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By Martha Adamu

The question of whether skills or degrees hold more importance has been a topic of heated discussion among Nigerians, particularly on social media platforms, for quite some time now. While some argue that possessing a degree is the key to success, others insist that acquiring skills is the way forward. However, the real question is, why must we choose between the two? This dichotomy has sparked intense debate, with each side presenting compelling arguments. On one hand, degrees provide a solid foundation in a specific field, demonstrating one’s commitment and understanding of theoretical concepts.

Degrees open doors to various career opportunities and are often a prerequisite for many professions. Moreover, degrees equip individuals with critical thinking, problem-solving, and research skills, essential for navigating complex work environments. However, critics argue that degrees alone are no longer sufficient in today’s fast-paced, ever-evolving work environment. They point to the numerous graduates struggling to find employment, despite holding impressive academic credentials. This has led many to question the relevance of degrees in the modern job market.

On the other hand, skills enable individuals to apply theoretical knowledge practically. They make one more employable, increasing their chances of securing better job opportunities. In today’s economy, skills such as coding, digital marketing, and data analysis have become highly sought after. Many successful entrepreneurs and professionals attribute their success to acquiring valuable skills, rather than relying solely on their degrees. Moreover, skills provide adaptability and flexibility, allowing individuals to pivot into different industries and roles.

Rather than pitting degrees against skills, why not combine the two? Students should strive to acquire relevant skills while pursuing their degrees. This synergy will make them more attractive to potential employers and better equipped to tackle real-world challenges. Universities and institutions can play a vital role by incorporating practical training and internship programs into their curricula. This hands-on experience will enable students to apply theoretical knowledge in real-world settings, bridging the gap between academics and industry requirements.

The acquisition of skills and knowledge should not stop after graduation. Professionals must continually update their skills to remain relevant in their respective fields. This mindset of lifelong learning will foster adaptability and resilience. Furthermore, vocational training and technical education should be encouraged and valued equally with traditional degree programs. This will provide individuals with specialized skills, enhancing their employability and contributing to the country’s economic growth.

To address the skills gap, the government and private sector must collaborate to provide training programs, scholarships, and apprenticeships. This support will empower individuals to acquire in-demand skills, boosting the nation’s economic competitiveness. Moreover, policymakers should reevaluate the education system to focus on producing well-rounded individuals with both theoretical knowledge and practical skills. By doing so, we can create a workforce capable of driving innovation and growth.

The education system should prioritize practical skills, theoretical knowledge, and lifelong learning. Educators and industry leaders must work together to develop curricula that reflect industry needs. This collaboration will ensure graduates are equipped with the skills required to succeed in the modern job market. Moreover, students should be encouraged to explore various fields and interests, developing a range of skills that make them adaptable and versatile.

In conclusion, the debate should not be about skills or degrees, but rather how to effectively combine both to produce competent, adaptable, and innovative professionals. As we navigate the rapidly changing landscape of work, it is crucial that we prioritize practical skills, theoretical knowledge, and lifelong learning. By doing so, we can create a workforce that drives economic growth, innovation, and prosperity for Nigeria.

Ultimately, the future of work depends on our ability to adapt and evolve. By combining degrees and skills, we can empower individuals to succeed in an ever-changing world. It is time to shift the focus from the debate to finding solutions. Students, educators, policymakers, and industry leaders must work together to create a workforce that combines the best of both worlds – degrees and skills. Only then can we unlock the full potential of Nigeria’s human capital.

Martha Adamu, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Aisha Kaumi Alkali

In the past, visiting libraries was a norm for students, who would spend hours poring over books, conducting research, and completing assignments. However, times have changed, and it appears we are losing our reading culture. This decline is alarming, and it’s essential we recognize the importance of reading in our personal and collective growth. Reading has been the foundation of knowledge acquisition, and its benefits extend beyond the individual to societal development.

Reading is fundamental to improving vocabulary, expanding knowledge, and broadening perspectives. Through books, we gain insight into diverse cultures, historical events, and the experiences of others. This understanding fosters empathy, tolerance, and informed decision-making. Moreover, reading enhances cognitive skills, memory, and critical thinking. It encourages analytical reasoning, problem-solving, and creativity. In an increasingly complex world, these skills are invaluable, enabling individuals to navigate challenges effectively.

Unfortunately, the rise of social media and digital entertainment has contributed significantly to the decline in reading. We spend hours scrolling through feeds, watching videos, and engaging in online discussions, often at the expense of meaningful reading. This trend is particularly concerning among young people, who are more likely to be influenced by digital media. A study revealed that many students struggle with comprehension and vocabulary due to limited reading habits. This deficiency can have long-term consequences, affecting academic performance and future opportunities.

To revive our reading culture, we must limit our social media usage and prioritize book reading. Setting aside dedicated time for reading each day can make a significant difference. This habit helps develop focus, concentration, and retention. Moreover, reading reduces stress and improves mental well-being. By incorporating reading into our daily routine, we can reap numerous benefits that enhance our quality of life.

Parents and educators play a vital role in promoting reading habits among children. Encouraging book clubs, reading competitions, and library visits can spark a lifelong love for reading. Schools should integrate reading into their curricula, ensuring students have access to diverse texts. This exposure broadens their understanding of the world and fosters critical thinking.

Moreover, reading about our history and cultural heritage is essential. It helps us understand our roots, appreciate our diversity, and learn from past experiences. Through literature, we gain insight into the struggles and triumphs of our ancestors, enabling us to appreciate our collective identity.

Simply put, reviving our reading culture is crucial for intellectual growth, personal development, and societal progress. We must recognize the value of reading and make conscious efforts to incorporate it into our daily lives. By embracing reading, we can empower ourselves, our communities, and future generations.

The benefits of reading extend beyond individual growth to societal development. A well-read population is more informed, empathetic, and engaged. Reading fosters tolerance, reduces prejudice, and promotes understanding. In today’s increasingly polarized world, reading can bridge gaps and facilitate dialogue.

To achieve a reading culture, we must establish book clubs and reading groups, encourage library visits and research, set aside dedicated reading time, limit social media usage, promote reading competitions and awards, integrate reading into educational curricula, and support authors and publishers.

In summary, reviving our reading culture requires collective effort and commitment. We must prioritize knowledge acquisition, critical thinking, and intellectual growth. By doing so, we can create a society that values wisdom, creativity, and understanding, ensuring a brighter future for generations to come.

Aisha Kaumi Alkali, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Fatima Abdulmalik

The Northwestern part of Nigeria has been plagued by heinous crimes, including banditry, cattle rustling, kidnappings, and the rise of Lakurawa criminal gangs. These gangs claim to fight for religious reasons, but their actions only bring suffering to innocent civilians. The question on everyone’s mind is: why does the North always seem to be at the epicenter of these atrocities? This cycle of violence is rooted in power and control dynamics, where the perpetrators exert dominance over the victims through coercion and manipulation.

The North’s struggles with violence and crime have become a recurring nightmare. It’s imperative that we acknowledge the complexity of this issue and the need for collective action. We must address the root causes of this violence, including poverty, lack of education, and social inequality. By providing access to quality education and economic opportunities, we can empower the youth and reduce the appeal of criminal gangs. Effective leadership and collaboration are crucial in safeguarding the North. Leaders must put aside their differences and work towards a common goal: protecting their people.

To safeguard the North, we need to invest in education, economic empowerment, and social welfare programs. Community leaders play a vital role in promoting peace and stability. They must speak out against violence and encourage their followers to do the same. By fostering a culture of tolerance and understanding, we can break the cycle of violence and build a more harmonious society. Security forces must intensify their efforts to combat crime and protect civilians. This includes intelligence gathering, strategic operations, and community engagement.

The youth are the future of the North, and it’s essential that we empower them with education, skills, and opportunities. By doing so, we can redirect their energy towards positive change and development. We must also address the economic and social factors that drive young people to join criminal gangs. This includes providing job opportunities, vocational training, and mentorship programme.

Understanding the cycle of abuse is crucial in addressing the North’s violence. The cycle consists of tension building, acute battering incident, and reconciliation. Recognizing these stages can help individuals and communities break free from the cycle of violence. Support from healthcare providers, professional counselors, and domestic violence organizations is vital in ending the cycle of abuse.


In conclusion, the North’s cry for help requires collective action from all stakeholders to address the overwhelming problems plaguing the region. It’s imperative that leaders, community members, organizations, and individuals put aside their differences and work towards a common goal: safeguarding the North. This collaborative effort will empower the youth, promote peace and stability, and break the cycle of violence. Effective stakeholder engagement is crucial in achieving this goal. By identifying and prioritizing key stakeholders, the North can develop a comprehensive plan to address the root causes of its problems.

This includes investing in education, economic empowerment, and social welfare programs. Community leaders must speak out against violence and encourage their followers to do the same, fostering a culture of tolerance and understanding. By addressing these areas, stakeholders can create a safer, more prosperous North. The international community must also support Nigeria’s efforts to address these challenges. Simply put, we can break the cycle of violence and build a brighter future for the North.


Fatima Abdulmalik, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Anwar Usman

Peter Obi, the 2023 Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party (LP), and former Kano State governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, have formally joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC).

Kwankwaso and Obi, were officially registered as members of the party on Sunday at its national secretariat in Abuja, where they obtained their membership cards, signalling their formal entry into the party.

It was reported that, Kwankwaso received his membership card first, followed by Obi, as party officials and supporters witnessed the process.

Their defection followed Obi’s resignation from the African Democratic Congress (ADC), due to internal wrangling, while Kwankwaso had earlier revealed that he was engaged in “wide-ranging consultations” with the NDC.

The development follows a closed-door meeting held just hours earlier between the two leaders and top figures of the NDC at the Abuja residence of the party’s National Leader and former Bayelsa State governor, Seriake Dickson.

The meeting, which took place at Dickson’s residence in Abuja, is believed to be part of broader efforts to consolidate opposition forces and build a formidable coalition ahead of the next general elections.

By Anwar Usman

Key political figures on Sunday, attended a  closed-door meeting between former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and the National Leader of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, Seriake Dickson, in Abuja.

The 2023 governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano State,  Nasiru Gawuna alongside former Adamawa State governorship candidate, Aishatu Binani; ex-lawmaker representing Zamfara Central Senatorial District, Kabir Marafa; and the Senator representing Anambra Central, Victor Umeh were all seen at the meeting.

The meeting, held at Dickson’s residence in Abuja, is believed to be part of ongoing political realignments among opposition figures ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The two former governors  had earlier arrived at Dickson’s residence with a crowd of supporters under the Obi-Kwankwaso Movement, who chanted “O-K is okay” as the two leaders were ushered into the premises.

The development comes barely 24 hours after the Secretary of the Board of Trustees of the New Nigeria People’s Party, Buba Galadima, disclosed that two prominent politicians would unveil a new political platform on Monday, further fuelling speculation over an emerging opposition coalition.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

As Nigeria moves gradually toward the 2027 general election, the most consequential political drama may not be unfolding within the ruling party, but among those seeking to unseat it. Across the opposition space, there is visible movement: coalition talks, strategic meetings, defections, counter-defections, legal disputes and renewed ambitions. Yet beneath all the activity lies an old and stubborn question: can Nigeria’s opposition finally unite around a credible alternative, or will familiar rivalries once again deliver victory to the incumbent?

The latest controversy surrounding Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s political future has brought that question sharply into focus. Reports recently circulated that the former Kano State governor and his political associates were considering leaving the African Democratic Congress (ADC) for another platform, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), citing fears that the ADC had become vulnerable to legal complications and possible political sabotage. The speculation intensified after statements from individuals linked to the Kwankwasiyya movement suggested fresh political calculations were underway.

Kwankwaso himself later issued a clarification. He stated that no final decision had been taken regarding his political future or that of his associates, while confirming that consultations were ongoing with stakeholders across multiple parties. It was a carefully worded intervention. It neither closed the door to the ADC nor ruled out future movement elsewhere. In effect, it confirmed what many political observers already suspected: Nigeria’s opposition remains in a season of negotiation rather than consolidation.

For many Nigerians dissatisfied with the current direction of governance, the ADC had recently emerged as a possible umbrella for a broad anti-incumbent coalition. With the Peoples Democratic Party weakened by years of internal crisis and the Labour Party still struggling to convert popularity into a nationwide structure, the ADC appeared to offer something useful: a relatively fresh platform around which major opposition actors could gather.

But Nigerian political history offers a warning. Coalitions are easiest to announce and hardest to sustain.

The challenge before the ADC was never simply about attracting prominent names. It was always about managing them. Once major political figures occupy the same platform, difficult questions naturally arise. Who gets the presidential ticket? Which region should produce the candidate? Who controls party machinery? Who funds mobilisation? Who steps down for whom? These are not procedural details. They are often the very fault lines that break apart coalitions.

Kwankwaso’s position illustrates this reality. He remains one of the most significant opposition actors in northern Nigeria, with a loyal political base that has survived multiple party transitions. The Kwankwasiyya movement has demonstrated unusual cohesion and emotional commitment over the years. That makes him valuable to any coalition seeking national competitiveness.

Yet his role also generates tension. Admirers see him as experienced, disciplined and electorally relevant. Critics see him as a strategic power broker whose bargaining posture can complicate broader unity efforts. Social media reactions to the latest controversy reflect this divide. Some accuse him of prioritising leverage over coalition stability. Others argue that he is merely refusing to lead his supporters into another uncertain political arrangement.

Both arguments contain elements of truth. No serious opposition coalition can ignore Kwankwaso’s political weight. But no coalition can thrive if every major actor insists on maximum personal advantage.

Peter Obi presents a different but equally important dimension of the opposition equation. He commands strong youth enthusiasm, urban support and reform-minded voters who remain deeply invested in his message. His appeal extends beyond conventional party structures and taps into a wider demand for cleaner governance and fiscal discipline.

But Obi’s popularity also raises difficult coalition questions. Can a politician with genuine national momentum agree to play a subordinate role in a unity arrangement? Can rival blocs accept him as lead candidate? Can supporters who see him as a transformative figure embrace compromise for strategic reasons?

This is where opposition politics in Nigeria repeatedly encounters its greatest obstacle. Many leaders endorse unity in theory, but hesitate when unity demands sacrifice in practice.

Perhaps the most revealing aspect of Kwankwaso’s recent statement was the emphasis on legal uncertainty. He referenced court rulings, disputes over party legitimacy and fears that political platforms could be weakened through prolonged litigation. Whether one accepts that interpretation or not, the perception itself is politically significant.

In politics, uncertainty can be as damaging as defeat. If opposition actors begin to believe that party platforms are unstable or vulnerable, they will spend more time shopping for alternatives than building durable institutions. Time that should be used to mobilise voters gets consumed by legal consultations. Energy that should be spent presenting policy alternatives is diverted into internal survival battles.

While opposition figures debate platforms and personalities, the ruling All Progressives Congress quietly benefits from something often underestimated in Nigerian politics: structure. Incumbency provides access to nationwide networks, state-level influence, mobilisation machinery and the psychological confidence that comes with power.

The APC does not necessarily need the opposition to disappear. It only needs the opposition to remain divided.

That is why many analysts argue that the greatest ally of incumbency is not popularity, but fragmentation among rivals. If 2027 becomes a contest between one organised ruling machine and several competing opposition ambitions, the arithmetic naturally favours the government. If it becomes a disciplined one-on-one contest built around a credible coalition, the political equation changes considerably.

The decline of the PDP has made this moment even more significant. Once the dominant national platform for anti-government sentiment, the party now appears burdened by unresolved disputes, declining elite confidence and repeated internal turbulence. That vacuum created the opening for newer coalition experiments such as the ADC.

But replacing the PDP as a headline platform is easier than replacing it as an electoral structure. National parties are built ward by ward, polling unit by polling unit, not merely through high-profile defections and conference-room agreements. The opposition still lacks a clearly dominant institutional vehicle.

If opposition leaders are serious about challenging the APC in 2027, three urgent tasks stand before them. First, they must settle on a credible platform early and avoid endless migration between parties. Constant movement signals instability to voters. Second, they must resolve leadership questions through transparent negotiation rather than ego-driven public contests. Third, they must move beyond elite arithmetic and present a practical agenda on inflation, jobs, insecurity, electricity and governance reform.

Many Nigerians are frustrated with present realities. But frustration alone does not automatically translate into votes for the opposition. Citizens may desire change and still distrust the alternatives before them.

The latest Kwankwaso controversy is therefore not merely about one politician considering another party. It is about a deeper truth in Nigerian politics: opposition forces often agree on what they oppose, but struggle to agree on what they want to build.

That remains the central dilemma of 2027.

If unity prevails, the election could become genuinely competitive. If ambition prevails, the ruling party may receive another gift from its opponents—without having to ask for one.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Dahiru Kasimu Adamu 

The Sokoto Advancement Forum has postponed its scheduled summit on youth drug abuse in Sokoto State following a last-minute denial of its venue.

The brainstorming session, aimed at examining the growing challenge of drug abuse among Sokoto youth, was slated for today, May 2, 2026, at the Sokoto Guest Inn. This was according to an earlier press release signed by Associate Professor Sajo Muhammad Sanyinna, Chairman of the Forum’s Media and Publicity Team.

However, the event was abruptly called off after the management of the Guest Inn informed organisers late Friday evening that the programme could not be held.

Addressing journalists at the venue, Professor Riskuwa, speaking for the Forum, thanked invited guests and members of the press for honouring the invitation and apologised for the inconvenience.

“Sokoto Advancement Forum thanks our invited guests for honouring our invitation to this brainstorming session on curbing drug abuse. Due to unforeseen circumstances, we have had to postpone this activity to a later date,” Prof. Riskuwa said. 

He added: “Details of the reasons behind this postponement will be issued to newsmen. Once again, we sincerely apologise for the inconvenience. In sha Allah, we will keep you informed of the new date and venue for the brainstorming session, as well as of all our future activities. We pray Almighty Allah continues to bless our state and guide us to the right path.”

An apology letter signed by the Forum’s Secretary-General confirmed the development. It stated that the management of Sokoto Guest Inn contacted the Forum late on Friday, May 1, 2026, directing that the programme not be held. The hotel refunded the fees paid for the venue and, according to the letter, “stated clearly that the powers that be have insisted against the conduct of the brainstorming session.”

“It is pertinent to mention that all necessary arrangements were made for the conduct of the programme, but late evening of Friday, 1 May 2026, the attention of the Forum was drawn by management of Sokoto Guest Inn that the programme should not hold,” the letter read.

The Forum emphasised its non-partisan stance and reaffirmed its commitment to the development of Sokoto State.

“It is worth mentioning that Sokoto Advancement Forum remains undaunted in its commitment to contribute its quota to the development of Sokoto State in all areas of human endeavour. The Forum has remained non-partisan and will continuously seek the support of Government and all patriotic citizens in pursuit of its objectives,” the statement added.

Efforts to get a response from Sokoto Guest Inn on the reasons or individuals behind the venue denial were unsuccessful at press time.

However, some members of the Forum, who spoke off the record and requested anonymity, blamed political actors they believe view the Forum as a threat. They cited previous difficulties in securing venues in their earlier programs, noting that the current event was earlier scheduled to be held at Umaru Ali Shinkafi Polytechnic before “some issues arose” that forced a change.

“Even this event was earlier scheduled to be held at Umaru Ali Shinkafi Polytechnic, but some issues arose, and we were denied,” one member said.

The Sokoto Advancement Forum comprises high-profile figures, intellectuals from institutions within and outside Sokoto, and Islamic clerics. The Forum, which describes itself as non-partisan, was said to have organised the summit in response to rising criminal activity and in light of the 2027 political atmosphere, to engage stakeholders in tackling the menace of drug abuse in the state.

Before the postponement, the venue was already filled with distinguished attendees. Islamic scholars, including Professor Mansur Ibrahim Sokoto, MNI, as well as intellectuals from institutions within and outside Sokoto, high-profile dignitaries, members of the press from local, national, and international media organisations, and prominent social media influencers, had all arrived to cover the event.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

In politics, timing is everything; at the same time, timing alone is never enough.

The defection of Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed (Kauran Bauchi) to the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) has continued to generate debate. With key loyalists reportedly moving with him, what initially appeared as a risky political leap is now being interpreted by some as a calculated repositioning.

But beneath the surface of strategy lies a more complex electoral reality, one that could ultimately decide whether this move succeeds or collapses. At the heart of the argument is the voter.

While Bauchi State has seen moments when lesser-known parties gained traction, particularly at the legislative level, where individuals have won seats in the State House of Assembly outside dominant party structures, statewide or nationwide politics operate on a far wider and more demanding scale.

The dynamics are different. The visibility is broader. The stakes are higher. And most importantly, party identity still carries significant weight.

At the level of electoral reality, however, the risks cannot be dismissed. Nigerian elections—especially at the governorship level—are still heavily influenced by party identity. Voters, particularly in rural strongholds, often associate credibility with established platforms rather than emerging ones.

In that sense, defecting to a less dominant structure, such as the Allied Peoples Movement, introduces an immediate disadvantage: the loss of automatic party loyalty.

Campaigning under such conditions creates a double burden. It is no longer just about selling a candidate—it is about introducing and legitimising a political platform simultaneously. That dual responsibility can stretch time, resources, and political influence thin, especially in a competitive race involving the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the emerging coalition around the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

From this view, the move carries a real risk of political isolation if voter perception does not align quickly enough with elite-level strategy.

Yet, it would be premature to interpret the move purely as risk. Nigerian political history also rewards early structural repositioning. Movements that eventually became influential often began as unpopular or misunderstood alignments.

In that context, Gov. Kaura’s move may be less about immediate electoral gain and more about long-term political architecture—building a platform where loyalty is personal, structure is controlled, and direction is defined internally rather than inherited from party hierarchies.

There is also a strategic possibility that this move is an attempt to build or shape a movement similar in political culture, if not in scale, to the Kwankwasiyya associated with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a structure rooted in identity, loyalty, and grassroots emotional connection rather than party stability alone.

If sustained, such a model can evolve into a political identity strong enough to survive beyond a single election cycle. But like all movements, it requires time, consistency, and deep voter penetration.

If the electorate does not understand or accept the new platform in time, the strategy weakens. If the structure grows slowly but steadily, the strategy strengthens. Either outcome is possible.

Because while elite political calculations move fast, voter acceptance does not. And in elections, voters, not strategy rooms, ultimately decide outcomes. So, is Gov. Kaura’s defection a political suicide or a stitch in time?

From one angle, it introduces clear electoral risks that cannot be ignored. From another, it suggests a longer-term ambition to build something more controlled and identity-driven. Both interpretations hold weight.

So whether this move is a masterstroke or a misstep remains uncertain. The calculations may be clear. The intentions may be bold. But in politics, certainty is a luxury.

For now, all eyes remain on the unfolding reality… because, in the end, time will tell.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Jos, Nigeria, via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Lamara Garba

There is something sacred about ink when it refuses to lie.

There is something stubborn about truth when it insists on being heard, even in the presence of guns, prisons, and power.

And there is something profoundly human about the journalist, who stands between silence and society, choosing again and again to speak.

Perhaps we often forget how this day itself came to be. It was the United Nations, at its 1993 General Assembly, that proclaimed every 3rd of May as World Press Freedom Day, a date set aside not for ceremony alone, but for reflection, resistance, and renewal of commitment to the ideals of a free press.

This year’s theme, “Shaping a Future at Peace,” is not a slogan to be admired from a distance. It is a challenge. It is a responsibility. It is a warning. It reminds the world that journalism, free expression, and access to information are not just democratic ornaments but powerful instruments for peace, security, sustainable development, and economic recovery. At a time when global press freedom is increasingly under pressure, the theme speaks directly to a fragile world struggling to hold itself together.

Peace is not built in silence.

Peace is built in truth.

On this year’s World Press Freedom Day, the words of the European Union arrive not as distant diplomacy but as a moral echo of a world in distress: democracy cannot exist without a free press. That is not poetry. That is not theory. That is survival.

A nation without a free press is not a nation at all. It is a carefully managed illusion.

The European Union reminds us, with the clarity of law and the urgency of conscience, that independent media is not a luxury. It is not decoration. It is the spine of democracy. Freedom of expression is not a polite suggestion; it is a fundamental human right. And when that right is bruised, beaten, or buried, the entire body of society limps.

Yet, across continents and conflict zones, the journalist has become both witness and victim.

In the rubble and fire of Gaza, no fewer than over 100 journalists have been killed since the escalation of war, making it one of the deadliest places on earth for the press in modern history. These were not soldiers. They carried no weapons. Their only armour was a camera, a notebook, and courage. Still, they fell.

In the long and grinding war in Ukraine, more than 15 journalists have lost their lives, caught in the crossfire of a conflict that has redrawn maps and erased lives. Each death is a page torn from the book of truth, each silence a victory for darkness.

And beyond the bombs and bullets, in quieter but no less dangerous ways, journalists across the world face abuse, harassment, detention, and exile. Hundreds, well over 300 annually, are subjected to intimidation, a chilling reminder that repression does not always wear the uniform of war. Sometimes it wears a suit, signs a law, or hides behind a keyboard.

The UNESCO has repeatedly warned that the world is witnessing an alarming rise in attacks on journalists, especially women, who endure not only professional risks but targeted gender-based violence and online abuse designed to silence them.

Silence, after all, is the ultimate goal.

And yet, silence is what the journalist refuses.

In Nigeria, the story is painfully familiar.

We recall the troubling case of Agba Jalingo, a journalist who was arrested and detained for months over his reporting on alleged corruption. His ordeal was not just about one man. It was about a system uneasy with scrutiny. It was about the price of asking questions in a space where answers are often guarded like state secrets.

But even within this difficult landscape, voices of reform continue to rise.

The President of the Nigeria Union of Journalists, Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, has re-echoed the urgent need for a truly free press in Nigeria, insisting that democracy in the country will remain fragile without journalists who can operate without fear. He has also drawn attention to a quieter crisis within the profession itself: the poor working conditions faced by many Nigerian journalists.

From irregular salaries to the absence of adequate insurance and welfare packages, the reality for many practitioners is harsh and discouraging. Abdullahi’s call is clear and necessary that the dignity of the journalist must be restored, that media owners and stakeholders must rise to their responsibility, and that no society can expect courage from a press that is neglected and unprotected.

Because a hungry journalist is vulnerable.

And a vulnerable journalist is easily silenced.

The European Union’s statement goes further, pointing to a dangerous trend: the rise of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, legal weapons used not to seek justice, but to intimidate journalists into silence. Add to that the growing flood of disinformation, propaganda disguised as news, and the deliberate erosion of trust in credible media, and one begins to see the battlefield has expanded.

Truth itself is under siege.

And in this siege, the journalist stands as both witness and shield.

There is a philosophical burden here, one that goes beyond headlines and deadlines. The journalist is not merely a recorder of events but a custodian of memory. When societies forget, it is often because someone was prevented from writing. When injustice thrives, it is often because someone was stopped from reporting.

So, to attack a journalist is not just to harm an individual. It is to wound history. It is to distort reality. It is to gamble with the future.

The European Union, in reaffirming its commitment to defending free and independent journalism, aligns itself with institutions like the Council of Europe and the OSCE, recognizing that this fight is not regional but universal.

Because truth does not belong to Europe, or Africa, or Asia.

Truth belongs to humanity.

And here lies the deeper meaning of this year’s theme: a future at peace is not negotiated in secrecy, nor manufactured through propaganda. It is shaped in the open, through credible information, fearless reporting, and a society willing to confront its own realities.

Without a free press, there is no informed citizenry.

Without informed citizens, there is no accountability.

And without accountability, peace itself becomes an illusion.

So today, we do not merely celebrate the press.

We remember its martyrs.

We honour those who wrote until their last breath.

We stand with those who continue to report under threat.

And we ask ourselves, quietly but urgently: what kind of world do we want to live in?

One where truth is negotiated, edited, and suppressed?

Or one where it is pursued, protected, and proclaimed?

The answer lies not just in the newsroom, but in the conscience of every society.

For as long as a single journalist dares to write freely, hope remains alive.

And as long as hope remains alive, democracy still has a fighting chance.

Lamara Garba, a veteran journalist, is Director of Public Affairs at Bayero University, Kano.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

President Bola Tinubu has postponed his planned departure for an official visit to France, Kenya, and Rwanda.

Bayo Onanuga, the special adviser to the president on information and strategy, had earlier announced on Friday that Tinubu would leave Abuja on Saturday. He said the president would first head to France before travelling to Nairobi, Kenya, to attend the Africa-France summit.

However, Onanuga later issued another update on Saturday through his X handle. He stated that the president would now begin the trip on Sunday instead of the earlier scheduled date. He did not state any reason for the adjustment.

In the earlier statement, Onanuga explained that the Africa-France summit would be co-chaired by French President Emmanuel Macron and Kenyan President William Ruto. He said discussions at the meeting would cover energy transition, green industrialisation, digital transformation, restructuring of the global financing architecture, and climate action.

He added that Tinubu is expected to take part in the summit, which is billed for May 11 and May 12. The participation, he said, forms part of efforts to deepen strategic ties between Nigeria, other African nations, and France.

The summit carries the theme, “Africa forward: Africa-France partnerships for innovation and growth”. It will gather leaders from Africa and France to discuss issues such as economic transformation, climate resilience, infrastructure, youth development, technology, and peacebuilding.

Onanuga also disclosed that after the Kenya meeting, the president will travel to Kigali, Rwanda. There, he will attend the Africa CEO forum scheduled for May 14 and May 15.

The forum, with the theme “Scale or Fail”, will bring together business leaders, investors, and policymakers. They are expected to examine ways to boost economic growth through regional cooperation and cross-border investment.