Opinion

By Maji Bappa Maina
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‎Others are learned in the field, through years of organising people, managing interests, building trust, resolving disagreements, and understanding the mood of communities.
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‎That kind of experience cannot simply be transferred by appointment.
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‎It is earned.
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‎At the Osun APC Governorship Mega Rally, Governor Mai Mala Buni brought more than a title to the campaign.
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‎He brought years of tested experience in grassroots mobilisation, political organisation and stakeholder engagement.
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‎Having worked through different layers of political leadership, Governor Buni understands a fundamental reality of electoral politics: elections are ultimately about people.
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‎Crowds may fill a rally ground, but mobilisation goes deeper than numbers.
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‎It is about reaching communities.
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‎It is about understanding local concerns.
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‎It is about connecting party structures with the people.
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‎It is about turning political organisation into collective action.
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‎That was the significance of Governor Buni’s visible role at the Osun rally.
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‎His presence reflected the value of experience when it is put to work, not kept within the boundaries of an office.
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‎There is an interesting lesson here for political organisations.
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‎Every generation of politicians brings something different.
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‎The younger generation may bring energy, technology and new communication strategies.
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‎Seasoned political actors bring institutional memory, relationships, political judgement and an understanding of how to bring diverse interests together.
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‎When these strengths meet, mobilisation becomes more strategic.
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‎Governor Buni’s role in Osun therefore goes beyond participating in a campaign.
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‎It demonstrates how political experience acquired over many years can be deployed beyond one’s immediate political environment to strengthen a wider party organisation.
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‎For the APC, that experience is an asset.
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‎For political leadership, it is a reminder that influence is most valuable when it can be transferred, shared and put to work for a collective purpose.
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‎And perhaps that is one of the quiet strengths of experience:
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‎when the moment demands it, experience does not need to announce itself. It simply steps forward and gets to work.
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‎:Maji Bappa Maina
‎Political Writer | PhD Researcher,
‎Voice of Development, Leadership & Public Insight

By Sulaiman Maijama’a

He served a single tenure and was chased out of the corridors of power, and later had the fortune of being smuggled by a cabal after waiting for a good 8 years. When he was announced as the flagbearer of their party, he doubted himself, woke up in the middle of the night and sat on a sofa, talking to himself. Let us peer into his mind and bring out what he is saying to the world.

What is the motive behind bringing me back? When I served my first tenure as a governor, these people ganged up against my reelection and chased me away and ever since I left, I distanced myself from anything to do with the state. I jettisoned party affairs, didn’t honour wedding invitations, didn’t pay homage or send goodwill messages during festivities,  refused to ever pay condolences, refused to make donations for public and private projects. I created both social and physical distancing by relocating to Abuja and abandoning all my people in Bakesu State. Why would these people nominate me? Do they really mean well?

But I am said to be the luckiest politician this country ever produced. I was born in Alfawa State, attended primary school in Babaldu State, and did my secondary school in Dadin Kowa State. When my father was posted to Bakeso State, we lived comfortably enough that I claimed indigene status, rose through the ranks in the civil service, ventured into politics, and miraculously became the state governor. But what did I do when I had the chance?

According to what people are saying on social media, I did not execute physical projects which I can now show to convince people to elect me. But when I was rounding up my first term, I gathered a lot of money, which I intended to use to execute the projects in my second tenure, but they unfortunately elected me out. I left the state treasury with billions of naira, and I suspect it is the money this governor has used to achieve all this development people applaud him for in the state. Why don’t I say I’m the one who gathered the money for him and claim a share of the credit?

My social media handles keep popping up with posts from haters of my return, reminding people of the verification exercises we did when we were in power. I even saw one post saying that in the cemetery there is a section of pensioners who died of hunger during our verifications. But we did that in good faith, and who will die before their appointed time? I think this can be a question of faith!

But wait, how many people did I fight with when I was in power whom I am still at loggerheads with? Traditional title holders accused me of not giving them the respect and resources they deserve. Now, this wicked governor fueled our estranged relationship with them because he built them beautiful palaces and pooled resources they never requested. But why would a lawyer of my standing, who knows very well that these people don’t have any constitutional role, deviate from due process?

My relationship with clergymen of both faiths was—and still is—not cordial. I thought their duty was only to preach to people to be righteous and serve God in order to go to paradise. But when I was in power, they asked to see me during every religious festivity, sent requests or proposals for donations or sponsorship of every religious activity. During fasting period, Sallah, Christmas and Maulud, they requested thousands of textiles, thousands of rams and cows and trailers of foodstuff to distribute to orphans. Whenever I turned down their request, they would quote me a verse in the Qur’an and the Bible, and accuse me of not helping religion. But I’m fasting every Monday and Thursday. Can this not take me to paradise?

Now, the poor say I have zero projects to show; traditional institutions throw questions of disrespect, and clergymen challenge my disregard for their institution. Despite all this, I want to return to this seat. 

What should I do?

Maijama’a wrote via sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

By Abashi Rahab Ashezi 

There is a man who leaves work every evening but does not head straight home. He is not held back by traffic or delayed by unfinished assignments. He is simply buying time.

Home, for him, is not always a place of rest. It is another arena of responsibilities, expectations and silent pressures. So he sits in traffic longer than necessary, staring at the stream of headlights, listening to nothing in particular, waiting for the weight of the day to ease before stepping into another round of obligations.

Nobody notices because it looks like an ordinary routine. Yet beneath that routine lies a reality many men know too well: exhaustion without an outlet.

From childhood, boys are taught to be strong, provide, endure and never break. They are praised for resilience but rarely taught how to process pain. A crying boy is told to stop. A struggling boy is told to be tough. Gradually, silence becomes confused with strength.

What society often calls masculinity is, in reality, emotional suppression.

As men grow older, many carry fears they can hardly explain. Some are afraid of repeating the mistakes of their fathers. Others fear failure, financial instability or being perceived as weak. Rather than confront these emotions, many retreat into work, isolation or emotional detachment because those are the coping mechanisms they have learned.

Cultural sayings reinforce the pattern. Phrases such as “African men don’t cry” or “a king must never be seen weeping” have created generations of men who are expected to provide but are rarely given permission to be vulnerable. Consequently, many learn that speaking about their fears may attract ridicule, while silence earns respect.

Yet silence does not erase pain. It merely stores it.

Behind countless smiles are men wrestling with financial pressures, disappointments, loneliness and identity crises. What remains hidden often emerges through anger, substance abuse, broken relationships and, in some tragic cases, suicide.

June, marked globally as Men’s Mental Health Awareness Month, serves as a reminder of this often overlooked crisis. While women are diagnosed with depression more frequently, men account for a disproportionately high number of suicide deaths worldwide. In Nigeria, the challenge is compounded by limited access to mental healthcare, with a severe shortage of psychiatrists and mental health professionals serving a population of more than 200 million.

Statistics, however, only tell part of the story. Behind every number is a father trying to stay strong for his family, a husband hiding his fears, a son struggling with expectations, or a young man quietly questioning his worth.

Untreated emotional wounds do not disappear. They are often passed from one generation to another, creating cycles of silence that become mistaken for normality.

The question before society is not whether men are strong. Their resilience is undeniable. The more important question is whether strength should mean carrying life’s burdens alone.

True strength is not the absence of tears or vulnerability. It is the courage to acknowledge pain, seek help when necessary and speak without fear of judgment.

Perhaps the greatest gift society can give men is not another reminder to be tough, but the assurance that they are human too. Because strength does not die when a man speaks. Sometimes, it begins there.

Abashi Rahab is a student of Strategic Communication at Yakubu Gowon University, Abuja. She can be reached at: abashirahab@gmail.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

While much of the world’s attention remains fixed on wars, economic uncertainty and geopolitical rivalries, a profound recalibration of the global energy order is underway. It is a shift defined not by headlines, but by the urgent competition to secure supply chains, attract long-term capital, deploy cleaner technologies, and craft the regulatory frameworks that will underpin economic growth for decades.

Increasingly, these decisions are not made within national borders alone. They are forged on international platforms where governments, industry leaders, investors, and researchers exchange ideas, build partnerships, and seek practical solutions to shared existential challenges.

That is why Nigeria’s return to the World Energy Council (WEC) deserves more than a passing mention. This is not merely another diplomatic affiliation. It is the country’s re-entry into one of the world’s oldest and most influential energy leadership forums at a moment when energy security, affordability, sustainability, and investment have become defining issues for every major economy. For Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy and one of its premier energy producers, the significance extends well beyond representation. It offers a strategic aperture to shape global policy discourse while vigorously advancing national and regional interests.

Founded in 1923, the World Energy Council has spent over a century connecting governments, businesses, and researchers across the energy landscape. With national member committees spanning more than ninety countries, it serves as a respected neutral forum for dialogue on the future of energy rather than a regulatory body. Its influence derives from its ability to unite diverse voices to address common challenges, encourage innovation, and promote practical approaches to what it terms the “energy trilemma”: balancing energy security, environmental sustainability, and equitable access. Through flagship initiatives like the World Energy Congress and its authoritative research on global trends, the Council has become an indispensable reference point for policymakers and industry leaders alike.

Nigeria’s renewed membership arrives at a pivotal inflection point. Globally, nations are reassessing their energy strategies in response to climate commitments, geopolitical fractures, and technological disruption. The conversation has moved beyond the traditional metric of production capacity. Today, equal weight is given to resilience, competitiveness, regulatory certainty, and the ability to attract stable, long-term investment. Nations are increasingly judged not only by the resources they possess, but by the institutional strength they build and the policies they pursue.

Few countries illustrate this challenge more vividly than Nigeria. The nation holds some of the world’s largest natural gas reserves, remains a major oil producer, and possesses immense renewable energy potential, particularly in solar and hydroelectric resources. Yet it continues to grapple with persistent deficits in electricity access, transmission infrastructure, financing, and energy poverty. These realities render international engagement a strategic necessity rather than a diplomatic exercise. Participation in the WEC provides Nigeria with a vital conduit to exchange technical knowledge, strengthen institutional cooperation, learn from global best practices, and project African perspectives in conversations that increasingly dictate investment and policy outcomes.

The opportunities created by this renewed engagement are substantial. Membership unlocks access to comparative research, executive-level dialogue, policy networks, and collaborative initiatives that can directly support national reforms. For instance, Nigeria could leverage the WEC’s scenario-building tools to chart optimal pathways for gas monetisation alongside solar expansion, or utilise the Council’s “Energy Trilemma Index” to benchmark its regulatory reforms against peer economies, translating global frameworks into actionable domestic strategy. Backing this strategic push with the full authority of the state, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu offered an unequivocal endorsement of the newly constituted Member Committee. The President, in formally welcoming Nigeria’s admission, reframed the development as a decisive assertion of continental leadership rather than a mere diplomatic courtesy. Capturing the administration’s highest aspirations for the platform, he declared: “Nigeria has joined the World Energy Council to lead, not just participate – to ensure Africa’s voice shapes global energy decisions.”

Steering this strategic re-engagement is a newly constituted Member Committee, featuring representatives from the government, the private sector, academia, and international energy institutions. At its helm, Dr. Bala Maijama’a Wunti has been appointed Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Member Committee, and he is very much the man in the picture. Upon his appointment, Wunti captured the essence of this moment with characteristic clarity: “I am honoured to lead WEC Nigeria at a time of profound economic crosscurrents. We will navigate the energy trilemma with pragmatism, mobilising private capital to ensure Nigeria’s energy future is defined not by ideology, but by investability—delivering prosperity that is bankable, just and secure.”

These words are more than a statement of intent; they are a strategic compass. They affirm that Nigeria’s approach to the global energy transition will be grounded in realism, fiscal discipline, and a clear-eyed understanding of what attracts capital and sustains development. Wunti’s emphasis on “investability” rather than ideology signals a mature departure from abstract commitments toward measurable, bankable outcomes—a philosophy that resonates deeply with Nigeria’s immediate needs and long-term aspirations. Wunti is no peripheral figure. He brings a formidable depth of operational and strategic experience from Nigeria’s petroleum industry, having served in senior technical and executive roles, most recently as Chief Health, Safety, and Environment Officer of NNPC Ltd. His professional DNA, forged in operational management, institutional leadership, corporate governance, and multi-stakeholder engagement, positions him uniquely to navigate the complex currents of the global energy transition.

In his new capacity, Wunti’s mandate extends far beyond administration. He is tasked with architecting Nigeria’s engagement strategy: fortifying ties with international partners, driving substantive policy dialogue, and ensuring that Nigerian perspectives are not merely heard, but actively shape global energy governance. His leadership will be critical in translating the Council’s global frameworks into tangible reforms that address Nigeria’s domestic energy paradox: abundant resources coexisting with acute access deficits.

The broader significance of this development, however, transcends any single appointment. Nigeria’s return to the World Energy Council signals a mature recognition that influence in today’s energy landscape is determined as much by ideas, partnerships, and institutional credibility as by natural resource endowments. The countries that will define the future of energy are those that combine resource wealth with sound policy, technological innovation, and sustained international collaboration.

For Nigeria, this renewed membership is a strategic instrument to deepen its contribution to global energy conversations while advancing its own developmental priorities. The platform is now active, and the leadership is in place. The hope ahead, under Wunti’s stewardship, is to convert participation into tangible outcomes: stronger cross-border partnerships, more informed domestic policies, enhanced investment flows, and a more resilient, inclusive energy sector. If that objective is achieved, Nigeria’s return to the World Energy Council will be remembered not simply as an institutional milestone, but as a decisive step in strengthening the nation’s role within an increasingly interconnected global energy system, with Dr. Bala Wunti standing firmly at the centre of that transformation.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Since I came to France for work, I have been extremely cautious about criticising Israel or Benjamin Netanyahu. Often, though wrongly, people conflate criticism of an entity or a person with criticism of an idea or of an entire ethnic or religious group.

Soon after Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, I felt driven to write about the unresolved conflict. It was difficult to ignore the subject. Yet I was also concerned that expressing my views might affect my employment or even my residency status in France. To be certain, I reached out to our Human Resources department for guidance.

We essentially agreed on an important distinction. Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu are not the same as the Jewish people or Judaism. One can criticise the policies of the Israeli government or the actions of its prime minister without expressing hostility towards Jews or the Jewish faith. The same principle applies elsewhere. A person may criticise Saudi Arabia or Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman without being an Islamophobe or an enemy of Islam.

This distinction is fundamental in any society that values free expression and intellectual honesty. Democracies depend on the ability of citizens to question governments, leaders and public figures. If every criticism of a political leader is interpreted as an attack on an entire religion or ethnic group, meaningful public debate becomes impossible.

I was reminded of this principle after listening to new songs released yesterday by the Nigerian political singer, Dauda Kahutu, popularly known as Rarara. The songs appear to criticise an opposition politician in Gombe State, Sheikh Ali Isa Ibrahim Pantami, who is also a respected Islamic scholar.

Unfortunately, I have seen some people make the same mistake that often appears in discussions about international politics. They have framed criticism of Pantami as though it were criticism of Islam itself.

Pantami does not represent Islam. He is a Muslim and an influential public figure, but he remains an individual whose political choices, public statements and actions are open to public scrutiny, just like those of any other politician. Defending him is entirely legitimate, but such a defence should be based on facts, evidence and reason rather than on the assumption that any criticism directed at him is an attack on the religion he professes.

By any definition, both the singer and the governorship candidate he appears to criticise in his songs are Muslims. Neither of them represents Islam. Their political disagreements should therefore remain political disagreements. Turning them into religious disputes serves neither truth nor the public interest.

This tendency to wrap political figures in the cloak of religion is dangerous. It discourages accountability and deepens unnecessary divisions within society. Once religion becomes a shield against legitimate criticism, it becomes difficult to separate public responsibility from personal belief.

Nigeria’s diversity demands greater care in the language we use. Political competition should not be transformed into religious confrontation. Citizens should be able to disagree with politicians, governors, ministers or scholars without being accused of attacking an entire faith.

The lesson is simple. We must distinguish between people and the principles they claim to represent, between governments and the nations they govern, and between political leaders and the religions they practise. Failing to make these distinctions only fuels misunderstanding and polarisation.

Criticise ideas. Debate policies. Defend people if you wish. But let us avoid presenting political disagreements as battles for religion. In the long run, both politics and religion are better served when we keep that distinction clear.

By Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin 

In Northern Nigeria’s political battlegrounds, the loudest attacks don’t always come from campaign podiums. Long before Facebook, TikTok and WhatsApp turned everyone into a publisher, Hausaland already had its own version of political messaging.

The maroƙi (praise-singer) was more than a singer. He was a storyteller, historian and public commentator. When a leader did well, he sang yabo, verses filled with praise and the same performer could just as easily turn that skill toward humiliation by mocking a rival’s failures, appearance, or character in verses crafted to stick in public memory, which is referred to as zambo. 

Zambo is a sharp, witty poetry designed to mock, embarrass or expose. It wasn’t always pleasant, but it was part of the culture; the difference today is that zambo has become a political business.

Instead of entertaining a local crowd, one song can now reach millions of people before sunset. A chorus recorded in Kano can be playing in Kaduna, Sokoto, Abuja and even among Hausa communities abroad within hours.

No one illustrates this better than Dauda Kahutu Rarara. Over the years, he has released songs like Hannun Karɓa, Masu Gudu Su Gudu, Baba Buhari Dodar, Jagaba Shi Ne Gaba and recently Malam Ya Yi Rawa. To his supporters, these are campaign anthems. To his critics, they are political attacks wrapped in catchy melodies. Whatever side you take, one thing is difficult to deny: people remember the songs long after they have forgotten the campaign speeches, and this alone says something about the power of music.

What makes today’s political songs different from the poetry of men like Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin or Garba Affa is intention. Earlier political poetry was designed to awaken society, challenge injustice and educate the people. Much of today’s political music is driven by patronage. A politician hires a musician, the musician praises one side, ridicules the other, and the song becomes another campaign strategy.

Perhaps that is why political music now feels less like public service and more like political advertising. There is nothing wrong with musicians supporting politicians. Every artist has the right to hold political views. The concern begins when entertainment replaces truth, becomes more influential than verified facts, and insults travel farther than ideas.

Maybe the bigger question is not why politicians pay musicians. Maybe it is why we, the listeners, remember the insults more easily than the policies.

As another election season approaches, perhaps the challenge is to enjoy the music without allowing the chorus to become our ballot paper. After all, a hit song lasts only a few minutes, but the consequences of the leaders we choose can last for years.

Ibrahim Aliyu Gurin is a graduate of mass communication from Bayero University, Kano, and can be reached at ibrahimaliyu5023@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

One of the gubernatorial ambitions generating the most intense debate and public interest ahead of the Gombe State 2027 governorship race is that of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami.

From the outset, Professor Pantami’s reported interest in contesting for the governorship attracted attention far beyond the borders of Gombe State. This is largely because he is not regarded as a conventional politician. Rather, he is an accomplished academic, Islamic scholar, technocrat, and former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy whose tenure earned him national recognition for driving Nigeria’s digital transformation.

Pantami’s potential candidacy appears to enjoy support from three distinct constituencies.

The first consists of those who genuinely believe he has something significant to offer the state. They draw inspiration from his performance as minister, citing his reforms in the digital economy, the expansion of broadband infrastructure, the growth of digital identity enrolment, and his emphasis on innovation, transparency, and public sector efficiency. To this group, his administrative record demonstrates that he possesses the competence and vision required to govern Gombe State.

The second group is found within the opposition in Gombe state, particularly elements of the PDP, who view Pantami as one of the few personalities with the political profile, credibility, and public appeal capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC’s candidate-Dr. Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna. Whether they support him or not, many acknowledge that his entry into the race would significantly alter the political equation.

The third constituency comprises sections of the religious community who see his ambition as an opportunity for one of their own to demonstrate how religious scholarship, intellectual depth, and public service can translate into effective democratic governance. For many within this group, his candidacy represents more than a political contest; it is an opportunity to test whether the values he has consistently preached can be successfully applied in elective office.

Like every major political figure, Pantami also faces opposition from different quarters.

The first group consists mainly of career politicians who believe he is entering a political space traditionally occupied by established political actors. To them, he is an outsider attempting to disrupt existing political calculations, alliances, and structures that have been built over many years.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the second group of opponents comes from within sections of his immediate religious constituency. Some clerics and religious associates reportedly believe that during his tenure as minister, he did not sufficiently carry them along or extend the expected level of inclusion and patronage. Consequently, while they may respect his scholarly credentials, they remain reluctant to support his political ambition.

Another dimension that has attracted considerable attention is the political dexterity with which Pantami secured the PDP gubernatorial ticket. The manner in which he navigated the party’s internal dynamics and emerged as its flagbearer suggests careful planning and strategic preparation rather than mere political ambition. His decision to align with the Nyesom Wike-led faction of the PDP, a bloc widely perceived in political circles as maintaining a cooperative relationship with the APC-led Federal Government, has further strengthened his political positioning. The goodwill and support he reportedly enjoys within that tendency of the PDP could prove to be a significant advantage as the campaign unfolds.

In addition, Pantami could benefit from protest votes originating from within the APC. Some influential APC stakeholders and their supporters who believe Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has not done sufficient justice to their political aspirations or interests may choose to channel their dissatisfaction by supporting Pantami. While it remains to be seen how substantial such a shift could be, the possibility of cross-party protest votes is a factor that political observers cannot ignore.

Whichever way one chooses to examine it, Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s potential governorship candidacy is in a class of its own. What initially appeared to be little more than speculation or a distant aspiration has steadily evolved into one of the defining conversations in Gombe State politics. official campaign has yet to commence, but the discussions surrounding Pantami’s governorship ambition have already reshaped Gombe State’s political landscape, making him a force that political stakeholders can no longer afford to ignore.

The ultimate test, however, will not simply be the enthusiasm surrounding his candidacy but his ability to convert goodwill into an effective political structure, sustain broad-based alliances, and persuade the electorate that his administrative achievements at the federal level can be replicated in Gombe State. Regardless of the eventual outcome, Pantami has already ensured that the Gombe 2027 governorship contest will be one of the most closely watched political battles in the state’s history.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

(A tribute to Lt. Col. Abu Ali and the brave military and police officers who fell in Sambisa and anti-kidnapping operations)

By Nura Jibo

By now, everybody in Nigeria is in a state of serious confusion about insecurity. Everyone, including the poor and the rich, cries out because of the problems of Boko Haram and kidnappings, which are exacerbated by killings and the collection of huge ransoms. Nigerian citizens are deeply disturbed by the insecurity in the land, and no one is yet sure about a solution or who the people are that are sponsoring or backing it.

Fellow Nigerians, it is not the CIA that is destroying your country. It is not external or foreign influence that paves the way for the wanton Boko Haram and kidnapping killings from the beginning. It is not America, France, Germany, the World Bank, or the IMF that is destroying Nigeria. It is not Donald Trump, or Benjamin that are interested in breaking Nigeria apart.

There is no evidence or credible intelligence whatsoever that CIA agents shield or support Nigerian insurgents or kidnappers. Boko Haram and kidnappings are entirely fueled by internal corruption, institutional weaknesses, illicit financial flows within Nigeria, and deep-seated political rivalries.

Indeed, it is Nigerians who are living and dining among us that are causing the insurgency in Nigeria. The majority of them are influential and high-placed. They know themselves! Deep inside, they know that they are the ones mortgaging their future, the future of their children, parents, and grandparents for a token.

Unfortunately, whatever money they gain or make from Nigeria in dubious ways, they will ultimately end up not enjoying any part of it when the country becomes uninhabitable for everyone.

Fellow Nigerians, without mincing words, Nigeria’s insecurity, Boko Haram, killings, kidnappings, and other grotesque absurdities are generally caused by the following people:

Corrupt Politicians

Corrupt Military

Corrupt Police

Corrupt Customs

Corrupt Immigration

Corrupt Judiciary

Corrupt Traditional Rulers

Corrupt Religious Clerics (both Christian and Muslim moral police/preachers)

These are the people developing thick skins regarding the insecurity situation in Nigeria. They are, one way or another, profiting from Boko Haram, kidnapping, and mineral looting.

Dear Nigerians, do not look far for the people destroying our country. Those listed above are trading their sovereignty for selfish gain.

If anyone among these feels that he or she is corrupt militarily, politically, religiously, traditionally, or as a police officer, know that this exposition is directed toward you. However, if anyone feels the contrary, know that you are fully exonerated, because you are not corrupt and are considered someone serving your people for God and country.

Indeed, Nigerians should never forget their incorruptible military and police heroes of the past, such as the late Lt. Colonel Abu Ali and his comrades, who were fearless heroes of Sambisa and Nigeria’s bravest military officers. These rare military personalities commanded the 272 Task Force Tank Battalion and played a massive role in clearing out the Sambisa Forest and liberating major towns like Baga and Monguno from Boko Haram insurgents.

The Political Dimension of Boko Haram Violence

To support this analysis, it is beneficial to infer that the previous and even current crop of corrupt political and security forces is an accomplice in the business of destroying the country.

Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan once said during a church service at a Christian centre in Abuja that Boko Haram had infiltrated his government and that they were everywhere. He openly admitted that his administration, security agencies, and branches of government had been deeply infiltrated by Boko Haram and insecurity.

Hear him: “Some of them are in the executive arm of government, some of them are in the parliamentary/legislative arm of government, while some of them are even in the judiciary. Some are also in the armed forces, the police, and other security agencies. During the civil war, we knew and could even predict where the enemy was coming from… But the situation we have on our hands today is even more complicated.”

Mr. Goodluck’s statement about Boko Haram was candidly affirmed by his national security adviser, Gen. Andrew Owoye Azazi, who corroborated the president’s position in April 2012 as follows:

“The issue of violence did not increase in Nigeria until there was a declaration by the current president that he was going to contest. The PDP got it wrong from the beginning. The party started by saying Mr. A can rule, and Mr. B cannot rule, according to PDP conventions, rules, and regulations and not according to the constitution. That created the climate for what is happening or manifesting itself in the country.”

With this kind of eyewitness account from a former Nigerian president, it shouldn’t take the current Nigerian president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, any time to candidly identify and deal with the people at the federal and state government levels and make them face the wrath of the law.

But one cardinal question here is: If Jonathan knew, inter alia, the people who were aiding all these insecurities during his time as Nigeria’s president, what stopped him from naming them, whether they were in the House of Assembly, the Senate, or the presidency? Are they senators, ministers, governors, representatives, judges, kings, emirs, or obas? Why was he afraid to name them as a sitting president?

And when he lost the presidency, why didn’t he advise his successor, for example, the late President Buhari, to deal with them without hesitation?

Now, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is aware of this Jonathan exposure; what is he waiting for to reveal who they are, and why are they hiding their names?

Are the presidents afraid of losing their political seats?

Mr. President,

Nigerians have no other country to live in if you allow Boko Haram and kidnapping sponsors to destroy the only country we have. The only country that we can call home.

Mr President, politics aside, are you okay and comfortable with seeing, under your watch, a Nigeria that was obtained by Zik, Awo, and Balewa by the hardest means from Britain being destroyed by a selfish, politically microscopic few individuals in our midst?

Who then is unpatriotic? Who then is unrealistic?

The Kidnapping Economy

It is no longer news that certain governors, particularly from the north, feel concerned about the issue of incessant banditry and have bared their minds on the massive killings and abductions in their states.

One of them, Governor Dikko Radda of Katsina, once said out of frustration that the fight against insecurity is systematically undermined from within. He often expressed his frustration on social media and in live interviews that whenever the state government plans to launch offensive strikes against bandit camps, the information is often leaked to the bandits within minutes. 

Dikko strongly asserted this position by overtly accusing high-ranking government officials and security personnel of actively supporting and profiting from banditry. What stops the current National Security Adviser, Mr Nuhu Ribadu, and the current Minister of Defence, who was Chief of Army Staff, from pursuing those high-ranking officials and dealing with them willy-nilly? One hasn’t the vaguest idea!

Indeed, Governor Dikko Radda never hides his stance; immediately after he assumed the role of Katsina governor, he said thus: “Banditry is aided and abetted” by rogue elements within the government, military, and law enforcement agencies who act as moles and saboteurs.

Hear Radda: “Bandits know our plans in minutes.”

He cited an example with a well-known notorious bandit kingpin named Mohammed, whose whereabouts were exactly known by the Nigerian security authorities.

Indeed, kidnapping for a huge ransom is now the order of the day in Northern Nigeria and, by extension, everywhere in the country. Courtesy of corrupt political leaders, corrupt military, corrupt police, corrupt religious leaders, and corrupt media houses that make their reporting on the matter a subject of mockery. This corrupt attitude in these elements has promoted and projected kidnapping as an extremely lucrative, multi-million-dollar criminal economy. Who then is unrealistic about blaming external forces for Nigerian insecurity woes when we have fantastically corrupt security agencies in our midst that a former National Security Adviser once exposed, and whose exposure cost him his job?

The reality is that kidnapping and ransom payment have now become a lucrative enterprise facilitated by syndicates that include corrupt security personnel, corrupt traditional leaders, and local informants who provide ‘intelligence’ information on high-value targets, while also allowing kidnappers to take away whole schoolchildren, as we witnessed in Chibok, Zamfara and Sokoto states and ad infinitum.

The Matawalle versus Lawal Feud

The current governor of Zamfara State, Nigeria, Dauda Lawal, openly accused his predecessor (former governor and current Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle) of having a cosy tie and colluding with regional bandit -terrorists.

Governor Dauda’s sheer frustration with banditry made the Vanguard Newspaper in Nigeria sell its news headline on 11 June 2024 by quoting him as saying: “Police and military’s attitude to banditry is frustrating”. Not only this, the young governor stated thus:

“At a point, I had to really come and say it clearly because when we are trying to take care of the situation, somebody somewhere is negotiating with the bandits without my knowledge.”

He promised to end the banditry in his state within two months if given the political will to do so.

Hear Dauda: “I swear to Almighty Allah, wherever a bandit leader is in Zamfara, I know. And if he goes out, I know. With my mobile phone, I can show you where these bandits are today. But we cannot do anything beyond our powers.”

One cardinal question here is: Who is protecting the bandits at the Federal Government level? Who is protecting them from Abuja-the corridors of power? What is the duty of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and all his defence ministers? What are they waiting for to swing into action and deal with the corrupt military, corrupt police, and corrupt politicians in their midst?

When they allow these protectors to live and destroy Nigeria, would the National Security Adviser and all his security apparatchiks have a brand-new country to relocate to and live in?

These kinds of questions beg for answers from the National Security Adviser because Nigerians are seeing clearly and watching from not far away what is happening to its very promising citizens who are now left stranded without any hope.

The Sule Lamido “Rogue Governor” Double-Decker Challenge

It is this kind of double-decker challenge that former governor Sule Lamido once challenged the three governors of Zamfara, Sokoto, and Katsina by ridiculing their efforts against insecurity.

Hear Sule Lamido: “You are a governor in Katsina, Sokoto, or Zamfara, yet criminals have taken over your people… The rogue simply becomes the governor. “

That was Sule Lamido using Zamfara, Sokoto, and Katsina to make his point by portraying these states as primary examples of how the elite in the North have failed their people by allowing bandits and terrorists to invade homes, abduct citizens, and rule territories unchallenged.

Now let’s make it abundantly and categorically clear to these corrupt politicians (governors); corrupt military (former service chiefs who are retired and those who are serving); corrupt police (former inspectors general and those who are serving, including their states’ commissioners); corrupt traditional rulers (former emirs and obas and the ones who are on their thrones); and corrupt religious clerics (Muslim and Christian moral police) etc., that their actions and inactions, or rather karmic retribution, are threatening the unity and survival of the Nigerian state. This is a double-edged sword that will apparently consume everyone if they fail to heed the late-not early-warnings about the state of affairs in our dear country.

No one will be spared by this spate of insecurity.

The Paradox of Mineral Exploitation

According to Punch Newspaper, illegal mining-particularly for gold, lithium, and gemstones-has completely transformed states such as Zamfara into a highly lucrative war economy. This position is supported by Al-Jazeera investigative reports, where the entire gold-for-guns barter becomes the norm not only in Zamfara but across certain African states. It reveals a vicious cycle where bandits control the minefields, and in turn, barter raw gold for sophisticated firearms.

The Muslim-Christian Moral Police

The corruptible preaching of godliness by religious clerics has derailed many Muslims and Christians in Nigeria. For example, certain original Boko Haram leaders such as the late Mohammed Yusuf and late Shekau have misled many of their adherents because of their misconstrued version of Islam. Since the early 2000s, Northern Nigeria has been bleeding from Boko Haram, courtesy of the failure of its 19 northern governors to provide basic needs: food, education, healthcare, and genuine infrastructure to the people of the North. They deliberately harmed the region by refusing to eradicate the abject poverty that has become endemic and cancerous among their people.

Ditto for their southern counterparts!

In Southern Nigeria, the governors contributed to banditry and armed robbery, especially in the Niger Delta oil-endowed regions and in almost all South-South and South-Western states. This is because the money they receive from oil revenues is not judiciously used to provide succour to the people of the South.

Indeed, all these exacerbate a chain effect of insecurity everywhere in Nigeria.

Therefore, what each and every corrupt individual destroying Nigeria should ponder and reflect upon as they ruin the one and only country we have by mortgaging its future for a fee is a bitter lesson that has befallen certain African countries that are careless, resulting in their citizens being forced into exile and seeking asylum abroad.

The following examples suffice:

(A). The case of the current Malian military ruler, General Assimi Goïta, whose defence minister, General Sadio Camara, was assassinated in a suicide truck bombing at his residence via a coordinated attack by the Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb (AQIM)-linked jihadist group JNIM and the separatist Azawad Liberation Front (FLA). Assimi ousted three Malian political leaders: President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta (August 2020); Interim President Bah N’daw (May 2021); and Prime Minister Choguel Kokalla Maïga (November 2024). Now the Malian military ruler is facing the steepest opposition in Mali’s political and military history.

(B). The case of financial empires in Sudan and the gold looting between Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the chief of the regular Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), is deeply rooted in a battle for control over Sudan’s economy and national assets. The Hemedti empire controls huge private wealth in Darfur’s gold mines in Jebel Amir, while Al-Burhan’s army elites control vast agricultural lands, fuels, and manufacturing, all to the detriment of Sudanese citizens, who are now in mass exodus to neighbouring countries, including Qatar, Libya, Chad, Niger Republic, and Nigeria.

(C). The case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, which faces a critical survival crisis over mineral wealth, perfectly intersects with Nigeria’s Zamfara-Sokoto and Borno, building domestic political unrest. Indeed, the Nigerian military’s case of territorial and boundary loss to Boko Haram and its blood minerals completely parallels a similar security architecture in eastern DRC, which has unfortunately entered its most volatile state in decades, marked by heavy territory losses and a massive humanitarian collapse.

One can go on and on, but the corrupt Nigerian political elites, corrupt military and police forces, corrupt traditional rulers, and religious clerics must know and bear in mind that they have no other country than Nigeria, which they are driving to destruction under the so-called political, military, and religious tyranny and dictatorship. This is fueled by the failure of state governors to use the states’ resources and provide basic infrastructure, education, food, and above all, security. Instead, they resort to a blame game, promoting inequality and unequal opportunities, lacking consultation and relying on people loyal to them while discharging those with experience.

Their major interest lies in attempting to suppress, eliminate, or disregard the plight of others and violate basic human rights.

All these corrupt individuals excel in stealing public funds, engaging in policy partiality, and using security solely to manage and protect corrupt political leaders.

The Security Budget and the War Economy

 Indeed, the multi-billion-naira federal government defence budget and the security votes allocated to state governors have exacerbated the issue of insecurity in Nigeria rather than curtailing it. This is because governors and federal security agencies receive large, un-audited cash allocations in the name of security votes, which lack legislative oversight and breed systemic diversion. The protracted warfare paves the way for emergency contracts within the military and police, creating a closed loop of enrichment for defence contractors and corrupt officials.

A cursory look at the consequential repercussions of Nigeria’s corrupt system and its systemic decay is tabulated below:

OPERATIONAL LEVEL INSTITUTIONAL ACTION AND CONSEQUENCES

Stage 1: Federal Funding: Defence budget allocations: Funds flow downward.

Stage 2: Institutional Bottleneck: Corrupt military & police top brass: Funds are actively diverted to private luxury, systematically starving junior officers of funds and war equipment to fight insurgencies.

Stage 3: Frontline Deprivation: Ground soldiers and police officers face destructive field realities.

Stage 4: Systemic Failure: Low morale & desertion: Frontlines are abandoned. Equipment Deficit: Critical lack of ammunition and body armour. Internal sabotage: Tactical intelligence is leaked to terrorist networks.

The Political Architects of Chaos

The destruction of Nigeria does not begin in the forest hideouts of bandits or the remote camps of Boko Haram. It begins in the air-conditioned government offices of Abuja and the state capitals, particularly across the 19 northern governorships.

For decades, political elites have used insecurity as a lucrative business model and a tool for political survival.

It is, therefore, high time for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to do away with all the political gladiators surrounding him (if he can) and champion a realistic cause to salvage the sovereignty of the one and only country that we can call home-Nigeria.

It is no longer news to every Nigerian that governors receive hundreds of millions of naira monthly in unaccounted “security votes.” This money is legally meant to fight crime but is routinely pocketed or used to fund political thuggery and private militias. The case of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s exposition, as asserted elsewhere, points to the serious calamity that infiltrated Nigeria’s political class, corrupt judiciary, corrupt military, corrupt police, and corrupt traditional rulers. By keeping their states unstable, these politicians create a permanent justification to demand more security funding from the federal purse, keeping the cycle of violence highly profitable for the ruling class. The recent Channels interview by one Samai’ila Kaigama on this kidnapping political business alluded to this fact.

Kaigama, in his attempt to unravel the truth about his village people’s kidnapping, indicted a sitting senator, Ndume, over their village’s recent kidnapping debacle.

Now it is left for the National Security Adviser and the Minister of Defence, Christopher Musa Gwabin, and the Presidency to dig deep into the issue and inform Nigerians about the reality of the two accusatory factions. Kaigama accused the lawmaker of acting as an intermediary for terrorists and diverting a multi-billion-naira ransom payment. The high-profile back-and-forth escalated during separate interviews broadcast on Channels and Arise Television stations.

Indeed, the political patronage of bandits and terrorists during election cycles leads politicians to arm local youths to intimidate rivals and rig votes. Once elections end, these armed actors are abandoned, morphing directly into the violent kidnap-for-ransom syndicates terrorising the highways.

Furthermore, instead of arresting known terrorist leaders, certain politicians actively negotiate with them, paying out massive “peace settlements” that are directly used by criminals to purchase heavier weaponry.

The Security Forces and Judiciary – Institutionalised Failures

Nigeria’s military and police leadership and the judiciary are no longer just failing to stop the crisis-they have become active stakeholders in its continuation. The Nigerian courts ‘ superiority complex and the operational failures of the security forces are a direct result of deliberate corruption at the top.

The Weaponisation of the Defence Budget

Billions of dollars allocated for state-of-the-art military hardware, drones, and tactical gear are not easily obtainable, as aired live and direct on Al-Jazeera in Qatar by the current Minister of Defence, who asserted this while he was the Chief of Army Staff.

This issue is indeed part of the problem, where frontline soldiers are left facing heavily armed insurgents with outdated weapons, inadequate ammunition, and zero body armour. This deliberately manufactured operational inferiority forces them into tactical retreats and leaves vast swathes of Nigerian territory completely ungoverned.

Tactical Leaks and Checkpoint Extortion

The operational integrity of the military and police is compromised from within. Highly classified military intelligence regarding troop movements is repeatedly leaked to Boko Haram and bandit networks by corrupt insiders, leading to deadly ambushes on Nigerian forces.

On the highways, instead of tracking down kidnap syndicates, the police force is heavily deployed to civilian checkpoints solely to extort ordinary citizens, leaving the surrounding forests entirely at the mercy and control of kidnappers.

The Economic Motive – Mineral and Resource Looting

 The terror inflicted by Boko Haram and kidnapping networks acts as a violent smokescreen designed to mask a massive, elite-driven illegal mining and resource looting syndicate in Zamfara, Sokoto, and, by extension, Nasarawa.

Indeed, Nigeria’s deep insecurity is structurally tied in parts to the illicit extraction of its massive mineral wealth. This can be illustrated as follows:

Corrupt elites protect Boko Haram, bandits, and kidnapping networks (terror).

The kidnappers displace local populations from illegal mining sites (rare earth, gold, lithium, etc.), which eventually clears land for illegal mining.

Clearing the Land via Terror

Vast rural communities in Northern and Central Nigeria sit directly on top of massive deposits of gold, lithium, tantalite, and other valuable rare earth minerals.

By allowing Boko Haram and bandits to unleash mass killings and kidnappings in these specific regions, local populations are completely displaced. The terror effectively clears the land of its rightful owners, transforming sovereign Nigerian communities into unregulated, lawless extraction zones.

The Elite-Traditional Ruler Cartel

Once the civilian populations are ethnically cleansed or driven into IDP camps, illegal mining cartels step in. These cartels operate with the direct protection of corrupt politicians and complicit traditional rulers.

While the nation bleeds from massacres, a criminal network of political elites and their corrupt collaborators is quietly carting away billions of dollars in untaxed mineral wealth and oil.

Hence, kidnapping in Nigeria is no longer an opportunistic crime; it is a highly sophisticated, institutionalised financial market designed to extort wealth from the middle class, the rich and poor alike.

The Banking System and Mobile Tracking Failures

Despite federal mandates forcing every Nigerian to link their National Identity Number (NIN) to their SIM cards, kidnappers still use mobile phones openly to negotiate multi-million-naira ransoms.

The police and regulatory agencies, most of the time and dubiously, fail to track these calls or freeze the bank accounts where ransom money is deposited. This indicates a deep-seated institutional complicity, where corrupt political and security actors take a direct cut of the ransom payouts in exchange for operational blindness, as asserted by Samai’ila Ibrahim Kaigama and others.

The Destruction of National Infrastructure

The deliberate failure to secure major highways, rail lines, and transit corridors forces citizens into a state of permanent vulnerability. The ransom economy has become so deeply embedded within the political and security architecture that wiping it out would mean cutting off a massive stream of illicit revenue that flows directly from the forests into the pockets of urban elites

The Policy Blueprint for Systemic Survival

To save Nigeria from total state collapse, the international community, domestic policymakers, and the Nigerian citizenry must move very fast by treating insecurity as not a purely military and police problem and/or business venture and attacking its financial roots and political drivers.

 The Solutions

 Mr. President should very quickly engage UAE authorities, especially in Dubai or Abu Dhabi, to send him the names of the Boko Haram sponsors that they claim to have. The same goes for the United States of America. President Donald John Trump should publish the names of the terror sponsors in Nigeria, as the US claims to have their names and is under its watch.

This will go a long way in exposing the vagaries, verbosity, and waffle that surround the protracted problem of Boko Haram and kidnapping in Nigeria.

Mr. President, it is quite unfortunate that Nigeria has to rely on foreign countries to release the names of certain criminals that sponsor insurgencies in the country.

This writer proposes a strategic counter- crisis matrix that could enable everyone in Nigeria to live peacefully, cheaply, and as satisfactorily as possible. This strategic counter-crisis matrix has the following target audience:

International policymakers, academic researchers, and Nigerian citizens. The immediate policy action required to ameliorate the protracted insurgencies in Nigeria is to impose targeted global sanctions on governors and audit supply chains for blood minerals such as lithium and coltan (columbite and tantalite), etc. There is also a need to map out resource-conflict correlations to enable the government to track illegal capital flight to and from Nigeria. The Nigerian citizens, on the other hand, should try as much as possible to vote out complicit northern governors by mobilising community-led political security accountability groups and refrain from supporting corrupt politicians who seek mandates and hide in Abuja until the next election.

The Nigerian president must find a way to sanction the political class by collaborating with international allies such as the US, UK, France, UAE, and Saudi Arabia, etc., to immediately freeze the foreign assets and impose strict travel bans on corrupt Nigerian governors, corrupt legislators (senators), corrupt military and police top brass, prominent, but morally bankrupt religious clerics, and traditional rulers linked to regions with unchecked illegal mining and persistent security failures.

The Nigerian president, whether old or new, should audit the mineral supply chain. The international technology and manufacturing industries must treat Nigeria’s rare earth minerals such as lithium, iron ore, coltan, and gold with the maximum level of scrutiny. Any mineral sourced from conflict-heavy zones in Nigeria must be blacklisted globally until legal transparency is restored.

Indeed, independent military, police, and judiciary accountability must be entrenched in Nigeria to flush out and sanitise the entire national system.

The administration of defence spending must be completely stripped from internal military control and placed under a rigorous, special, but emergency and independent military audit tribunal -not under the EFCC or ICPC.

Commanders whose units repeatedly leak intelligence or fail to protect citizens despite heavy funding must face immediate special national emergency court-martial and asset forfeiture.

If at all we are serious in nation building, Mr President should quickly call for an emergency constitutional committee and give them only one (1) month to include an immunity clause in the Nigerian constitution. Because the 1960 Nigerian Independence Constitution did not contain a domestic executive immunity clause for political leaders and executives. Indeed, the current Nigerian constitution protects them from attending civil or criminal court processes. Hence, all corrupt governors, deputy-governors, corrupt senators, and corrupt presidents and vice-presidents, etc., should have no immunity. They should appear before the national emergency corruption courts and defend themselves.

Ditto corrupt customs and immigration officers!

The Nigerian customs and immigration agencies must eliminate corrupt officers and submit them to the proposed national emergency corruption courts for prosecution. Nigerian borders will then be free and secure from illegal arms, ammunition, and drug importation.

This is the only way to ensure sanity in the Nigerian system.

Bandits and kidnappers that kidnap and kill ordinary Nigerians shall be immediately executed by a special kidnapping and banditry tribunal, not by the current courts that are operating in the country. The bandits and kidnappers that are summarily executed should be made known to the citizenry by printing their names in national dailies.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria should be structured to have a domestic judges’ trial segment for trying corrupt judges who pass biased legal judgments that are inimical to Nigerians and the Nigerian system.

No one is above the national law!

Religious clerics’ propagation methods must be controlled by the government in order to protect the Nigerian Christian and Muslim leaders from assuming informal powers that make them behave macho and feel as if they are also another government of their own. They should be controlled the way religion is controlled and monitored in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Oman, Bahrain, etc.

Otherwise, if all the above explanations are not of interest to Mr. President, his entire cabinet, and Nigerian citizens; if all that has been exposed by all and sundry on Nigeria’s insecurity is not of deep concern or is seen as useless; and if the corrupt among us feel that this issue should be set aside or thrown into the dustbin of Nigeria’s “usual” insecurity history, then we should all forget about Nigeria and continue pontificating over what the honorable Chinua Achebe once described in his two books, “Things Fall Apart” and “There Was a Country “!

Nura Jibo is a senior research fellow and lifetime member of the West African Research Association (WARA), African Studies Centre, Boston University, United States. He can be contacted via jibonura@yahoo.com.

By Mohammed Mohammed Haruna

There are friendships that begin with long histories, family connections or carefully cultivated associations. Others begin in a single moment of character. The friendship between Mansur Shehu and the writer belongs to the latter.

Their paths first crossed during the induction programme of a financial regulatory institution in Lagos in 2009/2010. They had known each other for only a few days when Mansur was nominated to serve as class governor. He had every reason to accept. Many of the inductees already knew him from earlier chapters of his life, and he possessed the familiarity, confidence and goodwill to prevail.

Yet, in a gesture that revealed something profound about his nature, he declined the nomination and explained that he had intended to nominate the writer instead.

It was a simple act, but character is often revealed in simple moments. Long before political aspirations, public appointments, consultations and campaign platforms, Mansur demonstrated an uncommon willingness to step aside so that another person might step forward. In a society where advancement is frequently measured only by personal elevation, that instinctive generosity was neither ordinary nor insignificant.

From those early days, their relationship grew beyond professional acquaintance into brotherhood. They became founding members and leading lights of S2010, a social group of colleagues united by the values of self-help, mutual loyalty and community. It was not merely a platform for social interaction, but a fellowship through which members supported one another in moments of celebration, transition, difficulty and need.

Mansur brought to that collective the same qualities that have continued to define him: loyalty, discipline, industry, responsibility and an uncommon readiness to serve. When he chaired the planning committee for the group’s tenth anniversary, he approached the responsibility with seriousness and diligence. The work was exacting, but he mobilised others, attended to details and demonstrated that leadership, for him, was never a ceremonial title. It was a call to labour.

Those who have worked closely with Mansur understand that he is not one of those who seek recognition without responsibility. He believes in the dignity of effort. He understands that communities are not transformed by slogans alone, but by patient organisation, credible ideas, sacrifice, competence and a genuine concern for people.

That same philosophy has driven his repeated efforts to represent the people of the Ringim/Taura Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives. Three times, he has stepped forward, animated by a clear desire to contribute to the transformation of the area through education, employment, entrepreneurship, financial inclusion and community development.

Political contests are rarely gentle. They test conviction, expose the fragility of alliances and often subject sincere aspirations to forces beyond the immediate control of the aspirant. His most recent effort did not progress beyond his party’s screening process.

Yet he did not abandon his vision, withdraw from his people or allow disappointment to extinguish his commitment. He simply continued the work.

That response is itself instructive. There are those whose presence in the community is loudest during election seasons and faintest when the contests are over. Mansur’s engagement has not been defined solely by ballots, party structures or campaign calendars. His humanitarian gestures, interventions of goodwill and support for individuals and communities are known to many who live and work among the people he seeks to serve.

His ambition is therefore best understood not merely as a desire to occupy office, but as an extension of a longer philosophy of service. He believes that leadership should improve lives, expand opportunities and bring institutions closer to ordinary people.

Today, as Senior Special Assistant on MSMEs and Financial Inclusion to the Governor of Jigawa State, Mansur channels that same energy into practical economic empowerment. His portfolio speaks directly to the daily realities of households, young people, women, farmers and small entrepreneurs. It concerns access to finance, support for micro, small and medium enterprises, grassroots participation in the formal economy and the widening of opportunities for those frequently excluded from conventional financial systems.

The alignment between his official responsibility and his constituency aspiration is not accidental. It reflects a consistent policy orientation. He understands that development begins when people are empowered to produce, trade, save, invest and build sustainable livelihoods. He appreciates that a constituency cannot depend indefinitely on patronage, temporary relief or political charity. It must be supported to create enterprise, nurture skills and expand economic participation.

This is especially important in a state such as Jigawa, where the promise of agriculture, commerce, youth enterprise, digital inclusion and small-scale production remains considerable. The transformation of communities such as Ringim and Taura requires leaders who can connect local realities with the instruments of modern development. It requires individuals who understand both the grammar of public institutions and the lived language of the people.

Mansur possesses that combination. His exposure to institutional systems gives him an appreciation of policy, process and administration. His roots in the community ensure that development does not remain abstract. He understands that financial inclusion is not merely a technical expression. It is the market woman gaining access to affordable credit. It is the young graduate receiving support to start an enterprise. It is the farmer accessing finance, insurance and payment systems. It is the artisan moving from subsistence to growth.

The people and leadership of Jigawa State, particularly those of Ringim and Taura, should therefore recognise the potential that resides in this son of the soil. Communities progress when they identify capable men and women, nurture their development and create opportunities for their talents to find meaningful expression.

Conversely, societies lose valuable possibilities when internal rivalry, narrow political calculations or temporary interests prevent competent and public-spirited individuals from contributing at the highest level of their capacity.

A man who declines personal elevation so that another may rise, who labours for community without fanfare, who continues to serve after political disappointment and who repeatedly returns to the aspirations of his people is rare. Such a temperament, combined with administrative experience, organisational ability and a visible passion for development, is an asset that the constituency and the state should nurture rather than overlook.

This is not an argument that political support should be granted without scrutiny. Leadership must always be subjected to questions of competence, credibility, vision and performance. It is, however, an appeal that the people of Ringim, Taura and Jigawa State look beyond the noise of political competition and examine the deeper qualities Mansur brings to public life: discipline, loyalty, humility, compassion, institutional experience, organisational capacity and a sustained commitment to economic empowerment.

For Mansur himself, the message is simple: he must remain steadfast.

The road of public service is rarely smooth. Setbacks are part of the terrain. Rejection, delay and disappointment are among the sternest teachers in political life. Yet history often favours those who persist with integrity, learn from adversity and refuse to allow temporary outcomes to distort their character.

His value is greater than a single contest. His capacity is larger than one political season. His record of friendship, goodwill, public service and community engagement already speaks to a man who understands that leadership begins before office and should continue whether or not office is attained.

He should continue to build bridges, deepen his understanding of the needs of the people, and promote enterprise, education, employment and financial inclusion. Every setback should refine his strategy without corrupting his values. Every disappointment should expand his wisdom without diminishing his humanity.

The true test of a servant-leader is whether he remains accessible when the applause has faded. He must not permit the conduct of others to tempt him into abandoning the principles that have brought him this far.

His future remains bright, at both state and federal levels, because it is being built on something more enduring than temporary advantage. His abilities may find expression through elective office, public appointment, development advocacy, enterprise promotion or a responsibility not yet visible. What matters is that he remains prepared, principled and faithful.

His faith in God is particularly admirable. Faith is most authentic not when the road is smooth, but when a person can stand before disappointment and still believe that divine wisdom is greater than human calculation.

The Qur’an reminds humanity that it may dislike a thing while it is good, and love a thing while it may be harmful. Allah knows, while human beings do not know. That assurance should provide him with both comfort and courage.

What is destined for a person will not pass him by, and what passes him by was never destined for him. No committee, screening arrangement or political calculation can prevent what God has decreed. Yet faith does not demand passivity. It requires continued effort, patience, self-examination and trust.

Philosophically, the measure of a man is not simply how often he is elevated, but how steadily he walks when the path becomes uncertain. Leadership is tested not only by the possession of power, but also by the discipline shown in its absence.

He must keep walking. The harvest belongs to those who do not abandon the field.

Mansur’s previous attempts have not been wasted. They have strengthened his name recognition, expanded his relationships, deepened his understanding of the political terrain and exposed him to the complex architecture of constituency politics. Every experience has added to the reservoir of knowledge he will require for future responsibility.

His supporters should not despair. His community should not underestimate him. His state should not overlook him. Most importantly, he must not surrender to the temporary verdict of circumstance.

For some people, leadership arrives quickly. For others, it comes after life has tested their motives, sharpened their judgment and prepared them for responsibilities greater than those they initially sought.

In an age that frequently rewards noise over substance, Mansur Shehu stands as a reminder that excellence can still be quiet, ambition can still be rooted in service, and loyalty to people and principle remains the surest foundation for lasting impact.

The writer remains proud of the friend he met in Lagos many years ago, the colleague who placed another person’s opportunity before his own, the brother who helped build a community of mutual support, and the public servant who continues to believe in the possibilities of his people.

May Allah strengthen Mansur’s resolve, purify his intentions, enlarge his opportunities and guide him towards the responsibility in which his abilities will produce their greatest benefit. May every present disappointment become preparation for future distinction.

Mansur Shehu’s road remains open. His story remains unfinished. And, by the grace of God, the finest chapter may yet lie ahead.

Mohammed Mohammed Haruna, PhD, mnipr, writes from Abuja.

By Zainab Yusuf

The chair is still there. But the chair remains empty.

If you have ever lost someone you loved, you know this feeling. Grief is strange that way. It doesn’t only announce itself at funerals or cemeteries. It hides in familiar voices you no longer hear, in old photographs, and in phone numbers that are impossible to delete.

Grief is one of the few experiences that spares no one. It crosses every boundary—age, religion, wealth, education and nationality. Yet despite being universal, it remains one of the least understood human experiences. Society expects mourners to “move on,” even when their hearts are still learning how to beat around an empty space.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that millions of people each year experience bereavement following the death of loved ones, while humanitarian crises, conflicts and disease outbreaks continue to expose even more families to profound loss. Researchers estimate that around 7–10% of bereaved adults develop prolonged grief disorder, a condition where intense grief persists far beyond what is culturally expected and significantly interferes with daily functioning.

In 2022, the American Psychiatric Association officially recognized Prolonged Grief Disorder (PGD) in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR). Similarly, the World Health Organization included Prolonged Grief Disorder in the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), acknowledging that grief can sometimes become a serious mental health condition requiring professional support.

Swiss-American psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross introduced the famous five stages of grief—denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance—in 1969. Yet decades later, researchers caution against treating those stages as a checklist.

Psychologist George Bonanno, one of the world’s leading grief researchers, found that human beings grieve in remarkably different ways. Some cry every day. Others rarely cry at all. Some recover relatively quickly. Others carry grief for years.

Grief Has No Timeline

Faith Does Not Cancel Tears

Across cultures and religions, grief is treated not as failure but as part of being human.

When the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) lost his infant son Ibrahim, tears flowed from his eyes. He said: “The eyes shed tears, the heart grieves, but we say only what pleases our Lord.”

His response has comforted grieving Muslims for centuries. Likewise, the Bible records perhaps its most famous expression of sorrow in just two words: “Jesus wept.” (John 11:35)

Neither Islam nor Christianity teaches believers to suppress grief. Instead, both remind humanity that faith and sorrow can exist together.

Sociologists like Tony Walter argue against older, psychoanalytic models that suggest the goal of grief is to “let go” or detach from the deceased. Instead, they highlight that individuals often maintain an ongoing, internal, or virtual relationship with the deceased, keeping their memory alive in daily life and collective storytelling.

Grief wears many faces.

Like the university student who lost his mum.

“Some days, I just want to hear her say, ‘I’m proud of you.’ My mum meant everything to me. Losing her felt like everything in my life would fall apart,” he said.

Although his mother is gone, he says her influence remains alive in the relationships she built during her lifetime.

“I keep her memory alive by maintaining the relationships she had while she was alive. In that way, a part of her continues to live through the people she loved.”

The Last Word

There is a Hausa proverb:

“Mutuwa ba ta da rana.”

Death has no appointed day. It arrives without invitation. Without negotiation.

Call your parents, visit your grandparents, forgive your sibling, tell your friend you love them.

Because one ordinary day will become the day you remember forever.

And when grief finally comes knocking, as it eventually does for every human being, may it find you with as few regrets as possible.

In the end, we are remembered not by the years we lived…

…but by the love we left behind.

Zainab Yusuf writes from Kogi State, Nigeria and can be reached via yusufzainab808@gmail.com.