Opinion

By Oladoja M.O

For some time now, the conversation has been quietly shifting from elections to succession. Not a clear constitutional succession. We are talking about political succession as design. The deliberate grooming of a successor within an existing power architecture so that leadership rotates but direction and influence remain within a defined circle.

In Lagos, many say it has worked since 1999. In Rivers, we saw what happens when the choreography fractures. Now, as 2031 sits faintly on the horizon, there are whispers again of names being mentioned, alignments being speculated, shadows being interpreted.

Let us remove names. Let us remove rumours. Let us interrogate structure.

The serious question is this: in a democracy built on four-year mandates and an eight-year ceiling, is protégé succession a stabilising mechanism for development, or is it a refined method of elite entrenchment?

To answer that, we must first admit something uncomfortable: Nigeria’s institutions are not yet strong enough to guarantee policy continuity through institutional design alone. Parties are weakly ideological. Bureaucratic insulation is thin. Policy reversals are common. In that environment, continuity through personal alignment can look attractive. It reduces disruption. It keeps long-term projects alive. It reassures investors. It avoids destructive resets every four or eight years.

This is the strongest argument in favour of succession politics and it is not foolish.

Lagos provides the most cited example. Over two decades, fiscal reforms were not dismantled. Internally generated revenue grew consistently. Infrastructure planning maintained coherence across administrations. Successors did not come in to burn down the previous house simply to prove independence. That continuity mattered. It produced an administrative rhythm.

But here is where analytical discipline must intervene.

Was Lagos successful because of succession politics or because it possessed economic density, commercial capital concentration, and revenue capacity that most Nigerian states do not? If succession were the decisive factor, then every state practising elite continuity would display similar outcomes. That is not what we observe.

Kogi has seen continuity patterns without transformative development. Cross River experimented with political coherence without fiscal stability. Rivers demonstrated how quickly elite alignment can dissolve into institutional paralysis when patron–successor relationships rupture. This tells us something critical: succession is not a development formula. It may coexist with development under certain structural conditions, but it does not produce development on its own.

Now let us go deeper.

Democracy is not defined merely by the holding of elections. It is defined by uncertainty. Adam Przeworski’s core insight remains powerful: democracy is a system where incumbents can lose. The possibility of loss disciplines power. When succession becomes predictable within a narrow elite network, that uncertainty diminishes. Elections may still occur, but the competitive field tightens.

Elite theory reinforces this concern. Political systems remain dynamic when elite circulation is open. When elite reproduction becomes concentrated within a single patronage chain, innovation slows, and access narrows. It does not immediately collapse democracy, but it gradually converts it into a managed rotation.

And this is where I lean.

Succession politics in Nigeria is a second-best adaptation to institutional weakness. It compensates for fragile parties and inconsistent policy frameworks. It can produce short- to medium-term stability in exceptional contexts. But it does not deepen democracy. It does not institutionalise continuity. It personalises it.

If continuity depends on one individual’s blessing, then institutions remain dependent. And dependency is not consolidation. It is controlled stability.

Supporters argue that Nigeria’s diversity requires careful continuity, that radical alternation could destabilise fragile coalitions. That concern is real. But if the only way to preserve stability is through personalised grooming, then we are admitting that institutions are too weak to survive open competition. And if institutions never learn to survive open competition, they never mature.

Development that relies on personal choreography is fragile. It works as long as the central figure remains politically dominant. Once that dominance weakens through age, miscalculation, factional drift, or simple political fatigue, the structure can wobble because it was never fully institutionalised.

This is why I do not romanticise succession politics, even when I understand its logic.

Endorsement is not anti-democratic. Every leader is entitled to support a preferred successor. That is politics. The danger arises when endorsement becomes determinative rather than persuasive when the system makes alternative emergence structurally improbable.

Nigeria does not need constant disruption. But it needs genuine contestation. It needs parties strong enough that continuity does not depend on lineage. It needs primaries that are competitive in substance, not ritual. It needs bureaucracies that can survive alternation without policy vandalism.

Succession politics may stabilise a weak system. But it does not strengthen it.

And a country of Nigeria’s scale cannot permanently depend on second-best solutions.

So, the issue is not whether someone is being groomed for 2031. The issue is whether our institutions are growing strong enough for grooming to become politically irrelevant. If they are not, then what looks like continuity today may become stagnation tomorrow.

That is where I stand.

Continuity is valuable. But continuity must be institutional not personal if it is to endure beyond the shadow of any one man.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

History has repeatedly shown us that when rulers or elites indulge in throwing ultimate parties, they are usually sealing their fate. This universal rule is applied not only to dictators but also to empires, organisations, business leaders, athletes, celebrities, and even individuals who reach a climax in their trajectories without the ever-useful self-restraint.

Examples of these parables can be found even in the holy scriptures. Qarun is a brother of Prophet Moses, whom God blessed with so much worldly endowment that people living around him watch in awe. It was reported that many of his kinsmen were openly praying to be blessed as Qarun was. To them, Qarun was a role model, a success, and someone to emulate. 

Qarun’s story was a typical grass-to-grace story we often hear. At the beginning, a humble soul, spendthrift, calculative, hungry and ambitious for success. He left no stone unturned, had no time to even count his fortune, and was always on the lookout for more until he later ‘made it’.

He later started throwing lavish parties, erecting large buildings with so many rooms that he wouldn’t occupy, and amassing fleets of beautiful horses not for war, domestic use or trade. It was reported that the keys alone to Qarun’s treasury were so many that people couldn’t even carry them!

And what of the things inside those stores, of gold, ornaments, and precious metals? Qarun was admonished by his people to express gratitude for the benevolence through giving alms to the less privileged. He famously stated that it was his handiwork, his tactics, and his spendthrift ways (in today’s world, his financial intelligence) that helped him become wealthy. Qarun sealed his fatal fate with those words; he drowned!

Founders of any kingdom or empire usually begin as brave warriors or loyal servants who earn the respect and love of their masters, then become part of the empire and, within a few centuries, become kings themselves. Throughout these transformative years, you would find them humble, hardworking, disciplined, and considerate, until the hard-worn ancestors passed away and the bounty passed to their progeny, who were neither aware of nor shared in the initial struggles, thinking they deserved it. It was those later kings who would build extravagant palaces with magnificent walls, not as protection but for the sake of beauty and elegance.

The early pharaohs of Egypt were not as haughty and arrogant as the pharaoh whom the prophet Moses fought. The last pharaoh feels so high of himself that he declared himself the sovereign being worthy of worship in the land. The magnificent pyramids built in Egypt alone could signify the level of cruelty slaves were subjected to and the grand mania behind erecting them. That was their ultimate party.

The sixteenth-century Brits (Englishmen) were so brave, energetic, curious, prodigious, and ambitious that they set out to conquer almost half of the world, from Asia to Africa to India to the Americas. They spread their influence, civilisation, and language to every nook and cranny of the world. Astonishingly, several decades of the British Empire were led by women like Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria. It was during the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria that Britain reached its peak.

At the beginning of their campaigns, they were just merchants, explorers, and missionaries. They were later partners before transforming into cruel colonial rulers, subjugating human beings into serfdom and slavery. It was during the early 19th century that Queen Victoria decided to host a lavish party in India, inviting delegates from every colony: Asians, Africans, Arabs, Indians, and Caucasians. The Durbar was so magnificent that only watching the video (on YouTube) could give you a sense of the congregation. Every culture was represented, and performances were made. 

What was wasted during these festivities was enough to ruin the economy of a continent. Those extravaganzas, the subjugation of people into labour, and unnecessary wars were later to seal the fate of the British Empire. The colonists were dismantled into sovereign nations, and finally, the sun set for Britain.

Before the 1979 Islamic revolution, Iran was under a monarchy led by Shah Reza Pahlavi, who inherited the throne from his father in the 1920s. Between those years, thanks to the discovery of oil and his alliance with Western countries, the Shah transformed himself into a world-class political figure and a strong voice in the Middle East. Although a Muslim, he became so delusional that he dreamt of converting Iran into its former Persian Empire with all its anti-Islamic elegance. 

This automatically put him in constant conflict with the religious establishment of Iran, especially the Islamic clerics led by the pious, ascetic, and reserved Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The level of enmity was so high that neither side was willing to give way until, finally, Khomeini fled to France as an exile. Despite Khomeini’s absence, he continued to preach to the Iranians, especially the youth, university students, and the less privileged masses who became his adherents.

In the 1970s, the Shah decided to throw a grand party in Iran to commemorate not only his anniversary but also the 2000-year anniversary of the Persian Pagan Empire. He coronated himself as ‘Shah of Shahs’ (King of Kings). The party was attended by thousands, including kings, prime ministers, presidents, heads of state, mistresses, business moguls and technocrats. Later analysis shows how that singular event almost threw Iran into debt despite its oil endowment.

That sealed the fate of Shah Reza Pahlavi, for a few months later, Iranian youths staged an uprising, culminating in the Islamic Revolution that brought Ayatollah Khomeini (the very person Pahlavi had sent into exile) to power.

 Similar stories can be narrated of Adolf Hitler’s rise to power and his expansionist, megalomaniac agenda, seeing himself as the Führer and Saviour of the German Reich, until he sealed his fate by mistakenly invading Russia and Poland and at the same time fighting several forces of France and the United Kingdom. The allied forces were rescued by the rising superpower of that time, the United States of America.

General Yakubu Gowon was in power from 1966 to 1975, the longest-serving military head of state. His period witnessed a surge in oil income never seen before in Nigeria, and even the government doesn’t know what to do with the sweet oil money. The Federal Government undertakes unnecessary construction and white-elephant projects just to get rid of the irritating money. 

Workers get unnecessary pay rises (Udoji salary award) without additional productivity. The General Yakubu Gowon government decided to sponsor a FESTAC celebration event in 1975, which cost a huge sum of money, throwing Nigeria into debt despite oil income. We didn’t wisely invest and save for the rainy days.

That sealed the fate of innocent and peace-loving General Yakubu Gowon. He was overthrown in a palace coup led by young officers, introducing the no-nonsense, disciplinarian Murtala Ramat. The rest was history….So watch out when you are sealing your fate by throwing the ultimate party!

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Aisha Musa Auyo, PhD 

I first learned about a tongue-tie when my third son, Anwar, was admitted to the hospital due to a high fever. I was to share a room with another patient, and I was furious. I told the nurses I would prefer to stay in the corridor rather than share a room. I hate sharing rooms, especially in a hospital.

“The amenity room is fully booked. A patient will soon leave, and you’ll be transferred there,” a nurse told me.

I kept whining and complaining. My husband kept saying I should be patient…..“it’s just for a few days.” In my mind, I was like, you’ll never understand what it means to share a hospital room, because you’ve never experienced it. It’s easier said than done.

I accepted defeat and entered the room. Anwar was crying so loudly that he drew the other patient’s attention. In my mind, I thought, you see why I avoid sharing rooms…. I dislike inconveniencing others. I didn’t think the patient would be able to sleep with that noise.

One of the women attending to the other patient asked me, “Do you know that your son has a tongue-tie?”

I said no. What’s a tongue-tie? I had never heard of it.

She told me to look at his tongue while he was crying and said I would see a tissue-like thread holding it, meaning the tongue isn’t free. When I checked, I saw it was very visible.

I asked her more about it, and she explained that it’s natural for some babies to be born with it. Usually, doctors notice it and remove it shortly after birth. But if it isn’t addressed early, it may require a minor surgery to remove it. Anwar was about six months old then.

I thanked her and asked for the way forward. She recommended a paediatrician.

Before the procedure, I read about tongue-tie from over a hundred sites, and spoke to more than ten doctors… lol. It turned out to be a minor surgical procedure that didn’t take more than a minute, since he was still a baby. It gets more complicated with age.

From my research, I also learned that Anwar’s feeding difficulty was likely caused by a tongue-tie.

Many children with tongue-tie may also experience:

– Speech difficulties, especially with sounds like “t”, “d”, “l”, “r”, “s”, and “th”

– Unclear or slightly slurred speech

– (Though not every child with tongue-tie has speech issues, it can contribute)

Other possible effects include:

– Oral hygiene challenges (difficulty clearing food, increased risk of tooth decay)

– Eating difficulties (trouble licking, swallowing, or moving food around the mouth)

– Dental or jaw development issues (such as gaps or bite alignment problems)

– Social or psychological effects, like reduced confidence due to speech or tongue movement limitations

Anwar’s procedure (frenotomy) was done seamlessly, and everything returned to normal. Alhamdulillah.

After that experience, I made it a point to pay closer attention to babies. I realised it’s quite common, yet not widely known. I’ve made it a personal responsibility to educate parents about it before it becomes complicated.

There’s also a lesson here:

1. Not everything we dislike is bad. Sometimes, what we resist is exactly what we need….or what will benefit us the most.

2. I hate sharing rooms with strangers because I don’t want to inconvenience anyone or feel like a burden. But from that experience, I learned something valuable…. and now I’m sharing it with others. So maybe it’s not so bad after all. Hausa people say, “mutane rahama ne” (people are a blessing).

3. No matter your position, knowledge, number of children, or experience, there’s always something you don’t know. And there’s always something you can learn from others—their experiences, exposure, and expertise.

Anyway, when I gave birth to Azrah, my fourth child, I was subconsciously checking for tongue-tie—and I saw one! Hausa people, again, say: “Mai nema na tare da samu”… Bature yace: “He who seeketh… findeth.”

That was after a full check-up by nurses, doctors, and even a paediatrician. I brought it to their attention, and they confirmed it. The minor surgical procedure (frenotomy) was done four days after birth.

I hated the sight of blood on her tiny mouth, but what could I do? The earlier, the better. Alhamdulillah.

If you’ve learned something from this write-up, kindly share it so others can benefit too.

If you’d like to read more stories and reflections like this, drawn from real-life experiences, you can get my book Between Hearts and Homes for deeper, relatable insights into everyday life.

Aisha Musa Auyo, PhD, is an Educational Psychologist, author, and media professional passionate about translating research into practical impact. She writes on parenting, family, and education, drawing from expertise and personal experience. Aisha is also a parenting and relationship coach and founder of Eesher Auyo’s Empire in Abuja, Nigeria.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

In recent times, Kannywood, the Hausa film industry, has continued to evolve with productions that spark both entertainment and reflection. Kaddara stands out as one such seasonal series that is profoundly produced and emotionally engaging. Although I have only watched two episodes so far, the quality and depth are already evident.

What makes the series particularly compelling is its bold attempt to explore complex human behaviour within marriage. It presents not just a story, but a mirror through which society can examine itself. The character of Haidar, played by Adam A. Zango, introduces a troubling but important conversation.

If a woman, by fate or circumstance, finds herself married to someone like Haidar, her life may gradually become defined by suspicion. No matter how responsible, careful, or committed she is, she may still live under constant scrutiny. This raises a sincere question. Do such men still exist in our society today?

One cannot help but ask why a man would choose to marry a woman he does not trust. Marriage, by its very nature, is built on trust, understanding, and mutual respect. When suspicion becomes the foundation, the relationship is already standing on fragile ground.

Another striking element of Khaidar’s character is his decision to prevent his wife, Maimuna (played by Nafisa Abdullahi), from working. This is not just a personal preference. It directly dismisses the years of effort, sacrifice, and resources invested in her education. It reduces her potential to nothing more than a perceived threat.

His justification is rooted in fear. He claims that allowing her to work would expose her to the gaze of other men, including her employer. This line of thinking raises an important concern. Is this truly protection, or is it insecurity disguised as control?

This leads to a deeper question about the purpose of knowledge. Is education only valuable when it results in employment? Is impact measured solely by financial contribution or professional visibility? These are questions that go beyond the storyline and touch on societal values.

The truth is that knowledge is never wasted. Even outside formal employment, an educated person contributes meaningfully to family, community, and society. However, denying someone the opportunity to apply that knowledge based on unfounded fears is neither fair nor balanced.

Haidar further justifies his actions by referencing a hadith about the concept of dayyuth. According to his interpretation, a man who lacks protective jealousy over his wife risks severe spiritual consequences. This is where the conversation becomes even more critical.

The concept of protective jealousy in Islam is often misunderstood. It is meant to preserve dignity and moral boundaries, not to justify oppression or excessive control. When taken out of context, it can easily be weaponised against those it is supposed to protect.

Scholars have long clarified that a dayyuth is a person who knowingly accepts clear immorality without concern. It does not refer to a man who simply allows his wife to live, grow, and function within ethical boundaries. There is a clear difference between awareness of wrongdoing and baseless suspicion.

What Kaddara presents, whether intentionally or not, is a reflection of how religious teachings can be misapplied. It highlights a reality where some individuals use fragments of knowledge to justify actions that contradict the broader principles of justice and balance.

If Maimuna were a sister, the advice would be simple yet firm. Marriage should not strip away dignity, purpose, or peace of mind. There must be room for dialogue, understanding, and growth. Where suspicion replaces trust, there must be honest reflection and, if necessary, intervention.

In the end, Kaddara is more than a series. It is a conversation starter. It challenges viewers to question not just the characters on screen, but the norms and beliefs that exist within society. And perhaps that is its greatest strength.

By Mohammed Usman (Noble-pen)

Let’s talk beyond political party affiliation. Let’s tell ourselves the brutal truth.

Believing that all these people under the shade of one political party, ADC, and many more to move into it, are after the interest of the poor, the masses, instead of themselves, is the gravest mistake one will ever make. 

All these people have their own vested and individual interests, which spurred them to cross-carpet into the party, which seems to them promising, full of potential, and offering vistas for achieving those interests. And you know what? The poor, the masses, are the last thing they think of. Let alone the country’s future. 

Let me give you a practical, relatable elaboration on this by picking the few and the major points among them. Maybe, that way, you will understand what I am trying to say here.

1. Atiku Abubakar 

This person has been investing heavily and persistently in his ambition to become the country’s president. He never reneged since he started. He had been spending billions of naira on it. Therefore, do you sensibly think working for the poor, the masses, will be his top priority when he attains the power he has been so adamantly vying for, instead of looking for a return on his financial and material investment for years before? Don’t forget, he is a business-oriented person. And you should know what I mean. 

2. Nasir El-Rufai 

This person was once one of the cocks of the work of the current brutal government under the auspices of the APC. They entrenched it with their sweat and blood. And he never felt sorry for the poor suffering under the coarse, clueless policies of the government until the government, headed by Tinibu, betrayed him and denied him the opportunity he was dying for: a ministerial post and a place at the driving force of the government. That marked the genesis of his enmity towards the government and turned him into one of its most blunt and fierce foes. Hence, his decision to move to SDP, which refused him, then to ADC. His mission is purely to take vengeance on the government which made him an outcast rather than to save the poor masses from the bondage and shackles of poverty and insecurity, which they have been grappling with for donkey’s years.

3. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso 

Just like El-Rufai, Kwankwaso is being driven by the force of spite and vendetta over the betrayal he suffered at the hands of his once political apprentice accomplice, Abba Gida Gida. His mission is driven solely by the quest to uproot the government of Abba Gida Gida, rather than by the welfare of the people of Kano State. However, he is a politician with very, very good antecedents. No one can deny that. But he is not into ADC for the masses. No. 

4. Nasiru Gawuna 

This was once an accomplice to the current merciless APC government, who fought a political battle—over his inspiration for the Kano state gubernatorial office—with Kwankwaso and his boy, Abba Gida Gida, but lost to them. He was once their worst enemy. But today, he and the Abba’s boss kwankwaso have leagued up as sweet friends in another political party (ADC) each with different and individual vested interest: kwankwaso to dislodge the assumed betraying government of Abba Gida Gida as well as to occupy an influencial office in the presidency; while Gawuna, to use it as an opportunity to become the kano state governor which he failed to in his previous opposition party APC. 

4. Peter Obi 

This person has the worst political andecedent, being the former governor of Anambra State and has—allegedly— a strong affiliation to IPOB, being the terrorist and outlawed political group in Nigeria, which had been perennially insurgent and rebellious to successive Nigerian governments with their impossible mission of dividing the country and taking their own share, which they aimed to call BIAFRA. So Peter Obi might clearly have this scheme hidden in his mind to, when he tapped the supreme power —presidency—become instrumental for the IPOB to finally make it possible to see the last light —they have been dying and killing people for—at the end of the tunnel, and reach their daydreamed-promised land. Polarising the country is the plot of his horizon. 

Likewise, if you pay very close attention to the other people who will be cross-carpeting into the party, ADC. You will notice that they were once fundamental figures in the previous governments who failed the masses and never took concrete, robust action to save their lives and property. Let alone improving their welfare and standard of living. Tell me, when did they change to be trusted with our mandates and entrusted with our lives once again, simply because they moved into another political party? The same applied to the others who are beneficiaries of the current APC government and are now quitting it for the shining party of the day, ADC.

Let me wrap up by telling you the secret of these Nigerian politicians. 

The fact is, they are always the same set of people.  They only switch color and identity by jumping from one political party to another— using the very public funds they looted while occupying the public offices they were once either elected or appointed into — with romanticized manifestations to sway the minds of the poor masses and pave a wider way for themselves to achieving their vested and selfish interest; increasingly impoverish the already poor masses, steal their future and the future of their children and grandchildren; while enriching themselves, their children and grandchildren, making their lives and future always the brighter.

And mind you, they switch political parties based on their analysis of which political party the poor masses lean their attention and hope towards. This means that it’s always the previous, unchanging enemies the masses mistake for their beloved ones and the beacon of hope, revolution, and transformation. 

Therefore, until the poor citizens of Nigeria understand these Nigerian politicians’ Machiavellian formula and devise a way to dismantle it—instead of continuing with their primitive thinking that their problems lie with one political party and that the solutions are in another—they shall continue to live in bondage, suffering, humiliation and destitution.

Mohammed Usman (Noble-pen) is the Author Of “Butterfly’s Wings.”

By Saifullahi Attahir

The desperation to fail President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by some politicians and their consistent attempt to recruit others into believing their rhetoric will always be an anticipated issue in the realm of politics, but whenever myopic outlooks like sectarianism, blame games, and regionalism are used, that’s what irritates my conscience into responding at the expense of whatever others may label me. What I believe is to stand for what I think is right, even if I have to stand alone.

The level of those campaigns was to the extent that you can’t say anything good about the Tinubu government without being portrayed as anti-North or even a heretic. This is preposterous!

Politics should not be built on emotions, and governance should not be like inheritance, where no matter who it is, if they’re not your kinsmen, all is not well. This is not the original personality of a typical Northerner. 

I’m not a party card-carrying member but an ordinary student, so I have the liberty to express my views based on my limited understanding. I would like to address the issue of labelling every project undertaken by President Tinubu as nepotistic, especially when it is situated in the South-West. 

Let me give an example with the recent trip President Tinubu led to the United Kingdom, where he secured a deal to revamp the Tin Can and Apapa ports in Lagos. Sealing a deal to revamp Tin Can and Apapa ports should be viewed with such an open mind as a national investment. Lagos would remain the economic bloodline of this country for the time being, hence supporting its economic growth. 

Among the notable achievements of even the most pro-Arewa leaders, like the late Gen. Murtala Ramat Muhammad, during his short stint, was the decongestion of the Lagos Apapa port led by the famous brig. Benjamin Adekunle (The Scorpion).  

I’m not promoting the idea of continuing channelling of funds to develop Lagos at the expense of other regions, but it would be absurd when overnight we heard the FG seal a deal to start importing goods through Niger-Maradi or the Lake Chad basin or create artificial ports in the North linking us to the transatlantic trade (it’s possible, but not overnight like in Libya or the UAE).

The North should have focused more on ensuring that fighting illiteracy included at least a mandatory universal secondary school education with skills. The ‘right education’ would solve 60% of all this menace. 

An enlightened self would not be used as a tool to create and perpetuate insecurity in the form of banditry and suicide bombings. An ignited mind wouldn’t be fertile ground for sectarian conflicts. You can’t woo an educated person into choosing a leader whose focus is to distribute spaghetti.

We should accept the fact that the North is a landlocked region. We are surrounded by Niger, Cameroon, and Chad. We have our own priorities that, if well executed, can boost the regional economy. Comparing ourselves to Lagos wouldn’t help matters. Lagos was an island inhabited by whites centuries ago. It was the former national capital for almost thirty years and home to almost all the country’s major industries. 

As to the second part of the rhetoric, which was also the ultimate agenda, to wrest power from President Tinubu and hand it over to another ‘Arewa politician’. Governance returning to Arewa would never be our solution. This was tried in 2015 by removing Jonathan through every possible means, only to regret a similar decision less than 4 years later.

A bitter truth to swallow was that, since our return to democracy in 1999, leaders from the South-West have proved to contribute more to issues of national development. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 8 years would always be remembered for bringing a near-normal political stability to the country, improved national security, an improved economy, the cancellation of national debt, improved foreign relationships, the introduction of several empowerment programmes, the introduction/subsidisation of telecommunications, and a decisive leadership unparalleled when compared to late President Buhari’s 8 years of bewilderment.

It’s not about Tinubu prioritising Lagos and intentionally killing Arewa. The seed of sustainable national development was sown long ago, when Awolowo’s Action Group was fighting for universal education and ideological politics in their region, while our NPC was busy seeking alliances to dominate the Parliament. It’s better to hold our governors more responsible instead of the federal government.

Between 2007 and 2015, the Southwest Governors (Aregbesola, Fashola, Mimiko, Adams Oshiomhole, etc.) used their opposition to create massive developmental programmes for their region, consolidate power around the leading opposition figure, Tinubu, and enhance their regional security, while we were busy trying to wrest power from Jonathan.

To the question of ‘Arewa-2027′, who should be the candidate? The inconsistent Baba Atiku, or politicians renowned for vengeance politics, or those lacking an accommodating mind for others to win national elections, or politicians without international exposure? Tinubu is not the ideal for Nigeria, but the aforementioned politicians are no match for his governance track record as governor and, 2 years into the presidency, as president.

The current insecurity menace is a testament to how one man is incapable of addressing it. Many among the top security brass are from the North: the NSA, the Federal and State Ministers of Defence. In a region with the highest illiteracy rate, things worse than this could happen. Spaghetti and religious affiliation can woo the masses to vote for a candidate.

We should focus better on finding the RIGHT MAN rather than on which part of the country he came from.

Saifullahi Attahir is the President of the National Association of Jigawa State Medical Students (NAJIMS) National Body. He wrote this piece from the Rasheed Shekoni Federal University Teaching Hospital, Dutse, via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sani Ilyasu

Over the past few days, Kano’s political atmosphere has been gripped by what should have been a routine decision — the selection of a Deputy Governor. Instead, it has dragged, stretched, and unsettled expectations. As the Hausa proverb reminds us, wankin hula yana neman kai. Sooner or later, the moment of decision arrives, and when it does, it reveals more than preference. It reveals judgment.

But truthfully, this is not a difficult decision.
Once the list of nominees from the old APC bloc surfaced, one name did not merely appear — it stood apart. Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi. Not because of sentiment, and certainly not because of noise, but because of something far more scarce in today’s politics: substance.

This is a man shaped by governance, not just politics. He has moved through the system at its highest levels — serving as Secretary to the State Government, managing policy at the governor’s office, and working across institutions where decisions are not announced for applause but executed for impact. That kind of experience does not shout. It shows. And in moments like this, it matters enormously.

Yet the weight of this decision extends well beyond qualifications. The governor did not simply make a political realignment — he justified it with a principle: putting Kano first. That declaration raised the stakes. It transformed every subsequent decision into a test of consistency. Because once Kano becomes the stated priority, convenience must give way to capacity, and politics must submit to judgment.

You cannot declare Kano first and then treat this appointment as negotiable. The office of Deputy Governor is not ceremonial. It is not a token for balancing interests or rewarding loyalty. It is a quiet but powerful engine of governance — where coordination happens, where pressure is absorbed, and where experience prevents the kind of costly mistakes that erode public trust. It is not a place for learning on the job. That is precisely why Rabiu Suleiman fits this moment.

Rabiu Sulaiman Bichi carries a rare combination that politics often separates: administrative competence and genuine political experience. As a founding figure of the Kwankwasiyya movement, a former PDP State Chairman, and later Director-General of the APC’s 2023 campaign in Kano, he has operated credibly across political lines without losing his footing. That is not inconsistency. It is relevance across eras — the mark of someone who understands how power works without being consumed by it.

More importantly, he brings reach. His network — spanning national and international circles — is not ornamental. It is functional. It is the kind of capital that attracts serious partnerships, aligns policy with opportunity, and positions Kano beyond its immediate boundaries. At a time when states compete not only internally but on a broader stage, that kind of exposure is not a luxury. It is a strategic asset.

And then there is the other side of the equation — the part many would rather avoid, but which cannot responsibly be ignored. Leadership is defined not only by what is built but by what is tolerated. To elevate a deputy whose public record is clouded by ongoing court cases involving serious allegations of corruption and financial misconduct is not merely a political risk. It is a statement — and a loud one.

Because once made, that choice will not remain local. It will travel. It will shape perception, invite institutional scrutiny, and define the governor’s seriousness in the eyes of allies, investors, and the wider Nigerian public. You cannot stand on reform and lean on controversy. That is not balance. It is contradiction. And Kano cannot afford contradiction at this level of governance.

This is not a moment for experimentation. It is a moment for clarity — a moment to demonstrate that governance here is still anchored on competence, credibility, and consequence. In Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, that clarity already exists. Which is why this decision, despite the delay, remains straightforward.

If Kano truly comes first, the answer is already known. Anything else is not a strategy. It is a misstep.

Muhammad Sani Ilyasu writes from Maryland, United States of America and can be reached via msaniiliyasu@gmail.com

By Sunusi Abubakar, ACA

Had it not been for someone I deeply respect breaking the news of Professor K.I. Dandago’s passing to me might have left me harbouring resentment towards someone for a period of my life. I was utterly shocked by Prof’s death.

Professor K.I. Dandago, widely known in Nigeria and beyond, was a renowned academic whose character was exemplary among his peers.

Those who Prof K.I. Dandago taught will agree that one thing no one could take away from him was his ethics and sense of responsibility. The professor could stand in the rain or shine just to deliver a lecture. He could climb a 10-storey building merely to fulfil his duty. Despite being ill, Prof. often stood for nearly two hours to deliver a lecture to us when we were in level 400. He was always honest and sincere in his dealings.

My first encounter with Prof was in 2018 during a lecture on Ethical Issues in Accounting. I had the privilege of discussing with him the reason for my absence from a previous lecture. Even after I gave a genuine explanation, Prof insisted that I submit it formally so that he could verify its validity.

My second encounter was after a lecture at Northwest University (NWU)’s Main Campus. I asked him about the Big Four accounting firms in Nigeria. He shared extensive insights and even explained how he facilitated a business relationship between KPMG and a private university in Kano.

My relationship with Prof grew stronger and more personal during Level 400. During that time, I often visited his office for professional guidance. He graciously agreed to act as my professional referee when I began my journey with the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. The professor was instrumental in my path to becoming a chartered accountant and entering professional practice. I vividly remember him contacting the Principal Partner at Namadi Umar & Co. (Chartered Accountants) to secure my acceptance as an Audit Trainee. 

The last time we communicated was about my job application to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He assured me of his professional response and an academic recommendation. The last time I saw Prof was at a sensitisation lecture organised by the Faculty of SMS at NWU, Kano, where he served as a speaker and demonstrated his expertise in accounting and taxation, particularly regarding the new tax laws.

My relationship with Prof. was not merely that of a student and a lecturer, nor solely that of a mentor and a mentee; it was akin to that of a father and a son. The professor helped me in every possible way. I owe him a profound debt for living this life with honesty, accountability, and sincerity of purpose.

May He grant him Jannatul Firdaus and give us the fortitude to bear this irreplaceable loss.

Sunusi Abubakar, ACA, wrote from Birnin Kudu, Jigawa State.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

At a time when many are engulfed with fear of impending internal rancour that is probably capable of causing disunity and despair among key players, a time of reorganisation of the political landscape at both the national and subnational levels, comes a unifying figure who brings solutions to the upheaval experienced, particularly in the recent electoral outing.

The political atmosphere, particularly in Bauchi State, is known for turbulence and vested interests. As the state faces numerous challenges that demand more urgent structural readjustment, this is pertinent, and it raises the question of who can deliver these set goals. That is why Bala Wunti matters.

Among the political players who roll up their sleeves in aspiration to win elections, one critical issue is the unity of purpose. Unity against the monster of poverty, insecurity, hunger, unemployment, and others that are clogging the wheel of our development.

There are individuals whose presence answers questions that institutions struggle with and whose conduct reassures even the most cynical that character still matters in public life. Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti belongs to that rare category. His story is not merely one of rise, but of formation. It is a journey shaped by early trials, sharpened by discipline, and guided by a clarity of purpose that has endured across decades.

Born into circumstances that offered little advantage, early life required resilience and self-reliance. Throughout his life, it has been punctuated by uncertainty. Yet, instead of breeding bitterness, these experiences shaped restraint, empathy, and a steady internal discipline that would later guide his every choice. Where others might have faltered, he remained composed. Where others might have hardened, he stayed measured.

Profile, professional and industry roles

His pursuit of education must be seen in that light. It was not a smooth path through institutions, but a determined journey through obstacles. From his studies in Chemistry at Ahmadu Bello University to advanced training in management at Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University and beyond, each step reflected commitment, not convenience. What emerged was not simply an educated man, but a prepared mind, one that understands complexity, respects structure, and values clarity over noise. In a world that often rewards speed, he chose depth. In a system that often tolerates shortcuts, he insisted on process.

When he joined the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited in 1994, he entered one of the most demanding environments in the country. He did not arrive at prominence; he earned it. From his early role as the Production Programming Officer to his eventual position as Chief Upstream Investment Officer, his trajectory shows a rare pattern in public service: steady progress built on competence rather than visibility. He learned the system from within, understood its contradictions, and positioned himself not as a spectator but as a contributor to its reform. While others chased recognition, he built relevance. While others pursued titles, he mastered responsibility.

His contributions to the oil and gas sector are best measured through results. He was part of efforts that strengthened investment frameworks, restored operational discipline, and brought structure to systems long plagued by inconsistency. Initiatives such as Operation White did more than fix technical inefficiencies. They proved that accountability was possible, even in the most complex spaces. In a sector where decisions carry national consequences, his approach has always been cautious, forward-thinking, and committed to long-term value over short-term applause. That distinction separates those who merely manage systems from those who shape them.

Yet reducing his life to professional milestones would miss the larger picture. What distinguishes Bala Wunti is not only what he has done within institutions, but what he has done beyond them. The memory of hardship has stayed with him, not as a weight, but as a compass. It informs his giving, shapes his interactions, and explains the consistency of his interventions in others’ lives. His philanthropy is not occasional; it is part of who he is. Students have been supported, communities uplifted, and individuals in distress assisted through actions that are rarely announced but widely felt. The recent support for students across tertiary institutions is not a single act; it is part of a pattern that reflects a deep conviction: opportunity should not be determined by circumstance alone. Many give when it is convenient. He gives because it is necessary.

There is also a discipline in his personal conduct that deserves attention. He does not champion causes he does not believe in. He does not bend for advantage. In a political and professional culture where flexibility is often mistaken for wisdom, this restraint is rare and powerful. It gives his actions credibility and his decisions weight. His faith, central to his life, reinforces this clarity. It is visible not only in words, but also in choices that remain steady under pressure.

When he stepped out of public service on May 30, 2025, he did so quietly. There was no spectacle, no fanfare. The moment felt calm but confident, the kind of confidence that comes from knowing your work speaks for itself. Influence does not depend on the office, and in his case, it had already moved beyond it. What he carries into the next phase is not a title, but a reservoir of experience, credibility, and trust. These qualities are far more valuable than any position could ever be.

The emerging political conversation around Bauchi State must be seen through this lens. The state is no longer at a point where familiar patterns can be recycled without consequence. The challenges are deeper, expectations sharper, and the margin for error thinner. This is not a time for comfort; it is a time for deliberate choice. What is required is not just political skill, but administrative depth, economic understanding, and the ability to translate intention into results.

Bala Wunti presents a compelling case, not because he seeks attention, but because his life commands consideration. He understands systems at a level that allows him to engage governance beyond slogans. He has managed scale and complexity in ways that meet the demands of statecraft. He carries a social awareness rooted in lived experience rather than abstract empathy. Most importantly, he stands outside the entrenched rivalries that have defined political competition in the state. That distance is not detachment; it is clarity. It allows him to be seen not as a continuation of old conflicts, but as a bridge beyond them.

The argument for his consideration is therefore not emotional, even though his story moves the heart. It is rational, grounded, and difficult to dismiss. It rests on capacity, consistency, and a record that proves he can think, act, and deliver. In a context where trust is scarce, his credibility becomes stabilising. In a climate where division is costly, his neutrality is strategic. At a time that demands both firmness and thoughtfulness, his temperament aligns perfectly with the responsibility ahead.

This is not to suggest perfection. Leadership is not shown by ambition; it is revealed by preparation. In his case, the evidence is alive. From a childhood shaped by absence to a career defined by impact, his path is intentional, tested, refined, and sustained.

Bauchi faces a choice deeper than personalities. It is a choice between repetition and recalibration, between what is familiar and what is necessary. If the state is to move toward a future defined by stability, competence, and inclusive progress, it must recognise preparation when it sees it.

In Bala Wunti, experience, character, and capacity converge in a rare combination. He does not need to declare his worth. It is evident in the systems he has strengthened, the lives he has impacted, and the consistency he has maintained. The question, therefore, is not whether he has something to offer. The question is whether Bauchi is ready to choose what it truly needs.

If so, the answer is already in front of it.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com. 

By Khalid Imam 

Arguably, in Kano and beyond, if one is searching for one of the most consistent and dominant pioneering female Hausa Muslim broadcasters—whose eloquent voice has shaped and continues to shape generations through a myriad of captivating radio and TV programs—there is no doubt that such a singular, towering presence belongs to the revered and tireless Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi. She is an iconic, multi-talented veteran journalist who is retired but not tired. Hajiya Galadanchi, who spent six decades as a powerful influence and household name synonymous with Radio Kano, a station popularly known as Gidan Bello Dandago, is a popular figure known for her uncommon courage and unshakable faith in God.

An all-round journalist whose foray spans both print and broadcast media, the legendary Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi, popularly known as an anchor of Filin Zaɓi Son Ka, among other programs, began her career as a health worker. Out of a deep passion for the media, she metamorphosed into one of the most dedicated and accomplished radio and television personalities. A skilled radio dramatist, she began her journey into journalism by writing life-transformative articles, mostly addressing issues related to women and children, over half a dozen decades now in the pages of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. Hajiya Galadanchi ventured into public service in 1964 as a health worker at Marmara Hospital and was later posted to several other hospitals within the old Kano City, where she served with remarkable zeal and dedication.

After joining Radio Kano at the age of 35, initially not as a full-time staff member, she handled women’s programs on Thursdays and children’s programs on Fridays as her first assignments. Thereafter, she went on to anchor and contribute to several notable programs, including Ruguntsumin Salla. Through Zaɓen Sada Zumunci, she mentored many female broadcasters, including Mariya Ummakati. Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi is undoubtedly one of the pioneering Hausa Muslim female broadcasters and can rightly be described as a glass-ceiling breaker, having opened the floodgates for the rise and dominance of women in radio and TV broadcasting in Kano today, many of whom now occupy enviable positions as directors within the public and private media ecosystem in Kano and beyond.

No doubt, her persistent voice is a testimony to a living era, one well-defined by knowledge, brilliance, advocacy, and deep love for culture and the uniqueness of Kano’s traditional ways of life. She mentors the womenfolk on the complexities of managing the home: living with a husband and his relatives, navigating life with co-wives, and raising a successful family. She constantly discusses topics such as pregnancy, childcare, and parenting, while teaching women, especially the young, the best of Hausa traditional cookery, including dishes served during festive seasons and ceremonies.

Acknowledged for her honesty, courage, faith, patience, loyalty, dedication, and respect for time, she was also famously known as one of the first women to ride a bicycle and drive a car in Kano City, being among the few female pioneers to be educated in Western schools in the old Kano City. Hajiya Mariya was born at Kankarofi Ward 97 years ago, in Kano Municipal LGA.

Among the dignitaries who graced the special celebration of the life and times of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi were the Honourable Commissioner of Information, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya; Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu, former Vice-Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria; Prof. Abdulrashid Garba, Vice-Chancellor of Khalifa Isyaku Rabi’u University, Kano (KHAIRUN); and Malam Ibrahim Khalil, among other seasoned and distinguished media practitioners too numerous to mention.

During the event professionally curated by an erudite academic, seasoned broadcaster and popular columnist, Malam Bala Muhammad as a Master of the Ceremony, there was a special appeal to the Kano State Government to name the road between Diso and the junction of Hasiya Bayero—or any other notable monument in Kano—after the veteran broadcaster, Hajiya Mariya. Again, Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu also called on the organisers to establish a fellowship in her name to promote young female journalists in Kano.

Alhaji Dr Aminu Ladan Abubakar (Alan Waƙa), Sarkin Adabin Harshen Hausa; Mudassir Ƙassim; and Hajiya Fati Nijer thrilled the audience with scintillating songs. Hajiya Rabi Tanko Yakasai, a close associate of the celebrant, also spoke on Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi’s political activism through Jam’iyyar Matan Arewa, urging young females from the North to emulate her.

The Commissioner of Information, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi as a shining example of a female journalist of great substance and announced the Kano State Government’s donation of ₦10 million as a take-off fund for the proposed Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi Young Female Journalist Fellowship Fund.

The Kano community celebration of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi at 97, which was attended in large numbers by media practitioners, academics, the ulama, the celebrant’s family and friends, and people from all walks of life, could best be described as a huge success. Dozens of goodwill messages were received, especially from notable female broadcasters in Kano, who expressed deep appreciation for the pioneering mentorship role Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi has tirelessly played.

Some of the major highlights among the series of fascinating activities that made the event memorably captivating were the keynote speech presented by Hajiya A’isha Sule; two separate audio and audiovisual documentaries were presented to the patient audience on the life and times of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi; and special tributes from both senior and young female broadcasters by Hajiya Hafsah Iliyasu and Hajiya Zainab Sherif, respectively. 

There was also a stimulating panel discussion featuring Maryam Babayaro, Dr Fatima Damagun, A’isha Bello Mahmud, A’isha Sule, and A’isha Usman, moderated by Hajiya Mariya Bakori from Katsina State. To allow feedback from the massive audience, there was a Q&A session, the presentation of awards, and a plaque to the celebrant, led by Malam Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil and Malam Abubakar Darma. The event ended with an exhibition of Hajiya Mariya Galadanchi’s memorabilia, which included her photos, sound bites, broadcast archives, and merit awards.

Khalid Imam is a Kano-based writer, educator and President of Kano Literary Space. He can be reached via email: khalidimam2002@gmail.com.