Opinion

By Inusa Rabiu Isah

As tensions continue to rise around the Strait of Hormuz, global oil prices are climbing again, shipping risks are increasing, and analysts are warning that any prolonged disruption in the Gulf region could trigger another major energy shock. For many Nigerians, the immediate reaction is predictable: “Nigeria will benefit because we are an oil-producing country.” Yet every major oil shock continues to expose the same uncomfortable reality: despite its enormous crude oil reserves, Nigeria remains dangerously vulnerable to global energy instability.

The Strait of Hormuz, located between Iran and Oman, is one of the world’s most strategic energy transit routes. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), about 20 million barrels per day of crude oil and petroleum products passed through the Strait in 2025, representing roughly one-fifth of global oil consumption and nearly 25% of global seaborne oil trade. In addition, the United States Energy Information Administration (EIA) reports that around 20% of global LNG trade moves through the same corridor.

This explains why instability around Hormuz immediately affects global energy markets. The concern extends beyond crude supply to tanker movements, shipping insurance, freight costs, refinery feedstock availability, refined product pricing, and market speculation.

Similarly, past disruptions such as the 1973 oil embargo, the Gulf Wars, and the 2022 Russia–Ukraine conflict demonstrated how geopolitical instability can rapidly trigger inflation across import-dependent economies through higher fuel, transport, and food costs.

Nigeria is no exception.

Although Nigeria is one of Africa’s largest crude oil producers, the country still operates an economy heavily dependent on imported energy-linked systems. Millions of households and businesses rely on petrol and diesel generators due to an unstable electricity supply, while transport and logistics remain overwhelmingly road-dependent. Consequently, rising diesel and petrol prices quickly spread across the economy.

The first major mistake in many public discussions is the assumption that higher crude prices automatically benefit Nigeria. Oil revenue depends not only on price, but also on production volume.

According to Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) data released in April 2026, Nigeria’s combined crude oil and condensate production rose to about 1.546 million barrels per day in March 2026. However, crude oil production excluding condensates stood around 1.382 million barrels per day, still below Nigeria’s OPEC quota of approximately 1.5 million barrels per day.

Therefore, higher crude prices alone cannot guarantee stronger economic benefits unless production remains stable, oil theft is reduced, and export infrastructure functions efficiently.

The second mistake is confusing crude oil price with petrol price. Nigerians do not buy crude oil at filling stations; they buy refined petroleum products. Petrol and diesel prices are influenced not only by crude benchmarks but also by refining margins, freight charges, foreign exchange rates, logistics, taxes, insurance, and marketer margins.

This is where Nigeria’s foreign exchange challenge becomes critical. A weaker naira significantly increases the cost of refined products and energy-related imports. Since the removal of fuel subsidies, domestic fuel prices now respond more directly to global market volatility. Consequently, international oil shocks now transmit faster into local petrol and diesel prices.

Although the Dangote Refinery represents a major improvement in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector, local refining alone cannot completely shield the country from global oil-price volatility. Crude feedstock pricing remains internationally linked, and refined product prices still respond to international market conditions. Nonetheless, the refinery remains a critical step toward improving Nigeria’s long-term energy security and reducing import dependence.

Recent domestic fuel data already show how exposed Nigeria’s economy remains. National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) data indicated that the average retail petrol price rose to about ₦1,288.54 per litre in March 2026, while diesel prices recorded an estimated 16.05% month-on-month increase during the same period.

These are not just economic statistics. They affect transport fares, food prices, manufacturers, small businesses powering generators, and millions of Nigerians already struggling with inflation.

Meanwhile, Nigeria’s deeper challenge remains structural energy vulnerability. Electricity supply is weak, gas infrastructure is underdeveloped, rail freight systems are limited, and strategic fuel reserves are inadequate. Under these conditions, every major disruption in global energy markets quickly evolves into domestic inflation and economic hardship.

The policy lesson is therefore clear: Nigeria must stop celebrating rising oil prices without asking whether the country is structurally prepared to benefit from them. Nigeria must raise and sustain crude oil production, strengthen domestic refining, expand gas infrastructure, develop strategic fuel reserves, and treat energy security as an economic-security issue rather than merely a petroleum-sector issue.

Conclusively, the Strait of Hormuz may be geographically distant from Nigeria, but its economic consequences can reach Nigerian households within days. That is the reality of today’s interconnected global oil market. Until Nigeria builds real energy resilience, global oil shocks will continue producing the same painful irony: a country rich in crude oil, yet perpetually vulnerable to energy insecurity and affordability.

Engr. Inusa Rabiu Isah, GMNSE, MIAENG, is a petroleum engineer and energy analyst with interests in petroleum economics, energy security, and sustainable industrial development. He writes from Abuja and can be reached via inusarabiuisah@gmail.com.

By Oladoja M.O

More often than not, in my commentaries and advocacy, I have argued, sometimes gently, often forcefully, that Nigeria’s development dilemma is not merely a question of resources but of structure. And by structure, I mean governance structure. Specifically, the chronic underdevelopment of the local government system, a tier that should be the nerve centre of citizen reality, but has instead been reduced to a ceremonial appendage.

Local government, in its truest form, should not be an administrative afterthought but the frontline of governance, the first point of contact between policy and people, where statistics acquire faces, and where development either becomes tangible or remains theoretical. Health outcomes, food systems, primary security, sanitation, grassroots education, these are not abstractions.

They are all local. Deeply, stubbornly local.

Yet, in Nigeria, the local government has long operated like what I once described as “an employed man with no office”, burdened with responsibilities, stripped of authority, and perpetually dependent. A facility structurally present but functionally absent.

This is why the agitation for local government autonomy has not just been valid, but urgent. However, we must be careful not to mistake noise for nuance. The autonomy worth pursuing is not the shallow, politically convenient version, one that merely shifts financial pipelines or creates the illusion of independence while leaving structural weaknesses intact. No! 

What Nigeria requires is a deeply constitutional, deliberately engineered autonomy, one that recognises local government as a true tier of governance, not a subordinate convenience.

Anything less is cosmetic.

But here lies the uncomfortable pivot, the part we are not speaking loudly enough about.

What happens after autonomy?

Because autonomy, by itself, is not redemption. It is merely an opportunity.

And opportunities, in the wrong hands, are dangerous.

There is a growing unease, one I cannot ignore. Having observed, listened, and engaged within spaces where prospective local government leadership is being shaped, I would be dishonest if I claimed confidence. The dominant political culture that has hollowed out higher levels of governance is not magically absent at the grassroots. But present, alive and waiting.

And that is the real threat.

If autonomy is handed over to the same cadre of actors, those driven not by systems thinking but by transactional politics, not by development logic but by opportunistic instincts, then what we are building is not a solution. We are constructing a more efficient failure.

A freshly liberated arena, quickly captured.

A new playground, governed by old habits.

A structure with potential, turned once again into a cemetery of governance.

This is why the conversation must evolve. We cannot afford to celebrate autonomy as an end. It must be treated as a beginning, a fragile, high-stakes transition that demands vigilance, design intelligence, and, most importantly, a redefinition of who gets to lead at that level.

Local government leadership cannot remain the fallback position for political recycling. It is too important for that. In fact, if anything, it should attract the most competent administrators, the most systems-oriented thinkers, the most innovation-driven leaders. Individuals who understand that governance at that level is not about occupying office, but about engineering outcomes.

Because if properly structured and competently led, local government has the capacity to recalibrate Nigeria’s development trajectory faster than any centralised intervention ever could. It is the closest lever to the people, and therefore the most powerful.

But power without accountability is a familiar Nigerian tragedy.

So, beyond autonomy, what should we focus?

First, a non-negotiable radical transparency. Financial flows, project allocations, and procurement processes must not exist in bureaucratic shadows. They must be visible, traceable, and open to public scrutiny in real time. Autonomy cannot become a shield for opacity.

Second, citizen participation must move from rhetoric to architecture. Governance at the local level must be deliberately designed to include the people, not as passive recipients, but as active stakeholders in decision-making. Budgeting, planning, and monitoring must have structured entry points for citizen engagement. Not symbolic inclusion, but functional involvement.

Third, accountability frameworks must be ruthless in their clarity. No immunity structures that protect incompetence. No procedural loopholes that enable mismanagement. Consequences must be immediate, visible, and enforceable.

And finally, there must be a cultural shift in how we perceive local governance. It is not inferior governance. It is foundational governance. Until we treat it with the seriousness it deserves, we will continue to recycle failure at scale.

Nigeria stands at a delicate threshold. The body language of decentralisation is becoming more pronounced, and within it lies a rare window of opportunity. But history has taught us that structural reforms, when poorly executed, can entrench the very problems they were meant to solve.

So yes, we should pursue autonomy.

But we must do so with our eyes wide open.

Because beyond autonomy lies a more difficult question, one that demands honesty, courage, and intentional design:

Are we truly ready to govern differently?

If the answer is no, then autonomy will not save us.

It will simply expose us.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com.

A response to Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk.

My dear learned brother, Barr Ahmed Umar Farouk, as I pledged to respond to your post, let me briefly add a few lines, as my learned friend, Barr Hassan Saraki, has already engaged you on the other issues you raised, which I think makes my work easier. 

According to the Nigerian Constitution, any Nigerian aged 35 years and above can contest the senatorial seat. This legal provision makes Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed fully qualified to run for the Bauchi South Senatorial District seat in the 2027 general elections. 

As a retired director from the federal service, a senator for about 3 years, a minister for more than 5 years, and currently a sitting governor serving a 2nd 4-year term, these alone are exceptional qualities that make Senator Bala Abdulkadir the best choice for the Bauchi South senatorial district. Could this ring a bell for you?

His contributions to the Senate gave him an edge over all the contestants across all political parties. His brief sojourn in the red chamber was notable for his active legislative role and key administrative positions within the Senate. His contributions during this period primarily focused on committee leadership, advocacy for reform, and a landmark constitutional motion. 

Key among his legislative contributions was the Doctrine of Necessity Motion during the political uncertainty of late 2009. He courageously moved the motion that empowered then-Vice President Goodluck Jonathan as acting president during President Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s illness, effectively resolving a looming constitutional crisis. 

Senator Bala Mohammed was recognised as one of the most outspoken and vibrant legislators during plenary sessions. He championed bills focused on public service reform and anti-corruption, advocating for greater transparency in governance. During his two years in the Senate, Senator Bala Mohammed tackled essential social issues by providing water and sanitation infrastructure, improving health facilities, and addressing youth unemployment and other social challenges, among other initiatives. 

Senator Mohammed served as a member of several committees and held strategic leadership positions, including Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Aviation, Secretary of the Northern Senators Forum, and member of the Committees on Communication, Finance and Public Accounts, Rules and Business, Environment, Labour and Productivity, and Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Jos Crisis. 

As Governor for seven years, Bala Mohammed has implemented a series of reforms and projects aimed at transforming Bauchi State. His administration focuses on a blueprint designed to revitalise critical sectors of the economy. His achievements in health, education, and infrastructural development are clear examples of a representative and responsible government. 

This piece has done justice to the four items you presented as the reasons why Governor Bala Mohammed is the least suited to represent the Bauchi South senatorial district in the red chamber. 

Governor Bala Mohammed is contesting the Senate position not as a retirement home but to continue with the good works he started between 2007 and 2010. Don’t forget that His Excellency defeated a sitting governor, Dr Ahmad Adamu Mu’azu, with a landslide victory to win the Bauchi South senatorial seat in 2007. 

With these few paragraphs, I hope my learned brother can see the differences between His Excellency Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed and the other contestants, which are far below his pedigree, given his educational qualifications and requisite experience in governance and national assignments.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Muazu Muhammad Adam

In recent times, public conversations surrounding insecurity in Nigeria have increasingly focused more on negative narratives, criticisms, and misinformation, while the tremendous sacrifices and operational victories being recorded daily by the Nigerian Army often go unnoticed or deliberately ignored.

At a time when troops continue to risk their lives across forests, deserts, rivers, and dangerous frontline locations to defend the country, many Nigerians unfortunately pay little attention to the countless successful operations being carried out against terrorists, bandits, kidnappers, oil thieves, and other criminal elements threatening national peace and stability.

Under the leadership of Lieutenant General Waidi Shuaibu as Chief of Army Staff, the Nigerian Army has intensified nationwide operations with visible and undeniable results across several theatres of operation. From the North-East to the North-West, North-Central, South-East, and South-South regions, troops have continued to demonstrate resilience, professionalism, courage, and operational superiority against criminal elements.

One of the major realities many Nigerians fail to acknowledge is that while citizens sleep peacefully in their homes, thousands of soldiers remain deployed in hostile environments under extremely difficult conditions, constantly confronting terrorists and armed groups on behalf of the nation. These sacrifices deserve appreciation, encouragement, and national support rather than constant condemnation and politically motivated narratives aimed at discouraging the morale of troops.

Recent operations carried out under Operation HADIN KAI clearly demonstrate the renewed operational strength and combat effectiveness of the Nigerian Army under the current military leadership.

On 8 May 2026, troops of Operation HADIN KAI decisively crushed a large-scale coordinated assault launched by ISWAP terrorists on Headquarters 27 Brigade at Buni Gari. The terrorists attacked from multiple directions under the cover of darkness in what appeared to be a desperate attempt to overwhelm troops and breach the location. However, Nigerian troops stood their ground with remarkable courage, tactical discipline, and overwhelming firepower.

The terrorists suffered catastrophic losses during the encounter as no fewer than 50 terrorists were neutralised while several others fled with gunshot wounds. The operation also led to the recovery of a large cache of arms and ammunition including AK-47 rifles, General Purpose Machine Guns, RPG launchers, RPG bombs, ammunition belts, magazines, and Improvised Explosive Device canisters. Despite the scale of the attack, troops successfully defended the camp and prevented any breach of the location.

The Air Component of Operation HADIN KAI also played a decisive role by conducting precision air interdictions against fleeing terrorists, further decimating insurgent elements attempting to escape through various withdrawal routes. Human intelligence reports later confirmed additional terrorist casualties scattered across surrounding bushes and escape corridors.

Again, on 9 and 10 May 2026, troops of Operation HADIN KAI successfully defeated another attempted ISWAP attack on the 120 Task Force Battalion in Gonori under Sector 2. The terrorists advancing from the Mandunari axis were detected early by vigilant troops, leading to a devastating ambush and coordinated spoiling attack that completely disrupted the terrorists’ operation before they could penetrate the camp.

Through effective coordination between ground troops, the Air Component of Operation HADIN KAI, and the Nigerian Army Aviation, retreating terrorists were subjected to intense air-land offensives which inflicted heavy casualties on the insurgents. Several weapons including General Purpose Machine Guns, PKTs, AK-47 rifles, assorted ammunition, and other combat materials were recovered after the failed attack.

These successful operations are only a few examples among numerous daily victories being recorded by troops across the country. Unfortunately, many of these achievements receive little public attention compared to negative stories and unverified social media narratives designed to portray the Nigerian Army unfairly.

No military institution anywhere in the world operates without challenges. However, fairness demands that Nigerians should also recognize and appreciate the extraordinary sacrifices, courage, and achievements of the men and women of the Nigerian Army who continue to confront terrorism and insecurity daily under life-threatening conditions.

The leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in appointing Lieutenant General Waidi Shuaibu is increasingly yielding visible operational results as troops continue to sustain pressure against terrorists and criminal networks across the country. The current military leadership has demonstrated commitment toward operational efficiency, troop welfare, inter-agency cooperation, and aggressive offensives against enemies of the state.

Nigerians must understand that constant demoralisation of security personnel through fake news, propaganda, and one-sided narratives only benefits terrorists and criminal groups whose primary objective is to weaken national unity and public confidence. Patriotism requires citizens to support security institutions, encourage troops, and acknowledge genuine progress where necessary.

Constructive criticism remains important in every democracy, but deliberate campaigns aimed at discrediting the efforts of soldiers risking their lives for national security should be discouraged. The Nigerian Army deserves commendation for its resilience, bravery, and continued sacrifices in defence of the nation.

As insecurity continues to evolve, national unity and public support for security forces have become more important than ever. Nigerians must stand behind the Armed Forces and appreciate the efforts of gallant troops who continue to pay the ultimate price so millions can live peacefully.

The courage displayed by troops during the Buni Gari and Gonori operations once again proves that the Nigerian Army remains battle-ready, determined, and fully committed to defeating terrorism and restoring lasting peace across the country.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

Inna lillaahi wa innaa ilaihi raaji’un

There is a particular cruelty in the timing of some deaths, a cruelty that refuses to be explained away. Muslim Abdurrazak Ibrahim, 31, died on a Friday. Every Friday without fail, he would send a Jumu’at Mubarak message, a small ritual of love and faith that connected him to family and friends across the distance between a soldier’s post and the world back home. On this Friday, he sent nothing. He could not. He had already gone.

Muslim was the firstborn son of Abdurrazak, who named him after his uncle — a tribute to my older brother, Muslim. Abdurrazak, a retired soldier, had fought in battles inside and outside Nigeria and had returned home carrying the weight of friends lost in the trenches of Liberia, Sierra Leone, and beyond. His children, Muslim and his brother Bilal, would both join the Nigerian Army.

The week of his death was, without either of us knowing it, a week of farewells. On Wednesday, my busiest day, Muslim asked to speak with me, which was unusual in itself. We compromised, exchanging texts and voice notes instead. What followed was the most intimate conversation we had ever shared. 

Muslim spoke about his family, including his brother Buhari, who also wanted to join the Army. He spoke at unusual length and with unusual openness. For instance, he did not want Buhari to abandon his education to join the military. He had wanted a video or audio call for more direct contact, as he wanted to leave a wasiya, a will. We did not manage the call. But something was transmitted all the same.

On Thursday evening, he told me he was exhausted after the patrol. He and his colleagues had been chasing armed men on more than fifty motorbikes across the terrain of Kebbi State. They escaped. I prayed for better fortune next time. On Friday, there was no next time. He was killed in combat!

Just hours before his death, he had asked about obtaining a permit to travel home on the 20th of May to celebrate Eid al-Adha with his family in Kano. He had been looking forward to the feast and planning a homecoming.

He had also been planning a wedding. His betrothed, Nana, his girlfriend, his intended, was waiting. The arrangements were underway. He was thirty-one years old, at the beginning of the life he had been building, and then he was gone.

Muslim was a caring son to his parents, a devoted brother to his siblings, and a warm presence in the lives of friends, colleagues, and acquaintances alike. Those who knew him speak of his bravery on the battlefield, his attentiveness during training, his faithfulness in small gestures, such as the weekly Jumu’at message, among many other qualities. He was consistent. He was present. He was the kind of person who, even from a military post in the field, remembered to reach out.

This is the quiet tragedy within the larger one: that Nigeria loses sons and daughters like Muslim regularly, and the country has grown so accustomed to the loss that it barely flinches. The skirmishes, the patrols, the ambushes — they occur on the margins of the national conversation, and the brave men and women who fall in them are sometimes mourned only by their families, in private, without the acknowledgement their sacrifice demands. 

Muslim was not a statistic. He was a person who sent Jumu’at greetings and wanted to come home for Eid to meet family and friends. He had dreams and plans for the future. None of this would now happen.

I was, to my knowledge, the last family member to speak with him. That knowledge sits heavily. But I am also grateful that he reached out, that we spoke at length about family for the first time, and that something of what he wanted to say was said. He left, in those voice notes and texts, a presence that words can only approximate.

Against all odds, we pray for Nigeria’s prosperity. May the sacrifices of these gallant soldiers not be in vain. May Allah (SWT) forgive their shortcomings, accept their martyrdom, and grant their families and loved ones the strength to bear this loss.

May Muslim Abdurrazak Ibrahim rest in the mercy and peace of his Creator. May Nana be comforted. May his parents and siblings find strength. May his name be remembered — not only by those who loved him, but by a country that owes its soldiers more than silence, amin summa amin.

Inna lillaahi wa innaa ilaihi raaji’un — Indeed, to Allah we belong, and to Him we shall return.

By Misbahu El-Hamza

A few weeks ago, the HQ Nigerian Army announced the recovery of the remains of two officers, Master Warrant Officer Linus Musa Audu and Private Gloria Mathew, who were “brutally abducted and murdered by IPOB/ESN terrorists in May 2022 while travelling for their traditional wedding.”

I felt some relief for their families. At least they can now properly bury their loved ones and finally let go of the painful uncertainty of whether they were still alive.

But the report also reopened my grief for our lost friend, Hamza Ibrahim.

Hamza was my university coursemate and a very close friend. He and I often confided in each other. After university, he joined the Nigerian Army and later rose to the rank of Lieutenant. He was serving with a unit in Ogoja, Cross River State.

On July 2, 2023, Hamza disappeared while travelling from Abia to Anambra State.

Since then, we have not heard from him. Not by the Nigerian Army. Not by his grieving wife. Not by his father, who died last year, carrying the pain of not knowing what happened to his son. And not by any of us, his friends.

A few months after Hamza went missing, I led a group of our classmates to visit his wife at her family home in Kano. At the time, she was nursing their second child, just a few months old.

Her last memory of Hamza was a phone call on the day he disappeared.

He told her he suspected he was being followed. During the call, he asked whether their daughters were awake and told her to pray for him. She said he sounded unusually tense. That was the last time she heard his voice.

Then, on March 22, 2025, she was invited to his unit in Cross River State and handed a condolence letter and a death certificate.

“That was the worst day of my life,” she recalled.

Yet she still does not believe her husband is dead.

“I have spoken to many of his friends in the Army, and no one can clearly say what happened to Hamza,” she told me.

I once asked whether she or anyone around the family suspected IPOB/ESN involvement. She replied that if such groups had killed him, at least there would have been a body.

She referenced the killing of their family doctor, an Igbo military officer whose body, according to her, was left behind after IPOB/ESN shot him dead.

But in Hamza’s case, she said there was no trace. No confirmed scene. Nobody. Nothing.

To this day, she said many of his military friends still describe his disappearance as a mystery.

It has now been more than two years since we lost Captain Hamza Ibrahim. Ten days after he disappeared, he was promoted in absentia.

And although his wife officially received his death certificate nearly 20 months after that final phone call, she still hopes that one day she and her two daughters will wake up and see their husband and father return home. 

“Allah Ya bayyana mana gaskiya, Ya tona asirin duk wanda yake da hannu a cikin ɓatan shi,” (May Allah reveal the truth and expose whoever had a hand in his disappearance), she said in a broken voice as we were about to leave their house.

For me, it is painful to finally write about Hamza.

One thing I will always remember about him was his compassion toward me. Whenever I ran out of food at the university, Hamza would take me to his room and cook for us. I still remember when he handed me a crisp ₦500 note to buy food and kerosene. That kindness is something I can never forget.

I wanted to write about him shortly after he disappeared, but his wife asked me not to because she had been instructed not to speak to the media, and I respected that. But after reading the Nigerian Army’s report on the recovery of two missing officers, I could no longer keep this painful story to myself.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As political parties in the country gear up to conduct primary elections in preparation for the 2027 general elections, they should ensure strict adherence to the laid-down procedures put in place by electoral acts and those of their parties to avoid further internal wranglings and legal tussles that will ultimately harm the party’s chances of winning the election or maintaining victory in courts. 

The process adopted by some political parties in some states for selecting the party’s flag bearers for different posts exposes how stakeholders underestimate voters’ power by fielding candidates who are far below the electorate’s goodwill and requirements for winning elections. 

The electoral acts recognise only two processes that political parties can follow in conducting primary elections: direct primaries, which allow party card-carrying members to elect their candidates, or consensus, which allows contestants to withdraw their contests and announce their support for one person among themselves. 

As seen in many states that adopt the consensus process in selecting their candidates and the issues that followed so far, it is clear that stakeholders neglect the powers of voters by anointing persons with questionable political values as their preferred candidates without considering the legal implications of such decisions (remember Zamfara state) or the electoral values of the persons they selected.

If public acceptance and popularity are the selling points of any politician, then some candidates do not possess the qualities of a counsellor, but present themselves as gubernatorial aspirants, either because they can afford the nomination forms and want to trend and remain relevant in the scheme of things or because they are playing a deceitful game in the event of joining the negotiations table.

While appealing for a peaceful conduct of free and fair process from the remaining political parties that are yet to conduct their primaries, they should also be mindful of the people they will present for elections, as winning elections do not limited to the platform (political party), it is about goodwill, clear and practicable manifesto and the electoral values of the persons they presented as their flag bearers. 

To the electorate, they should ensure their voter cards are accessible. To those who do not possess the ‘electoral weapon’, the third phase of the Continued Voter Registration (CVR) will commence today, Monday, 11th May 2026, and end on Friday, 10th July 2026. During this period, eligible citizens who have reached the age of 18, as well as those who were unable to register in earlier phases, should seize this opportunity to do so.

We at the Initiatives for Sustainable Development (I4SD) are committed to ensuring free, fair and peaceful conduct of the 2027 general elections in the country. 

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Muhd El-Bonga Ibraheem

Founded in 2022 as the first private university in Gombe State, North-Eastern University has rapidly emerged as one of the most ambitious and forward-looking institutions in Northern Nigeria. The university was established to bridge several educational gaps, and since its inception, it has continued to grow from strength to strength across nearly all facets of academic and institutional development. 

In barely a few years, the university has distinguished itself through academic excellence, infrastructural expansion, research, technological innovation, and professional accreditation, positioning Gombe State as an emerging hub for higher education and specialised professional training.

Most notably among its many milestones, the university recently recorded a landmark achievement with the successful securing of full accreditation for its Architecture programme by the Architects Registration Council of Nigeria (ARCON). This accreditation confirms that the programme meets the national professional standards for architectural education in Nigeria and enables graduates to proceed toward professional registration as architects. More significantly, North-Eastern University, Gombe, following my recent interaction with its Deputy Vice Chancellor—my brother, Prof. Sani Isyaka—is currently the only university in the entire North East region with full ARCON accreditation, and one of only three universities in northern Nigeria to possess this distinction. This milestone places both the institution and Gombe State at the forefront of architectural education and built-environment training in the region.

Additionally, although still in its fledgling stage, the university has demonstrated an admirable pace of growth and institutional development. For instance, it was the first among the newly licensed private universities to commence academic activities in the 2022/2023 academic session and quickly became the first institution to fully implement the National Universities Commission’s Core Curriculum and Minimum Academic Standards (CCMAS). This magnificent feat subsequently earned the university a Gold Medal for successfully completing all CCMAS development stages within its first year of operation, alongside a distinction rating in the NUC’s Virtual Institute for Capacity Building in Higher Education trainings.

Today, thanks to persistent efforts, the university runs 27 undergraduate programmes across four faculties, 16 departments, 7 directorates, 1 academy, and 2 centres, all approved by the National Universities Commission (NUC). Over the years, the young university has witnessed an exponential rise in enrolment, with its diverse student population across many strata of society growing rapidly to about 2,000 undergraduates, making it one of the fastest-growing private universities in the North East sub-region. To accommodate these growing numbers, the university recently passed a resource verification exercise by the NUC for the creation of new, highly sought-after undergraduate programs in Artificial Intelligence and Information Systems, as well as a Doctor of Pharmacy (Pharm D).

What particularly sets the institution apart is its investment in research and specialised facilities. Recently, the university established the Centre for African Medicinal Plants Research, equipped with advanced laboratories dedicated to natural products research, microbiology, synthesis, and pharmaceutical formulation. It also houses specialised scientific facilities rarely found in many universities across the country.

Given the pervasive rise in technology integration, especially in the post-COVID-19 era, the institution has equally prioritised technology-driven learning and global academic engagement. Through its CISCO Academy and the adoption of the Octopus Learning Management System, the university has embraced blended learning supported by several online learning platforms. It has also established research and academic collaborations with globally recognised institutions, including the University of Surrey, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, and several others across Africa and beyond.

As a mark of excellence, following several tours whenever I visit the school, the university equally boasts of fully furnished lecture halls, auditoria, solar-powered electricity, science laboratories, Mass Communication studios, an Architecture studio, Moot Court facilities, modern hostels, ICT centres, and the state-of-the-art Justice Abubakar Jauro Law Library. Nonetheless, ongoing campus expansion projects, beautification initiatives, and student-friendly facilities further reinforce its commitment to creating a modern academic environment.

In many respects, the rise of North-Eastern University symbolises the growing educational and intellectual aspirations of the North East sub-region. Through strategic investment in quality education, research, infrastructure, and professional standards, the university is increasingly building a reputation as one of Nigeria’s emerging centres of academic excellence. 

With the massive development the university has experienced in virtually all dimensions over the past few years, amid sustained momentum of outstanding achievements, the university aims to achieve the founder’s long-term vision of becoming one of the best universities in Nigeria within the next 10 to 15 years.

El-Bonga can be reached via miabba40@gmail.com. 

By Aremu Haroon Abiodun

Let me begin with clarity and sincerity. I write this not as a partisan actor, not as a loyalist of any political party, and certainly not as a hired megaphone for any candidate. I write from the standpoint of an analyst, a student of democratic behaviour, and a public relations strategist who understands that politics is not only about power; it is also about perception, timing, trust, and structure.

This piece is not designed to insult President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, attack the ruling APC, mock the opposition, or discredit any politician. Rather, it is an honest attempt to interrogate one of the most defining questions of Nigeria’s approaching democratic race: Is the new coalition a movement of salvation or merely a market of ambition?

In every democracy, coalitions can either rescue nations or ruin trust. In Africa, where democracy is still battling poverty, elite capture, and personality politics, the answer matters deeply. Across the continent, from Kenya to South Africa, Senegal to Zimbabwe, fragmented opposition groups often unite to challenge incumbents. Sometimes they succeed; sometimes they collapse under the weight of ego and suspicion.

Coalitions are usually built on five promises: to rescue the nation, restore democracy, defeat bad governance, unite the opposition vote, and provide a better alternative. But behind these promises often lie hidden motives: personal ambition, ticket negotiation, political survival, revenge against former allies, and access to state power. This is why many coalitions look holy in public but bleed distrust in private.

Nigeria may now be entering that exact season. The African Democratic Congress (ADC), once a relatively minor platform, is suddenly being discussed as a possible shelter for heavyweight politicians dissatisfied with their former homes. But before Nigerians clap, they must ask a dangerous question: Do the coalition members even trust themselves? 

Parties are not built by logos; they are built by loyalty, and loyalty cannot be photocopied overnight.

Nigeria’s politics has become a railway station where leaders keep changing platforms while asking voters to stay loyal.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not emerge by accident. His journey moved through the AD, AC, ACN, and finally the APC. He mastered a core truth that many others underestimated: structure beats noise.

While others chased headlines, Tinubu built networks, state influence, and grassroots machinery. Whether loved or criticised, he represents a masterclass in long-term political engineering.

Atiku’s route has been equally dramatic, moving from the PDP to the APC, back to the PDP, and now toward discussions with ADC. No politician in modern Nigeria has contested the presidency with as much persistence. 

Supporters call it resilience; critics call it endless ambition. But as time moves on, the ADC coalition may represent strategic urgency rather than just ideology, a final gamble in a house where the inheritance is uncertain.

Peter Obi’s path from APGA to the PDP, the Labour Party, and now ADC tells the story of a reformer searching for a machine. Obi proved in 2023 that popularity can shake systems, but popularity without nationwide structure has limits. 

If Obi brings credibility and a coalition brings machinery, the equation is powerful. However, can a reformist brand coexist with old political warlords? Movements are powered by hope, but coalitions are powered by compromise.

Moving from the PDP to the APC, the NNPP, and now the ADC, Kwankwaso commands a loyal bloc in the North. He has what every coalition needs—a dedicated voter base—but he also has what coalitions fear: independent ambition. The success of any merger will depend on whether arithmetic can overcome ego.

The urgency for a coalition is often driven by the stark reality of election data. In Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election, the opposition’s fragmentation was clear. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu won with 8,794,726 votes (36.6%), while the combined votes of the three main opposition candidates, Atiku Abubakar (6,984,520), Peter Obi (6,101,533), and Rabiu Kwankwaso (1,496,687), totalled 14,582,740.

Mathematically, the opposition held over 60% of the total vote, but their inability to unite resulted in a win for the incumbent’s structure. This “voter math” is the primary engine behind the current migration toward the ADC; politicians realise that without a unified front, sentiment rarely defeats a settled structure.

Having that in mind, can Atiku trust Obi? Can Obi trust establishment figures? Can Kwankwaso trust a ticket arrangement? Coalitions often fail not because they lack votes, but because they lack trust.

Sooner or later, the “Ticket War” arrives. If Atiku wants one last shot, Obi believes his momentum was stolen, and Kwankwaso believes northern arithmetic favours him, the smiles will disappear. A coalition before a primary is romance; a coalition after a primary is war.

Furthermore, many underestimate the “Tinubu Factor.” Hatred of an incumbent is not a development plan. Tinubu remains a formidable strategist because he controls incumbency power and understands coalition management better than many of his rivals. To defeat a strategist, anger is insufficient, but superior organisation could be the way out.

From a strategic communication perspective, the narratives are already forming. APC’s narrative centres on stability, continuity, and ongoing reforms. ADC represents a force for “Rescue Nigeria,” unites the opposition, and restores hope.

Both parties face a risk. The ADC risks being seen as a shelter for serial defectors, while the APC risks seeming disconnected from economic pain.

Lastline 

Nigeria does not merely need a coalition of politicians; it needs a coalition of ideas, competence, and national healing. If the ADC becomes a real reform movement, it can change history. If it becomes only a marketplace of ambition, it will prove that parties change names faster than systems change realities.

The real contest of 2027 may not be APC vs. ADC. It will be structure vs sentiment, trust vs suspicion, and nationhood vs ambition. On that day, Nigerians, not politicians, will deliver the final verdict on who rules in the next four years.

Haroon Aremu is a public relations strategist and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Happiness

‎Every year from April 24 to 30, the world marks World Immunisation Week, a global campaign coordinated by the World Health Organisation (WHO) to highlight one of the most effective public health tools ever developed: vaccines. In 2026, the campaign comes with renewed urgency as countries work to close immunity gaps, restore routine vaccination disrupted in recent years, and protect millions of children and adults from preventable diseases.

‎‎This year’s theme, “For every generation, vaccines work,” underscores a simple but powerful reality: immunisation is not only for infants. Vaccines protect people throughout life, from newborn babies receiving their first doses, to adolescents, pregnant women, healthcare workers, and older adults needing booster or age-specific protection. It is a reminder that vaccines have served families for generations and remain central to a healthier future.

‎Globally, vaccines have transformed human survival. WHO estimates that immunisation has saved more than 150 million lives over the last 50 years, with most of those lives saved being those of infants. Vaccination has reduced deaths from diseases such as measles, polio, tetanus, diphtheria and whooping cough, while preventing lifelong disabilities and severe complications that once devastated communities. Public health experts note that vaccines are among the most cost-effective investments any nation can make because they prevent illness before it starts, reduce pressure on hospitals, and strengthen productivity.

‎Yet despite this progress, millions of children worldwide still miss out on essential vaccines each year. The reasons vary by country: poverty, insecurity, displacement, weak health systems, long travel times to clinics, shortages of trained health workers, and the spread of misinformation. When vaccination rates decline, diseases quickly return. Recent outbreaks of measles and other vaccine-preventable illnesses in several parts of the world have shown how fragile progress can be.

‎In Nigeria, World Immunisation Week is particularly significant. Africa’s most populous country has made progress in expanding routine immunisation through the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), state governments, donor partners, and frontline health workers. Vaccines for children are provided free through public health facilities, and campaigns against polio, measles, yellow fever and meningitis have helped protect millions.

‎However, challenges remain substantial. Many rural and hard-to-reach communities still struggle with access to health centres. Insecurity in parts of the country continues to disrupt outreach services. Urban slums also face low coverage due to population movement and poor health infrastructure. In some communities, false claims about vaccine safety continue to create hesitation among parents.

‎Nigeria’s Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Muhammad Ali Pate, has repeatedly stressed in 2026 that strengthening primary healthcare and expanding routine immunisation are key pillars of the federal government’s health reform agenda. He has called for stronger state-level accountability, improved cold-chain systems, and deeper community engagement to ensure that no child is left behind. According to the minister, immunisation is not merely a health intervention but an investment in national development, because healthy children are more likely to learn, grow, and contribute productively to society.

‎The Executive Director of the National Primary Health Care Development Agency, Muyi Aina, has also emphasised the importance of reaching zero-dose children, those who have never received a single routine vaccine. He noted that Nigeria’s progress will depend on better data systems, mobile outreach teams, local partnerships, and trust-building with communities.

‎International partners have echoed similar concerns. UNICEF and World Health Organisation officials in Nigeria have warned that preventable diseases can spread rapidly when immunisation services are missed, especially among vulnerable children. They continue to urge governments and families to prioritise vaccination and routine health checks.

‎‎World Immunisation Week, therefore, is more than a symbolic observance. It is a timely reminder that progress in health must be protected. Vaccines only work when they reach people. A child in a remote village deserves the same protection as a child in a city hospital. A mother deserves accurate information, not fear-driven rumours. Health workers deserve the support and tools needed to save lives.

‎For Nigeria, the path forward is clear: sustained political commitment, increased domestic funding, stronger local healthcare systems, and public trust. Communities, religious leaders, schools, media organisations and civil society all have a role to play in promoting accurate information and encouraging uptake.

‎As the world marks World Immunisation Week 2026, the message remains straightforward and timeless: vaccines work, they save lives, and they must reach every generation.

‎Ibrahim Happiness is a 300-level Strategic Communication student at the University of Abuja and an intern with IMPR. She can be reached at: happinessibrahim11@gmail.com.