. However, claims suggesting approvals equivalent to ₦68 trillion appear inconsistent and are likely the result of conversion or reporting errors rather than actual borrowing approvals.

The comparison between Nigeria’s per capita debt of roughly ₦724,000 and the national minimum wage of ₦70,000 is largely symbolic but highlights deeper economic realities. It reflects low-income levels, rising cost of living, and mounting pressure on public finances. It does not imply that citizens are personally responsible for repaying the debt.

Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio, estimated at 35 per cent to 37 per cent, remains below the commonly referenced 60 per cent threshold. However, experts consistently stress that revenue constraints, rather than debt size alone, represent the country’s most significant fiscal risk.

Key concerns include the high share of revenue devoted to debt servicing, limited fiscal space for critical sectors such as infrastructure, health, and education, and potential inflationary risks if deficit financing continues to expand. Exchange rate volatility also affects the dollar value of external debt, adding further complexity to fiscal management.

Nigeria’s public debt, now approaching ₦160 trillion, is not excessive relative to GDP. However, the cost of servicing that debt and the country’s limited revenue base present a growing fiscal challenge. The per capita framing helps illustrate the scale of the burden, but the central issue remains how effectively borrowed funds translate into economic growth and improved living conditions.

As borrowing continues, the sustainability of Nigeria’s fiscal path will depend less on the amount owed and more on how effectively the economy generates the revenue required to support those obligations.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate with Daniels Entertainment, a policy analyst, and human rights activist. He writes from Nigeria and can be reached at dan.okonkwo.73@gmail.com.

By Garba Sidi

Hadejia Local Government Area is the largest of Jigawa State’s 27 local governments, with over 200,000 residents. It is a historic, peaceful, religious town known for its legendary hospitality. When Boko Haram displaced Maiduguri residents, Hadejia welcomed and sheltered hundreds, showing unity and support across all levels.

Between March 8th and 13th, 2025, five lives were lost in Hadejia. A political fight led to a young man being stabbed with scissors. A game with sticks turned deadly when a youth was injured in the head. Two friends fought, and one killed the other. A mechanic was attacked and fatally wounded with a large knife at his home. Most heartbreakingly, a newlywed bride, just five months married, was found dead with her throat slit.

These are not statistics. These are our children, our neighbours, our brothers, and our sisters. And their blood calls out for answers.

As a Sport Officer with the Jigawa State Sports Council, I have spent my career witnessing the transformative power of athletics. I have seen the discipline it instils, the hope it generates, and the community it builds. And I am convinced that while we need police, while we need laws, and while we need parental responsibility, there is one vehicle that can carry Hadejia out of this darkness: sport.

Before we can prescribe a cure, we must first diagnose the disease. The insecurity engulfing Hadejia did not emerge from a vacuum. It has grown from specific, identifiable roots.

According to December 2025 reports, Jigawa State is the third poorest in Nigeria, with 80% of children out of school. In communities with large families, parents struggle to meet basic needs, leading to despair in youth without education or job prospects, fueling crime.

Drug abuse existed before the Boko Haram refugees’ arrival, with local youths accessing substances like Wiwi, Sholisho, and Tramadol. But refugees introduced large, powerful drug dealers who settled in town, worsening the situation. Young people gained easy access to new, varied drugs, increasing abuse, especially among females and under-18s, who had been less affected before. These new dealers made drugs more accessible and affordable, even to children.

The chemicals in these illicit substances are too strong for young minds. They cause users to fight one another in their hideouts and gatherings. A minor misunderstanding that would once have ended with words now ends with knives, scissors, or sticks drawn in anger. The connection is undeniable: drugs fuel violence, and violence fuels insecurity.

The pattern of crime in Hadejia has followed a predictable and terrifying trajectory. It began with shop-breaking, which gradually became more rampant. Then some youths started blocking small roads with sticks and cutlasses, robbing passengers of their money and phones. At first, these incidents were rare.

Now, these gangs have escalated further. They attack businesspeople inside their own shops, arriving two to a motorcycle, armed with guns. The progression from petty theft to armed robbery has happened right before our eyes, and fear has filled the hearts of all Hadejia people.

Some will ask how football or athletics can solve serious problems like drugs and armed robbery. As someone experienced in sports development, I’ve seen a well-organised sports program achieve much. Troubled youths become disciplined athletes, communities unite behind local teams, and hope replaces hopelessness when young people discover their talents and worth.

Let me explain precisely how sport can serve as the vehicle to carry Hadejia back to peace.

1. Sport Occupies Idle Hands and Minds.

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught us that two blessings which many people take for granted are health and free time. An idle mind, unoccupied with productive pursuits, becomes a workshop for mischief. When young people have nothing to do from morning until night, when they have no place to gather except street corners, when their only entertainment comes from substances that destroy their minds, trouble becomes inevitable.

Sport provides an immediate and powerful alternative. A young person who reports for football training every evening has no time to sit around smoking weed. A teenager who is preparing for a weekend basketball tournament is focused on practice, not on planning robberies. A youth who is exhausted from athletic exertion sleeps soundly at night instead of roaming the streets looking for trouble.

I have seen this transformation with my own eyes. In communities where we have established regular sporting activities, crime rates drop. It is not complicated mathematics. It is simple: a busy youth is a peaceful youth.

2. Sport Teaches Discipline and Self-Control.

Drug abuse thrives in the absence of self-discipline. The ability to say no, to resist peer pressure, to choose long-term wellbeing over immediate gratification—these are skills that must be learned and practised.

Sport is one of the most effective teachers of discipline. Every athlete learns to follow rules, to respect coaches and officials, to control their emotions in the heat of competition, and to work hard even when no one is watching. These lessons transfer directly to life outside the field.

Consider the young men who killed their friends over minor arguments in March 2025. Would they have reacted differently if they had spent years learning emotional control through sport? If they had been taught that losing your temper leads to defeat, that self-control is strength, and that violence has no place in resolving disputes? I believe they would.

3. Sport Builds Community and Breaks Down Division.

One of the dangerous consequences of the drug trade in Hadejia has been the introduction of powerful dealers from outside. These individuals have no loyalty to our community, no investment in our peace, and no concern for our children beyond the profits they generate.

Sport creates the opposite dynamic. When you play on a team with someone, you develop bonds that transcend neighbourhood, ethnicity, or background. You learn to trust each other, to work together toward common goals, and to celebrate shared victories. These bonds strengthen the social fabric and make communities more resilient against those who would exploit division.

Imagine what would happen if we established a Hadejia Youth Football League with teams representing each quarter of the town. Young people from different backgrounds would come together regularly, not to fight but to compete by the rules and shake hands when the match ended. Suspicion would be replaced by familiarity. Hostility would be replaced by respect.

4. Sport Creates Positive Role Models and Mentors.

Every coach is a potential mentor. Every older athlete can set an example for younger ones. In a sporting environment, young people encounter adults who care about their development, who notice when they are struggling, and who can guide them away from dangerous choices.

Currently, who are the role models for many of Hadejia’s youth? In too many cases, they are the drug dealers with money and flashy lifestyles. They are the gang leaders who project power and fearlessness. Sport offers an alternative: coaches who demonstrate that hard work leads to achievement, athletes who show that discipline brings success, and community figures who prove that respect comes from contribution, not intimidation.

As a Sport Officer, I have seen coaches become fathers to boys who lack paternal guidance. I have seen athletic mentors intervene when they noticed a player showing signs of drug influence. These relationships save lives.

5. Sport Reveals Talent and Opens Pathways.

One of the most powerful weapons against hopelessness is discovering that you have value, that you are good at something, and that your life has potential. For many young people trapped in poverty and despair, sport provides this discovery.

Nigeria is filled with stories of footballers who rose from humble beginnings to achieve fame and fortune through their athletic talent. While not every young athlete will become a professional, many can earn scholarships, gain admission to higher institutions, or secure employment through sport. Even at the local level, talented players can earn income through semi-professional leagues, coaching opportunities, or equipment-related businesses.

When a young person believes their future holds possibilities, they are far less likely to risk that future on crime and drugs. Sport plants the seed of hope.

6. Sport Provides a Platform for Drug Education.

The fight against drug abuse cannot be won through arrests alone. We must also educate our youth about the dangers of these substances and equip them with the skills to resist temptation. And there is no better platform for this education than sport.

Young people trust their coaches. They listen to respected athletes. They absorb messages delivered during team meetings and training sessions. By integrating drug awareness programmes into sporting activities, we can reach the very population most at risk.

Imagine a football league where every team must complete a drug education workshop before being allowed to compete. Imagine tournaments sponsored by anti-drug campaigns, with messages printed on jerseys and banners at every match. Imagine former addicts speaking to young athletes about the destruction they witnessed. This is not fantasy. This is practical, achievable intervention.

I am not suggesting that sport alone will solve all of Hadejia’s problems. We still need effective policing, responsible parenting, economic opportunities, and strong leadership. But I am arguing that sport must be recognised as an essential component of any comprehensive strategy to restore peace.

Let me paint a picture of what Hadejia could become if we invested seriously in sport.

Picture this: Every quarter of Hadejia has a functioning football pitch where young people gather every evening for organised training. Coaches—some volunteers, some employed by the local government—provide supervision, instruction, and mentorship. Leagues operate year-round, with weekend matches drawing crowds of families and neighbours who celebrate their youth’s achievements.

Picture this: The Hadejia Township Stadium, which currently hosts only occasional events, becomes a hub of weekly activity. Basketball, volleyball, and athletics programmes complement football, ensuring that young people with different interests can find their place. Tournaments bring teams from across the local government together, fostering healthy competition and community pride.

Picture this: Every school in Hadejia has a functional sports programme. Physical education is taken seriously, not treated as an afterthought. Talented students are identified early and connected with clubs where they can develop. The 80% out-of-school rate remains a tragedy, but for those children who cannot attend school, community-based sport provides structure, supervision, and hope.

Picture this: The drug dealers who currently prey on our children find their customer base shrinking because young people are too busy, too healthy, and too hopeful to seek escape in substances. The gangs find it harder to recruit because belonging to a team provides the identity and camaraderie that gangs exploit. The armed robbers find fewer desperate youths willing to join their ranks.

This is not a dream. This is an achievable reality if we have the will to pursue it.

To the Executive Chairman of Hadejia Local Government, I say: invest in sport as seriously as you invest in security. Build pitches in every ward. Employ coaches for every quarter. Organise leagues that give young people something to look forward to each week. The budget required is small compared to the cost of insecurity.

To the Executive Governor of Jigawa State, I say: support local government initiatives with state resources. Make Hadejia a pilot project for using sport as a tool for peace. Deploy coaches and equipment from the State Sports Council. Create pathways for talented athletes to access higher-level competitions and opportunities. Show the nation that Jigawa is serious about innovative solutions to security challenges.

To the traditional rulers and community leaders of Hadejia, I say: use your influence to encourage youth participation in sport. Speak from your pulpits about the value of athletic discipline. Identify land that can be converted to playing fields. Support parents who allow their children to participate. Your blessing carries weight.

To the parents of Hadejia, I say: support your children’s involvement in sport. Attend their matches. Ask them about their training. Notice when coaches speak well of them. The same energy your child might otherwise devote to destructive activities can be channelled into athletic achievement.

To the youth of Hadejia, I say: choose the field over the street. Choose the ball over the drug. Choose the team over the gang. The path of sport is harder in some ways—it requires discipline, hard work, and patience—but it leads somewhere worthwhile. The path of drugs and crime leads only to prison or the grave.

The five lives lost between March 8th and March 13th, 2025, cannot be recovered. The newlywed bride, with her throat slit, will not return to her grieving husband. The mechanic killed in his own home will not repair another vehicle. The young men who killed their friends over arguments will carry that guilt forever.

But their deaths need not be the end of the story. They can be the beginning of a new chapter—a chapter in which Hadejia recognises the urgency of the crisis and takes bold action to address it.

I have spent my career believing in the power of sport. I have seen it transform individuals, unite communities, and create hope where none existed. I am convinced that sport can be the vehicle that carries Hadejia out of this season of insecurity and back to the peace for which this town has always been known.

The vehicle is ready. The road is before us. All we need are drivers willing to steer us toward safety.

Let us choose sport. Let us choose our children. Let us choose peace.

Garba Sidi is the Sport Officer 2, Jigawa State Sports Council, Hadejia, Jigawa State.

By Imam Malik ABDULLAHI Kaga

Your Excellency, Sir,

Permit me to respectfully introduce myself. My name is Imam Malik Abdullahi Kaga, a young advocate for youth inclusion in governance in Borno State. I hail from Wajiro village in Kaga Local Government Area and currently reside in Jere Local Government Area.

Your Excellency, I write this letter with two sincere intentions. First, to express my profound appreciation for the remarkable transformation that Borno State has experienced under your leadership. Second, to humbly advocate for the emergence of a worthy successor who will continue, and perhaps even surpass, the legacy you have built.

History often remembers leaders not only for what they achieved while in office, but also for the institutions, systems, and leaders they helped shape for the future. In this regard, your tenure stands out as one that will be remembered for courage, sacrifice, and a relentless commitment to rebuilding a state that once stood at the centre of one of the most difficult humanitarian and security crises in our nation’s history.

Since assuming office as Governor, Borno State has steadily moved along the path of recovery, stability, and development. Across critical sectors, specifically security stabilisation, education revival, healthcare expansion, infrastructure rebuilding, and human capital development, your administration has restored confidence and renewed hope among citizens.

Across the state, the impact of your leadership is visible. The name Zulum has come to represent resilience, discipline, and purposeful governance. In the eyes of many citizens (both indigenous and non), you have demonstrated that leadership is not merely about holding office, but about service, courage, and responsibility.

Indeed, like every human endeavour, governance inevitably carries moments that fall short of expectations. Yet the weight of your accomplishments far outweighs such moments. May Allah forgive your shortcomings and reward your sincerity and dedication in the service of the people of Borno State.

Your Excellency, Sir,

As elections gradually approach, conversations about the future leadership of Borno State will naturally intensify. This moment, however, not merely presents a political transition, but an important historical responsibility. 

The foundations your administration has laid must not only be preserved but strengthened. The Borno 25-Year Development Framework provides a clear vision for transformation and development; the leadership that succeeds you will be responsible for ensuring this vision continues to move forward with the same discipline and determination.

Over the years, Your Excellency, you have mentored and entrusted many young, capable individuals with leadership responsibilities across government parastatal and ministries. Many of them have grown under your guidance and have demonstrated commitment, discipline, and service in various capacities. This is one of the enduring strengths of your administration. You have not only governed but also cultivated leadership.

Among those who have served under your watch are individuals who have observed your work ethic, your decisiveness, and your relentless focus on results. Such individuals understand the philosophy that has driven your administration. 

Your Excellency, therefore, you are uniquely positioned to recognise who among those you have mentored possesses the character, vision, courage, and administrative capacity required to sustain the momentum of your achievements.

Your Excellency, sir, across the world today, younger leaders are increasingly demonstrating the capacity to drive reform, strengthen institutions, and accelerate economic development. When youthful energy is combined with discipline, experience, and mentorship, it often yields bold, transformative leadership.

Sir, closer to home, the youthful leadership within your administration stands as clear proof that young minds can bring innovation, energy, and integrity to governance. These qualities speak directly to the four enabling foundations of the Borno 25-Year Development Framework. 

One of the most defining qualities of your leadership has been decisiveness. At critical moments, your ability to make firm and timely decisions restored confidence in governance and accelerated progress across many sectors. This quality has become a hallmark of your administration.

As Borno looks toward the future, it is important that the leadership which follows continues to embody this same strength of character, clarity of purpose, and courage in decision-making. Such leadership will ensure continuity, preserve stability, and sustain the progress already achieved.

Your Excellency, sir, many citizens across the state quietly share a hope that the next phase of Borno’s leadership will not only preserve your legacy but also elevate it even further. In most conversations across the state, one often hears a phrase that captures this aspiration in simple language, the desire for what some describe as a “Zulum Pro Max.”

By this, people mean a leader who embodies the courage, discipline, integrity, and commitment to service that have defined your tenure, while also building upon the strong foundation you have established.

Your Excellency, the decision regarding the future leadership of Borno State carries immense significance. History will remember not only the progress achieved during your tenure but also the path charted for the years that follow.

May Allah continue to guide your wisdom, strengthen your resolve, and bless Borno State with lasting peace, stability, and prosperity.

In my next letter, I intend to respectfully share my thoughts on one of your mentees, whom many Bornoans believe reflects the qualities needed to advance this vision and carry Borno State to the next level of development.

Yours sincerely,
Imam Malik Abdullahi Kaga.

By Malam Aminu Wase 

As 2027 approaches in Nigeria, a troubling sentiment is spreading among many citizens. There is no point in voting. Frustration is understandable. Economic hardship is real. Insecurity is real. Public disappointment is real. But choosing silence at the ballot box is not a solution;  it is surrender.

Democracy does not collapse in a single dramatic moment. It weakens gradually as citizens withdraw, participation declines, and people convince themselves that their voices do not matter. The most dangerous political decision is not voting for the wrong candidate; it is refusing to vote at all.

If we are dissatisfied with leadership, the answer is not apathy. It is participation. If we desire better governance, accountability, and reform, we must use the one instrument that gives power to ordinary citizens, the ballot.

Complaints on social media do not change governments. Private anger does not change governments. Boycotts by the disillusioned do not change governments. Votes change governments.

When citizens stay home on election day, they do not protest the system; they strengthen the influence of those who show up. Every empty polling unit is not a statement of resistance; it is an opportunity handed to someone else to decide the future.

The power to shape 2027 does not lie solely with politicians. It lies with citizens who choose to participate. Leadership is not imposed in a democracy; it is permitted. And permission is granted through votes.

This is not about blind loyalty to any party or personality. It is about responsibility. It is about understanding that disengagement guarantees continuity of whatever we claim to oppose. If we want reform, we must vote for it. If we want accountability, we must demand it through participation.

Nigeria’s future will not be written by observers. It will be written by participants. In 2027, the real question will not only be who wins. The real question will be, did we show up?

Silence is not a strategy. Withdrawal is not resistance. Our vote is our voice, and 2027 is the time to use it.

Malam Aminu Wase writes from Kaduna. He can be reached at aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.

By Mohammed Bello Doka 

History is a stubborn thing. It does not bend to the whims of revisionists, nor does it dissolve under the weight of repeated falsehoods. For some time now, a particular narrative has been carefully cultivated and spread across social media platforms and traditional dinner tables. This narrative suggests that during the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, the North maintained a conspiratorial silence, shielding itself while the country drifted. It paints an entire region as a monolith of blind loyalty. But as the saying goes, a lie can travel halfway around the world while the truth is still putting on its shoes. Today, the truth is fully dressed and ready to walk.

If the people making these claims are truly ignorant of the facts, this record will serve as a much-needed education. If they are speaking from a place of hypocrisy, then this record will serve as a mirror to their own intellectual dishonesty. To suggest the North was silent is to erase some of the most daring, scathing, and consequential political and intellectual battles fought against the Buhari administration from within its own base.

Let us begin with the most intimate of critics. On October 14, 2016, through the BBC Hausa Service, the First Lady of Nigeria, Aisha Buhari, stunned the world. She did not just offer a mild critique; she declared that her husband’s government had been hijacked by a few people who did not even know the party’s vision. She stated plainly that out of fifty people the President had appointed, he probably didn’t know forty-five of them. 

This was not a Southern critic or an opposition politician speaking; this was the President’s own wife. She followed up on December 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, during a leadership summit in Abuja, where she challenged Nigerian men to stand up to two or three people dominating the government. On May 25, 2019, as reported by Channels TV and Daily Trust, she attacked the administration’s Social Investment Programme, labelling it a failure in the North and questioning the procurement of mosquito nets. If the North was silent, was the First Lady’s voice not Northern enough?

The intellectual and traditional pushback was equally fierce. As the Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi used his platform to deliver economic lectures that the presidency found deeply uncomfortable. On August 24, 2016, during the 15th meeting of the Joint Planning Board in Kano, as reported by Punch Newspapers, he warned that the Buhari administration was on the path of the Jonathan government if it did not end its flawed foreign exchange policies. Years later, as reported by Vanguard on August 20, 2023, he provided a post-mortem, stating that the administration had decimated the economy and left a thirty trillion naira debt through illegal central bank borrowing.

Then there is the Northern Elders Forum. For years, this group acted as a stern watchdog. On June 14, 2020, as reported by The Guardian and The Cable, the Chairman of the forum, Professor Ango Abdullahi, issued a statement titled Life has lost its value under Buhari. He described the administration as a total failure in the face of escalating banditry and insurgency. He noted that the North was completely at the mercy of armed gangs. 

This sentiment was echoed repeatedly by the forum’s spokesperson, Doctor Hakeem Baba Ahmed. In April 2022, following the Zabarmari massacre, Baba Ahmed appeared on Channels TV and was quoted in Daily Trust stating that in any civilised nation, a leader who failed so spectacularly to provide security would have resigned. He was one of the most consistent voices debunking the myth that the North was satisfied with the status quo.

Even the clergy did not stay silent. Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, once considered a supporter of the President’s integrity, became a vocal opponent. In an interview with Punch on July 7, 2018, Gumi stated that he knew Buhari would make Nigeria worse than it was when Jonathan left. He accused the administration of being worse than its predecessor and criticised what he called the deification of the President.

When we turn to the political theatre, the evidence of Northern opposition is even more undeniable. Consider Buba Galadima, one of the original signatories to the formation of the APC. On July 4, 2018, as reported by Punch and Premium Times, Galadima led a faction to form the Reformed APC. He held a press conference in Abuja where he described the party’s leadership as a charade and the government as a disappointment. In an exclusive interview with Premium Times on July 22, 2018, he accused Buhari of betraying the loyalists who built his political career to empower a clannish inner circle.

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano, also broke ranks early. On July 24, 2018, he was among the senators whose defection was reported by Punch and Premium Times as part of a mass exodus from the APC to the PDP. Throughout 2018 and into the 2023 election cycle, Kwankwaso was a relentless critic. 

On August 27, 2018, as reported by Punch, he stated in Owerri that Buhari lacked the capacity to improve the economy. Later, on April 15, 2022, as reported by Channels TV, he expressed deep worry that a retired General could allow insecurity to reach such levels, calling the administration’s second term a missed opportunity.

The most dramatic phase of Northern criticism occurred in the build-up to the 2023 general elections. 

This was not just rhetoric; it was a legal and constitutional war. Nasir El-Rufai, the then Governor of Kaduna State, became the face of internal resistance. Long before the currency crisis, El-Rufai’s critical stance was documented in a 30-page memo dated September 22, 2016, which was eventually leaked by Sahara Reporters on March 16, 2017. In that memo, he warned the President that the APC was losing its supporters’ trust and that the government was adrift. 

By 2023, the tension culminated in a Supreme Court lawsuit. On February 3, 2023, as reported by Channels TV and The Punch, El-Rufai, along with Governors Yahaya Bello and Bello Matawalle, sued the Federal Government over the naira redesign policy. On February 16, 2023, after Buhari’s national broadcast, El-Rufai issued a counter-broadcast in Kaduna, which was transcribed by Vanguard and The Cable, where he told his citizens to continue using the old notes, effectively challenging the President’s authority in a way no Southern governor dared at the time.

Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the then Governor of Kano, was equally confrontational. On January 28, 2023, as reported by The Niche and Daily Post, Ganduje officially asked the President to postpone a visit to Kano because the people were too angry over the currency policy to guarantee a peaceful reception. 

In early February 2023, a viral video reported by Daily Trust and Sahara Reporters showed Ganduje mocking the President’s political history, noting that Buhari only won after a merger was formed for him and was now trying to destroy the party on his way out. On February 14, 2023, as reported by The Cable, Ganduje threatened to demolish any bank in Kano that refused to accept the old notes, promising to replace such banks with schools.

How then can any honest person say the North was silent? We have the names, the dates, and the publications. From the First Lady’s BBC interview in 2016 to the Supreme Court case in 2023, from the intellectual rebukes of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to the scathing memos of Nasir El-Rufai, and the open defiance of Abdullahi Ganduje, the North was a hotbed of criticism. Those who claim otherwise are either victims of a deep ignorance or are intentionally peddling a hypocritical double standard.

The North is not a monolithic political entity that blindly follows a leader. It is a region with a rich tradition of debate, dissent, and internal correction. When the Buhari administration faltered, it was the Northern elders who first called for his resignation. When the economy drifted, it was Northern intellectuals who provided the most data-driven critiques. When the currency policy threatened to trigger a social crisis, it was Northern governors who took the President to the Supreme Court.

To repeat the lie that the North never criticised Buhari is an insult to the courage of those who risked their political standing to speak truth to power. It is an attempt to rewrite history to fuel division and promote a false narrative of regional complicity. But the records are in the archives of Daily Trust, Punch, Vanguard, Premium Times, and Sahara Reporters. 

The records are in the transcripts of the BBC and Channels TV.

Let this be a final answer to those who peddle this falsehood. The facts do not just speak; they shout. The North did not just criticise Buhari; it provided some of the most formidable and effective opposition his administration ever faced. Whether it was on the pages of newspapers, in the chambers of the Supreme Court, or from the pulpits and palaces of its traditional leaders, the North spoke up. To ignore this is to choose a lie over the truth, and to repeat it after reading these facts is to move from the camp of the ignorant to the camp of the hypocritical. The truth has been told, the evidence has been presented, and the myth of Northern silence is hereby destroyed.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via bellodoka82@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Politics often produces strange moments, but every now and then a controversy emerges that says more about a society than it first appears. The recent uproar in Kano over viral images of women displaying red underwear allegedly linked to supporters of the state government is one such moment. What began as social media comedy quickly evolved into a serious conversation about political culture, digital misinformation, public dignity and the growing danger of supporter excesses in Nigeria’s democracy.

At the centre of the controversy are competing narratives. One version claims the act was staged by enthusiastic supporters seeking to mock the red symbolism associated with Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya movement. Another insists no government official procured or distributed such items, and that the women involved purchased them independently as a form of protest. A third line of argument points to manipulated or AI-generated images, especially those showing Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s photograph printed on the underwear.

Whichever version one believes, the broader lesson lies elsewhere. In the age of instant virality, perception often outruns fact. Once provocative visuals hit the internet, they begin to live independent lives. By the time clarifications arrive, opinions are already formed, jokes already shared, and reputations already bruised. That is the brutal logic of modern information warfare.

This is why the Kano episode should not be dismissed as mere comedy. It highlights how politics in Nigeria is increasingly shifting from policy contests to symbolic warfare. Rather than debates over education, healthcare, water supply, youth unemployment or urban planning, public attention is hijacked by spectacles designed to humiliate opponents and energise online loyalists. The result is a shrinking space for serious governance discourse.

Kano is especially vulnerable to this kind of politics because of its unique political history. The state is one of Nigeria’s most politically conscious arenas, where colours, slogans, movements and personalities carry deep emotional weight. The red cap is not merely fashion; it represents a political identity. Any attempt to ridicule that identity will naturally provoke backlash. Supporters may consider such mockery clever mobilisation, but politics rooted in humiliation often boomerangs.

There is also an uncomfortable gender dimension to the saga. Across Nigeria, women are too often reduced to props in political performances—assembled for rallies, tokenised for optics, or used to dramatise partisan messages. Whether voluntary or orchestrated, any political theatre that places women at the centre of ridicule or sensationalism raises ethical questions. Political communication should elevate citizens, not use them as instruments of mockery.

For the Kano State Government, the greater challenge may not be the incident itself but how it is managed. Governments today do not only govern roads and budgets; they govern narratives. Silence can sometimes be wise, but in a digital environment, prolonged silence can also create a vacuum into which falsehood rushes. A vacuum of credible information often becomes fertile ground for stereotypes.

That is why communication experts increasingly advise a strategy of rapid clarification and narrative replacement. Rather than angrily chasing every rumour, a government can calmly provide facts, support independent fact-checking, and then redirect public attention to measurable achievements. If the public conversation is trapped on underwear for days, then governance has already lost valuable oxygen.

There is wisdom in the suggestion that the state should flood the public space with verifiable stories of schools rehabilitated, hospitals improved, roads completed, youth programmes launched, and social interventions delivered. This is not propaganda when the facts are genuine. It is simply the discipline of agenda-setting: ensuring governance performance is louder than viral nonsense.

Equally important is internal message control among supporters. Many governments underestimate the damage their unofficial defenders can cause. Overzealous loyalists often believe they are helping, while in reality, they create liabilities. Mockery, coded insults and reckless satire may thrill partisan circles, but they alienate undecided citizens and embarrass the leaders they claim to defend.

This is not a Kano problem alone. Across Nigeria, politicians increasingly face a paradox: their strongest online supporters can also become their biggest reputational risk. In a hyperconnected society, one foolish stunt can overshadow months of policy work. That reality demands more disciplined political engagement from parties and movements nationwide.

The final lesson is simple. Leadership should be measured by competence, compassion and delivery—not by who wins the latest viral skirmish. Kano deserves national attention for industrial revival, educational progress, urban reform and social development, not for underwear controversies. If this episode prompts a rethink of political conduct, media literacy and supporter behaviour, then an embarrassing moment may yet produce a useful correction.

Democracy is serious business. When politics becomes a permanent performance, everyone eventually loses.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Nasir Yakub

As time races toward May 29, 2027, when Bala Mohammed exits office, uncertainty has become the loudest voice in his political camp.

Those around him who harbour ambitions for governorship, National Assembly seats, state assembly positions, or other elective offices may be heading into avoidable doom — not because they lack aspiration, capacity or relevance — but because they remain tied to a leader who now appears politically unattached, operating like a freelance politician with no clear party destination.

The questions are no longer minor. They are urgent.

Will they remain in an “alive but dead” Peoples Democratic Party, a platform steadily losing strength, structure and national momentum?

Will they gamble on the emerging African Democratic Congress and hope it grows fast enough into a serious electoral vehicle before the race fully begins?

Or will they attempt the near-impossible route into the ruling All Progressives Congress, where tickets are neither cheap, automatic, nor freely handed to late arrivals?

These are not ordinary questions. They are questions of political survival.

As for Bala himself, the road ahead appears just as uncertain.

Does he remain in PDP and risk sinking with a weakened structure?

Does he seek refuge in APC, where political realignment may offer renewed relevance, stronger federal connections, and breathing space against looming anti-corruption scrutiny?

Or does he move into ADC, positioning himself as a heavyweight opposition figure ready for a fresh national bargaining table?

Every option carries gain. Every option carries danger. But delay now carries the highest danger of all.

Politics rewards movement, not hesitation.

While some are still waiting for signals, others are already building structures. While some remain loyal in silence, rivals are already negotiating alliances. While some hope for last-minute direction, others are quietly securing delegates, mobilising resources, and planting their flags ward by ward.

That is how elections are won long before voting day.

Those waiting endlessly around Bala should understand one hard truth: loyalty without direction can become political self-sabotage.

Aspirants need time. Structures need nurturing. Supporters need certainty. Defections need timing. Campaigns need preparation. None of these things flourish in confusion.

The tragedy ahead may not be that Bala loses influence. The real tragedy may be that many around him lose opportunities simply because they waited too long for one man to decide.

Time waits for no one.

And the earlier Bala chooses a road, the better for those whose futures still hang on his next move.

Because when the final whistle sounds, excuses will not be on the ballot.

Nasir Yakub writes from Bauchi State Nigeria and can be reached via nasiryakub990@gmail.com.

By Dr Eric Chinedu Omazu

On Saturday, 25 April, 2026, Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu bowed out of the service of Bayero University, Kano, upon attaining the mandatory retirement age of 70. The symbolism of that date should not be lost on anyone. The retirement date fell on a Saturday. The attained age was seventy. 

In mystical numerology every ten is reduced to one, each decade stands as a year and seventy years are but seven years, and seven years are but seven days. The Holy Bible records that God, the creator of the universe, rested on the seventh day, on a Saturday. And so did Professor Adamu. This is no coincidence. It was neither planned nor wished for. The stars merely realigned for a man whose whole life is a manifestation of a divine spark. He lived by his name, servant of Allah. And Allah honoured him with a rest on His day of rest.

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu is a professor’s professor. His entire life is a classroom. In a world where preachers mount the rostrum to deliver sermons they themselves cannot live by, Professor Adamu lives by the highest standards he has set for himself. He excuses others when they try and fail to rise to those standards. The world, as he understands it, is a field of experiments and mistakes. His only rule is that failure should not be driven by impunity. Impunity is an affront to justice. 

Anything said about a great man is an understatement. In Professor Adamu’s case, what my mind knows and my heart feels cannot be fully conveyed by existing words in the languages I speak. This leaves me with only approximate estimates. In that light, Prof. Adamu is my Boss, father, mentor, teacher, friend, guiding light, and so much more that my approximations still cannot capture. The foregrounding of all these modes of being is his role as a teacher. He taught me how to live. No, not just how to live, but how to live like a human. With love, compassion, empathy, understanding, wisdom, respect and contentment. These, too, are understatements.

I first met Professor Adamu ten years ago when he was appointed the Vice-Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria. In that role, he demystified public office. I was a close witness to all that he achieved. 

So, mine is more of a testimony to the lived experiences I witnessed. For example, I witnessed an effortless resolution of one of the knotty problems in political philosophy: reconciling idealist and realist recommendations in public space. The idealist recommendation: simply follow the just. The realist recommendation: follow the powerful. The evil of the two systems is that the just without power is impotent, and power without justice is tyrannical. Now the conundrum: How do we make the just powerful or the powerful just? 

Put in another way, where can we find a man in whom justice and power mix? I swear by the heavens that I witnessed the resolution of this conundrum in the person of Abdalla Uba Adamu during his tenure as NOUN VC. If I were to generate a postmortem motto for his tenure in NOUN, it would be: Power in service of justice. This is based solely on what I witnessed. 

As a leader, Professor Adamu was guided by a mantra: only the known best action is worth taking. He dispensed justice, promoted scholarship, demonstrated kindness, protected the weak, maintained equity, and entrenched standards. He was so down-to-earth that clerks, gardeners, and security staff regarded him as one of their own. He was the only Vice-Chancellor they could stop on the road and whisper their words in his ears.

Beyond his human touch in leadership, Professor Adamu transformed NOUN in ways no one imagined. The infrastructure he conceived and built remains the cynosure of all eyes in NOUN. The reforms he initiated are the backbone of NOUN’s operation to date. 

The biggest of them all, he did all these and left NOUN with his integrity intact. Zero scandal. Zero allegation of corruption. Now he retires in peace of mind and happiness.

Congratulations, Sir, on your retirement. And happy 70th birthday anniversary.

Dr Eric Chinedu Omazu is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Philosophy, NOUN. He served as Special Assistant to the Vice-Chancellor during Professor Adamu’s tenure as VC, NOUN.

Jamilu Uba Adamu 

A man of strong character and unwavering principle, Ibrahim Galadima, MFR, traversed every level of football and sports administration in Nigeria. He served as Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association (NFA) for four transformative years.

His journey began as Chairman of the Kano State Football Association from 1977 to 1979, a period marked by the rapid development of football across the state.  

An accomplished community leader and administrator, Galadima served as Executive Chairman of the old Kano State Sports Council from 1981 to 1983. 

Honourable and diligent beyond compare, he was elected 1st Vice President of the Nigeria Olympic Committee in 1985, serving until 1987 before returning as Chairman of the Kano State Sports Council. He excelled once more, leading the Kano State Government to appoint him Commissioner for Social Welfare, Youth and Sports in 1989. By 1990, he became Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport, with sports placed under the Governor’s Office.

In 1999, he chaired the Kano Sub-seat of the Nigeria team at the 1999 FIFA World Youth Championship. Under his leadership, Kano recorded the highest match attendances of the tournament.  

Three years later, with an unblemished reputation for honesty and accountability, he was elected Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association. During his tenure, the NFA proposed its working Statutes to FIFA. FIFA ratified them, and the 2006 Executive Committee elections were conducted under those Statutes, which still guide the Federation today.  

Ibrahim Galadima, MFR, also served as Member, Presidential Committee on Vision 2010 (Sports); Member, National Commission on Problems of Sports Development in Nigeria (2001); Vice Patron, Nigeria Olympic Committee; Member, Board of Trustees, Nigeria Sports Hall of Fame; Vice Chairman, Presidential Advisory Committee on Vision 20:2020; and Member, CAF Standing Committee on Legal Affairs and Players’ Status.  

In 2019, he chaired a special committee set up by the Kano State Government to guide Kano Pillars FC in their maiden CAF Champions League campaign. The debutants stunned Africa by eliminating Al-Ahly of Egypt, Africa’s Club of the Century, to reach the semi-finals.  

When the former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje administration created the Kano State Sports Commission in 2016, he was appointed its pioneer Executive Chairman.

He was elevated to the position of Patron of the Nigeria Olympic Committee and served as Chairman of the Governing Council of the National Institute of Sports from 2018 to 2022.  

His most recent national assignments included serving as Chairman of the 10-Year Presidential Football Master Plan Committee and as Acting Chairman of Kano Pillars FC.  

The memory of the late Ibrahim Galadima will endure in the hearts of all who encountered him, especially for those of us who regarded him not only as a father figure but as a true role model. I remain deeply grateful for the encouragement he gave me when I approached him to write the introduction to my book, Takaitaccen Tarihin Asalin Wasan Kwallon Kafa a Kano.  

A stickler for rules, regulations, and transparency. His legacy of integrity, service, and excellence in Nigerian sports will never be forgotten. Allah ubangiji ya gafarta masa, amin.

Adamu wrote from Kano via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.