Hausa-Fulani

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

“Change is the only constant in life,” -ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus.

The Danfodio Jihad, led by Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio in the early 19th century, had several prominent flag bearers. These individuals were given flags by Usman Dan Fodio as symbols of authority to lead the jihad in different regions. The most notable flag bearers include:

 1. Muhammad Moyijo – Kebbi

 2. Abu Hamid – Zamfara

 3. Ummaru Dallaji – Katsina

 4. Mallam Musa – Zauzau

 5. Mallam Isiyaka – Daura

 6. Mallam Suleiman – Kano

 7. Buba Yaro – Gombe

 8. Mallam Alimi – Ilorin

 9. Mallam Dendu – Nupe

 10. Mallam Yakubu – Bauchi

 11. Modibbo Adama – Adamawa

 12. Mallam Zaki – Katagun

 13. Mallam Sambo – Hadejia

 14. Mallam Dantunku – Kazaure

 15. Muhammad Manga – Misau

 16. Muhammad Wabi – Jama’are

 17. Muhammadu Namoda – Kauran Namoda

 18. Sambo Dan Ashafa – Yan’Doto

Over time, these scholars and leaders and their territories evolved from jihad leaders and scholars to traditional authorities—‘The Native Authority’—which the British later integrated into their indirect rule system. Emirs in the northern emirates wielded substantial power over their territories, overseeing local administration, tax collection, law enforcement, judicial authority, and maintaining order.

In 1976, during local government reforms under General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, the Native Authority system was formally replaced with a standardized, democratic local government structure across Nigeria.

Initially, emirates and chiefdoms in Nigeria had no graded ranks—only First Class Emirs, Chiefs, and Hakimis or Dakacis. Over time, a grading system (First, Second, and Third Class) was introduced, which the emirates, chiefdoms, and their people adapted to.

These territories witnessed the creation of states and local governments and the emergence of new emirates and chiefdoms. For instance, Gombe State now has nine first-class emirs:

 1. Abubakar Shehu-Abubakar: Emir of Gombe and Chairman of the State Council of Emirs and Chiefs

 2. HRH Alh. Abdulkadir Haruna Rasheed: Emir of Dukku

 3. Muhammad Kwairanga Abubakar: Emir of Funakaye

 4. HRH Ahmad Usman Mohammed: Emir of Deba

 5. Umar Muhammad Atiku: Emir of Akko

 6. HRH Alh. Adamu Haruna Yakubu: Emir of Pindiga

 7. HRH Alh. Umar Abdulsalam: Emir of Gona

 8. HRH Alh. Muhammed Dadum-Hamza: Emir of Nafada

 9. HRH Alh. Abubakar Ali: Emir of Yamaltu

Gombe State also has five chiefdoms: Mai Tangale, Folo Dadiya, Mai Kaltungo, Mai Tula, and Dala Waja. The Tula Chiefdom carved out of the Kaltungo Chiefdom, was created in 2001 by the Gombe State House of Assembly.

Similarly, Bauchi State has six first-class emirs: Bauchi, Katagum, Misau, Jama’are, Ningi, and Dass.

Borno, not part of the Danfodio Jihad, has eight emirates: Borno, Bama, Damboa, Dikwa, Biu, Askira, Gwoza, Shani, and Uba. The Uba Emirate was created in 1976.

The Kano Emirate has experienced the creation and abolition of emirates by successive governments. Governor Abubakar Rimi established new emirates in 1979, which Governor Sabo Bakin Zuwo reversed in 1983. Governor Abdullahi Ganduje recreated them, but only Governor Kabir Yusuf reversed the decision. On June 16, 2024, Kabir Yusuf signed the bill, creating Gaya, Rano, and Karaye as second-class emirates within Kano State. The Kano Emirate has navigated these changing times, which is inevitable!

As of April 25, 2023, there are 28 first-class traditional rulers in Nasarawa State. In April 2023, Governor Abdullahi Sule announced the elevation of the status of 22 traditional rulers in the state.

Taraba State has 56 graded chiefs: 6 first-class, nine second-class, and 40 third-class. Former Governor Darius Ishaku created 9 of the traditional chiefs.

Emirates and chiefdoms have transformed, their people have evolved, and their geography has been altered. Some were established during the Danfodio Jihad, others through historical processes, and some by administrative laws.

The Sardauna Province, with its emirates and chiefdoms in both Adamawa and Taraba states, is a product of recent history, created after the United Nations referendum of February 11, 1961, in which 59.97% voted to join Nigeria. Sir Ahmadu Bello promised that those who joined Nigeria would be granted a separate province with benefits similar to those of Northern Nigerians- thus, the present emirates and chiefdoms in the province.

Leaders with foresight accept change and encourage and push for it. It was reported that when the administration of former Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa State considered upgrading the Hama Bachama, Gangwari Ganye, Emir of Mubi, Amna Shelleng, Murum Mbula, and Kwandi Nunguraya (Chief of Lunguda Kingdom) to first-class status, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha also advised and encouraged the upgrading of the Hama Bata. Surprisingly, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha was the only first-class Emir in Adamawa State at the time, and his emirate was one of the largest in the Danfodio Dynasty, spanning parts of Cameroon, Chad, including Central Africa. 

When Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri announced the appointments of emirs and chiefs for two newly created emirates and four chiefdoms, some people questioned the appointment of His Royal Highness Sani Ribadu as the new Emir of Fufore Emirate. They overlooked and forgotten the fact that emirates and chiefdoms have evolved.

Individuals without royal lineage have become kings, emirs, and chiefs. Traditional titles are now more accessible, and the role of kingmakers has also evolved, with emirates and chiefdoms determining their kingmakers. Emirates, chiefdoms and kingdoms have evolved, their territories have transformed, and their people have embraced the inevitable changes of time.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir Wurno

I had the privilege of working in a private firm during a long break from medical school. It’s like a dream, being versatile and getting the opportunity to work as a marketing officer instead of holding a scalpel and stethoscope. It would allow me to enhance my communication skills and human relations, increase my networking, and learn to be more responsible and accountable.  

Indeed, it’s teaching me how to be more assertive and aggressive, unlike my initial shy character. I had to learn to sell my product, pressure people to pay me back, and say no to fraudulent transactions. Indeed, I am learning that there is a larger world outside of the hospital.

I had a firsthand experience of the reason why the ‘major’ Northern Nigerian tribes lag in terms of competitiveness in business, science, athletics, and education compared to our Southern counterparts and even the ‘minority’ tribes from the North. This is a sad reality and a bitter truth. I stand humbly to be corrected if my statement is far from fact.

I began this work not more than three months ago, but their level of humility and respect toward the bosses was something I had never seen. These people always greet their boss with respect. They respect their colleagues at work irrespective of their level. They attend to customers with courtesy and gentility. 

They have this attitude of taking their job seriously no matter how meagre their pay is. I have never heard any of them complaining about their pay despite having heard of numerous complaints from ‘my people’. Although I tried to arrive at the office at least 3 minutes before 8 a.m., thanks to my medical professional training, those people always arrived 15-20 minutes earlier. I observed this from the attendance record in front of the Security man.

This story was about our security man from the South-East. I used to see him working in the hospital where I lived (since I reside in the medical students’ hostel). He used to work with a private security company in Dutse, Jigawa State, working a shift daily between 8 pm and 5 am. I have known about this man for the past year. 

Surprisingly, we met in this company, too, working between 8 a.m. and 5 p.m. daily. When I enquired more about him, I discovered he was even managing a small trader kiosk in front of his house with his wife. The most astonishing part was that this same person has a National Diploma (ND) in Public Administration and is currently doing his part-time HND at Jigawa Polytechnic during the weekend studying Criminology.

It’s hard to instil this attitude of resilience in our people, who have families to feed while juggling two lowly-paying jobs that take up most of their daily lives and are also studying for personal development.

There was this teenage girl who was also of the same South-eastern origin. She was just out of secondary school. She was the company cleaner and one of the lowly paid staff. But this Lady took her job with every seriousness, coming out daily earlier before all others arrived, sweeping and cleaning the environment neatly, and even using pleasant deodorants. She would not disappear after all this but remain in the office until 2 pm if something arises.

This young lady preferred to come out every morning and do a lowly paying, menial job of cleaning the toilet and mopping floors to be paid ₦30,000 monthly to help her parents financially and felt proud of her achievement instead of sitting down at her mother’s room all day, wasting time of social media.

The spirit of humility and looking after one another was mind-blowing and pathetic whenever I remember ‘my people’ who constantly brag about good culture and religion. There was a time when this young cleaner was sick, and all the staff arrived one morning ready for work. So, we realised she was ill and, thus, absent. We were in this dilemma of what to do; what I saw next was astonishing: there was a group of about five young and classic ladies, all of whom were graduates of the university and among those highly paid in the office. 

Without delay, these ladies volunteer to bring out all the cleaning equipment and do the job wonderfully. Without telling, this thing happened in front of about three of the same young ladies from ‘my people’ despite being Diploma holders and one with even a secondary school certificate.

During my stay, I observed that these people were not very involved in office politics, gossiping and abusing bosses. They were not in the habit of making silly excuses just to move around. I have never observed anyone attempting to involve himself in any fraudulent act to cheat a customer or act against the established rules of company ethics.

From this alone, I have come to draw the answers to why most of the reputable private investment in this country is dominated by ‘those’ people. I have discovered why they dominate our banks, the FinTech, and most prominent organisations. I have seen the reason why they dominate our science and technology establishments. I have seen why they even dominate our athletes and sports sector.

The answer is relatively straight. It is simply character and nothing else. It is about our character, perception of life, and attitudes. It is all about their attitude of resilience, respect, humility, gratitude, and discipline.  Let’s learn and not use excuses or blame games.

Saifullahi Attahir Wurno wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com

By Hassan Abdulkadir

The Fulani are traditionally a nomadic, pastoralist trading people across the dry hinterlands of their domain. They are the largest nomadic ethnic group in the world, inhabiting several territories over an area larger than the continental United States.

The Fulani follow a code of behaviour known as “PULAAKU,” which encompasses patience, self-control, discipline, prudence, modesty, respect for others (including foes), wisdom, foresight, personal responsibility, hospitality, courage, and hard work.

It wouldn’t be fair to judge an entire faith, religion, or tribe by the actions of a few aberrant individuals. It is more just to evaluate them based on the scriptures and teachings of the faith or the traditions and conventions of the tribe. 

History has shown that some of the greatest massacres committed on this planet were by individuals like Adolf Hitler, a European Jewish Christian. However, his actions were never equated with his religion or tribe. 

Similarly, Benito Mussolini and Menachem Begin, who were responsible for numerous atrocities, were not judged by their faith or tribe. Yet, when a single Fulani or Muslim individual commits an act of terrorism, the entire religion (Islam) or tribe (Fulani) is unjustly blamed.

Moreover, the most infuriating aspect of this situation is that many of these individuals are brainwashed and used by heartless people who are not Fulani. For example, videos circulating online vividly demonstrate this is true. In one instance, an arrested Fulani man explains how much the masterminds paid him after abducting someone. 

The amount given to the Fulani men is not even a quarter of the ransom collected, yet they are still blamed. It’s important to note that some of them are forced into this due to intimidation and life threats by the gangsters. These masterminds exploit the Fulani and Bedouins because they know the bush well. 

For God’s sake, as educated, wise, and prudent individuals, how can anyone believe that the people they consider inept could successfully carry out such complex operations without being caught? They can’t even perfectly operate phones. This is unfair. Such acts require logic, strategies, and prudence. However, due to biased perspectives, Nigerians are generalising the entire tribe instead of targeting the deceived and manipulated individuals among them.

Candidly, the truth must be trumpeted. When our southern brothers say “Hausa-Fulani,” they’re not referring to the tribe but to a Muslim or Northerner, whom they consider terrorists, bandits, and so on. Meanwhile, in some parts of the southern region of this country, there are places where humans are slaughtered like animals. Generalising the Fulani as bandits and terrorists is truly unfair and unjust.

All the calamities this country, especially the North, has been facing—such as insecurity, insurgency, banditry, terrorism, and critical hardship—are not due to the Fulani people but are the result of politics, business, and the selfishness of our unpatriotic and tyrannical politicians.

I urge the youth to be patriotic, equip themselves with adequate and pure knowledge, and engage in politics. The rich also have a crucial role to play by sponsoring these energetic youths in politics for the betterment of our country and for the coming generations to flourish.

May Nigeria prosper and thrive, amin.

Hassan Abdulkadir wrote via hassanabdulqadeerabubakar@gmail.com.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

As a citizen of this great country, my dream of a united and prosperous Nigeria is not merely a wish but a vision that I believe is soon to become a reality. 

Nigeria’s diversity is one of its greatest strengths. With over 250 ethnic groups, various languages, and a vibrant tapestry of cultures, our nation possesses immense potential for creativity, innovation, and resilience. I firmly believe embracing and celebrating this diversity is vital to unity.

As a giant of Africa, Nigeria has abundant natural resources, including oil, minerals, and arable land. Our economy has the potential to thrive, create jobs, and improve the standard of living for all Nigerians. To realise this dream, we must invest in sustainable development, diversify our economy, and ensure that the wealth generated benefits all citizens.

Furthermore, A united and prosperous Nigeria must prioritise education and innovation. Our population is a valuable asset, and by providing quality education, vocational training, and support for research and development, we can unlock their potential and drive economic growth.

To achieve prosperity, we must demand transparency, accountability, and good governance from our leaders. A united Nigeria requires leaders who prioritise the welfare of the people, uphold the rule of law, and work tirelessly to eliminate corruption.

Security is a fundamental prerequisite for prosperity. We must address security challenges, promote peace, and foster an environment where businesses thrive, and citizens can live without fear. 

Investing in infrastructure, such as roads, healthcare facilities, and power generation, is essential for our nation’s progress. This improves the quality of life, attracts investments, and creates job opportunities.

Active participation of citizens in the democratic process is crucial. We must engage in dialogue, vote responsibly, and hold our leaders accountable for their actions to ensure that our collective dream is realised.

Together, we can build a Nigeria where every citizen enjoys the fruits of unity and prosperity and our nation stands as a beacon of hope and progress for all of Africa.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes and can be reached via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Suleiman

If you are conversant with the Arewa cyberspace, it will be surprising if you are unaware of the cliché, “Please, hide my identity.” It has gained so much currency (or notoriety) on Instagram, Facebook and Twitter. And it is mainly followed up with bad news, especially related to relationships and marriages – cases of incest, infidelity, marriage battery, heartbreaks and others.

People usually send their relationship or marital problems to popular social media pages or handles managed by self-styled marriage counsellors. These counsellors or opinion shapers then subject the problems to the public for solutions while hiding the identity of the sender of these problems.

Surprisingly, these people who found themselves in a toxic relationship or abusive marriage have parents or guardians who married them off to their spouses. Still, they many times seem to bypass them for advice or counselling.

They also rarely approach certified marriage counsellors or therapists for solutions. Therefore, the problem is thrown to the public, and with too many disjointed ideas or solutions, sieving the best solution to the peculiar problem becomes complicated.

Not so fast; how are we even sure these stories or problems are true? What if someone sits in the comfort of their room or basement and concocts these unfounded narratives to make the stories trend? Many people don’t check the logical validity or fallacy of these stories.

Social media gave everyone a platform to air or voice out their views. The problem with the advent of these platforms is not the access to information but rather the processing of information. Many people find it uneasy to check the authenticity of stories or the validity of statistics.

The blowback or unintended consequence of this ‘hide my identity’ trend is that it has made many young people consume many negative stories, thereby fuelling suspicion between both genders. Moreover, stories of successful and happy marriages have been in short supply. Therefore, some young people no longer see marriage as a worthwhile endeavour wherein you invest your patience, energy and prayers.

On the one hand, love movies from Nollywood, Bollywood or Kannywood made young people see marriage or relationship as a perfect bed of roses or land of Eldorado instead of the cocktail of happiness, sadness, compromises and sacrifices that it is.

On the other hand, ‘hide my identity’ stories have increasingly made partners or lovers dine with each other with a very long spoon. Each sees the other as a veiled threat or a potentially dangerous person. These trends have created overnight feminists and misogynists.

The above backdrop does not downplay the effects of abusive or toxic marriages or relationships that appropriate authorities could reasonably address – parents, guardians, certified counsellors or the court. However, young people must be guided on what marriage entails, its prospects and its challenges. They need a direction or triangulation amidst a plethora of negative information and scary marital or relationship stories.

They should also be fed with successful marital examples or stories and the possibility of a happy marriage. And this makes parenting a more difficult task in our contemporary world.

The last time I checked around, we still had more good homes than broken ones. But, unfortunately, the familiar stories of abusive marriages or relationships are just the case of bad news flying more than the good ones.

Check out families around you, your pairs, neighbours, colleagues at the workplace or married classmates. You’ll understand that except for the usual day-to-day challenges in marriage, they are relatively not bad as it is being portrayed. However, we can canvass for improvements, coping mechanisms or detailed exit plans for worst scenarios. Therefore, ‘hide my identity’ stories are many times fabricated stories or isolated cases than the whole.

Abubakar Suleiman wrote from Kaduna and can be contacted via abusuleiman06@gmail.com.

By Hafsat Ja’afar

When are you getting hitched? Are you still single? When are we meeting our in-law or the Mr Right? You’re just choosy, aren’t you? So hurry up and get married! All these questions are uncalled for. Seriously people!

Do you need to go that extreme in asking people unanswerable questions who do not know the unseen?  It’s driven people nuts, and it needs to stop. Believe it or not, delayed marriage is a trendy issue not only within our society but also a universal issue due to the changes in our modern times.

Marriage delays in Northern Nigeria may result from the following;

Nature: Some are destined to stay single up to old age, while some are afflicted with natural diseases, which, no matter how much they want or try to get married, they cannot.

Tradition: Every family has its norms, values,  and principles. Some think their children must reach a certain age or level of education before marrying them off.  The issue of trousseau is a major setback too. These principles sometimes hurt the life of the people involved.

Illiteracy: This is another side of the coin, as some of the established youths consider marriage a burden, so they prefer private/commercial affairs. To them, getting married is like inviting old age while the “I’m Still Young” slogan still rings in their heads.

Expectation: This plays a significant role as the backbone of the marriage delay, as both parties expect luxury and goodies before marriage. The gents are looking for capacitated in-laws, and the ladies are waiting to marry into an influential family. However, this might take years for some to achieve.

Financial Instability: Due to unemployment, underemployment, inflation, cashless policy and other financial crises we all know about, some people run away from marriage.

Societal pressure on why and when you’re getting married has led many into failed and toxic marriages, which they later regret. Due to such pressure, someone I know married a man who gave his terms and conditions on splitting the bills 50-50.

As a classroom teacher, she was to handle school fees, medication, and other things. In the end, the marriage broke down because, according to the husband, she’s not complying and not making ends meet. She’s now a divorcee with two kids.

A friend-turned-sister married a man she doesn’t love, but he loves her dearly. For years their matrimony was nothing to write home about with four kids. She made his life and family a living hell to escape the marriage. She finally succeeded, taking her kids along with her and denying him custody of them.

Someone also told me it’s better to bear the title of Mrs in an abusive marriage than to stay single while time is against us. I was shocked beyond words for her to say this. She desperately needs a husband, someone to call her own.

Another one got married to a tricycle driver out of desperation, though he’s an NCE holder with no job, and she’s a graduate with a job. The interference of friends and relatives in their marital life led to serious malice between the two families. The couple used to spend weeks on no-speaking terms. All the love and sacrifices made for each other vanished, and the blame game became the order of the day. Sessions of reconciliation took place with no positive results. Finally, they went their separate ways and found peace and tranquillity, as they say.

The hustle and bustle of life is an essential element that paves the way for critical and creative thinking, mainly if a person engages him /herself in business, studying, working, and what have you. No matter how small it is, it fades away. Whatever is bothering an individual gives room for greater achievements in life.

As the saying goes, ‘it’s better to wait long than to marry wrong’. To avoid jumping into an erroneous affair, you must pray and choose wisely to avoid unforeseen circumstances.

Hafsat Ja’afar read BA (Ed) English at Bayero University, Kano. She wrote from Kano via jaafarhafsat@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

It happened 40 years ago. A friend’s wife in Kano had delivered a bouncing baby boy. My friend chose Maikuɗi as the name for the baby. The families on both sides were having none of this. Maikuɗi was not a name, they argued. But he saw nothing wrong with it – a nice traditional Hausa name. He was adamant. They were adamant. Cue in A Mexican Standoff.

Three days before the naming ceremony, he blinked first and apparently gave up. With a glint in his eyes, he decided to name the child Ibrahim. A beautiful Hebrew name but cognately shared by both Muslims and Christians (from Abraham, the father of all). Everyone was happy – until it dawned on everyone that Ibrahim was the name of my friend’s father-in-law. Tricky. In Hausa societies, the names of parents are never uttered. In the end, everyone ended up calling the boy Maikuɗi! Right now, the boy is a successful international businessman living in the Middle East. Earning serious cash and living up to his name – which means one born on a lucky day. Or Tuesday.

A few years later, the same friend’s wife gave birth to a beautiful baby girl. He decided to name her Tabawa. Objections reloaded. Cue in Dog Day Afternoon. As previously, my friend blinked first. He decided to name her Hajara, another cognate of Hagar, the wife of Abraham. It also happened to be the name of his eldest sister. His mother could not utter it – both the Hausa and Fulani system of cultural relations prohibit mothers from calling the names of their first series of children. In the end, everyone ended up calling the child Tabawa. She is currently a university lecturer and a doctoral student in Nigeria. Living up to her name – which means Mother luck, or the name given to one born on Wednesday (in Kano; in Katsina, it is Tuesday) is considered a lucky day. Two children, both lucky in their lives. Their traditional Hausa names became their mascots as they glided successfully through life.

So, why the aversion to Hausa ‘traditional’ names? You can’t name your child Maikuɗi, but everyone will applaud Yasar (wealthy – mai kuɗi?). Or Kamal (perfection). Or Fahad (panther). Or Anwar (bright). Or Fawaz (winner). You can’t name your daughter Tabawa, but it is more acceptable to call her Mahjuba (covered). Or Samira (night conversationist –TikToker?). Name your daughter ‘Dare’, and you are in trouble. Change it to Leila, and you out of it, even though this is an Arabic for ‘dare’ (night).

A lot of the names the Muslim Hausa currently use have nothing to do with Islam. Bearers of such names rarely know their actual meaning or context. They were Arabic and forced on us by the Cancel Culture that attaches a derogatory ‘Haɓe’ coefficient to anything traditional to the Hausa.

Therefore, my friend, whose family story I just related, another friend and I decided to get together and be Wokish about traditional Hausa names. Paradoxically, none of us is genetically Hausa (whatever that might mean) – one had roots in north Africa, another had Kanuri heritage, and one had Agadesian and Torodbe roots – but all of us self-identified, with absolute honour and tenacity, as Hausa. None of this ‘Hausa-Fulani’ aberrational nonsense.

‘Hausa-Fulani’ appellation, in my view, is a Nigerian Cancel Culture device to suppress the Fulani culture. The Fulani may have conquered the ruling of the Hausa (except in one or two places) and imposed their rule. The Hausa, on the other hand, have linguistically conquered the Fulani. In Kano, claiming Fulani heritage is considered anthropological purity – without knowing a single word of Fulfulde (the Fulani language). Substituting rulers does not get rid of the general populace who remain what they are.

The third friend then took the task with gusto. He spent over ten years compiling authentic traditional Hausa names that have absolutely nothing to do with ‘Maguzanci’ (the label gleefully and contemptuously attached to any Hausa who is not a Muslim by the Hausa themselves) before Islam in about 1349, at least in Kano). He also collected names that had only a tinge connection to Islam. The end product was a hitherto unpublished list of 1001 authentic, genuine, traditional Hausa names that reflect the cosmology of the Hausa.

Hausa’s anthropological cosmology reflects the worldview and belief system of the Hausa community based upon their understanding of order in the universe. It is reflected in their naming system – just like any other culture. The Yoruba Muslims, for the most part, have retained this attachment to their traditional cosmology. Farooq Kperogi has done wonderful work on Yoruba naming, although with a focus on their adaptation of Muslim names. The failure of the Hausa to do so was, of course, due to the suffocating blanket of Cancel Culture that the Hausa had been suffering for almost 229 years.

Now, let’s look at the names and their categories. The first category I created from the 1001 Names, which I edited, revolved around Being, Sickness and Death. As noted earlier, the traditional Hausa centre their naming conventions on ecological and cosmological observations—using time, space and seasons to mark their births. Based on this, the first naming convention uses circumstances of birth. This category of names refers to the arrival of a child after another child’s death, the death of a parent, the sickness of the child immediately after being born or a simple structure of the child that seems out of the ordinary. Examples include:

Abarshi. This is derived from the expression, ‘Allah Ya bar shi’[May Allah make him survive]. A male child was born after a series of miscarriages. A female child is named Abarta. A protectionist naming strategy is where the child is not given full loving attention after birth until even evil spirits note this and ignore it and thus let him be. Variants include Mantau, Ajefas, Barmani, Ajuji, and Barau. Now you know the meaning of Hajiya Sa’adatu ‘Barmani’ Choge’s name – the late famous Hausa griotte from Katsina (1948-2013).

Then there is Shekarau, derived from ‘shekara’, a year. A male child is born after an unusually long period of gestation in the mother’s womb. A variant of this name is Ɓoyi [hide/hidden]. A female child is named Shekara. Now you know the meaning of the surname of Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau from Kano.

A third example is Tanko. This is a child born after three female children. Variants include Gudaji, Tankari, Yuguda/Iguda/Guda. I am sure you know the famous Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, a Member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria and his media presence in late 2022.

Each of these sampled names reflects a philosophical worldview, reflecting spiritual resignation or slight humour. They, therefore, encode the traditional Hausa perspective of living and dying as inscribed in the way they name their children.

Names that even the contemporary Hausa avoid because of bad collective memory are those linked to wealth and being owned or slavery.

Slaves have prominently featured in the political and social structure of the traditional Hausa societies, especially in the old commercial emirates of Kano, Zaria, Daura and Katsina. Their roles are clearly defined along socially accepted norms, and they are expected to perform given assignments demanded by their masters.

Slaves in Kano are divided into two: domestic and farm-collective. Trusted and, therefore, domesticated slaves are mainly found in ruling houses and are prized because of their loyalty to the title holder. Farmyard slaves were often captured during raids or wars and were not trusted because of the possibility of escape. They were usually owned by wealthy merchants or farmers and were put to work mainly on farms

Although the institution of slavery as then practised has been eliminated in traditional Hausa societies, the main emirate ruling houses still retain vestiges of inherited slave ownership, reflected even in the categorisation of the slaves. For instance, in Kano, royal slaves were distinguished between first-generation slaves (bayi) and those born into slavery (cucanawa).

At the height of slave raids and ownership, particularly when owning a slave was an indication of wealth, the names of the slaves often reflected the status of the owner. Examples of these names include Nasamu (given to the first slave owned by a young man determined to become a wealthy man), Arziki (first female slave owned by a man), Nagode (female slave given away to a person as a gift), Baba da Rai (first gift of a male slave to a son by his father), Dangana (male slave of a latter-day successful farmer or trader, although later given also to a child whose elder siblings all died in infancy. The female slave variant is Nadogara), and Baubawa (slaves with a different faith from the owner), amongst others.

The changing political economy of Hausa societies since the coming of colonialism has created new social dynamics, which included the outward banning of slavery. Thus, many of the names associated with slaves and ‘being-owned’ in traditional Hausa societies became disused, unfashionable, or, which is more probable, to be used without any idea of their original meaning. It is thought that some records of them may be of value. An example is ‘Anini’, usually a slave name but later used to refer to a child born with tiny limbs. The ‘smallness’ is also reflected in the fact that ‘anini’ was a coin in the Nigerian economy, usually 1/10th of a penny—a bit like the small Indian copper coin, ‘dam’ (from which the English language got ‘damn’, as in ‘I don’t give a damn’).

Further, with the coming of Islam, slave names were eased out and replaced by conventional Muslim names as dictated by Islam, Retained, however, are slave names that also served as descriptors of the functions of the slave, even in contemporary ruling houses. Examples of these slave titles, which are rarely used outside of the places, include:

Shamaki (looks after the king’s horses and serves as an overseer of the slaves), Ɗan Rimi (King’s top slave official and looks after all weapons), Sallama (King’s bosom friend [usually a eunuch], same role as Abin Faɗa), Kasheka shares the household supplies to king’s wives [usually a eunuch], Babban Zagi (a runner in front of the king), Jarmai (the head of an army), Kilishi (prepares sitting place for the king), amongst others. These names are almost exclusively restricted to the palace and rarely used outside its confines. Cases of nicknames of individuals bearing these names remain just that but had no official connotation outside of the palace.

The coming of Islam to Hausaland in about the 13th century altered the way traditional Hausa named their children and created the second category of Hausa beside the first ‘traditional’ ones. This second category became the Muslim Hausa, which abandoned all cultural activities associated with the traditional Hausa beliefs. This was not an overnight process. However, taking it as it does, centuries. Even then, a significant portion of Muslim Hausa material culture remains the same as for traditional Hausa. The point of departure is in religious or community practices, which for the Muslim Hausa, are guided by tenets of Islam.

Affected at this point of departure is naming conventions. This is more so because Islam encourages adherents to give their children good meaningful names. These names must, therefore, not reflect anything that counters the fundamental faith of the bearer or reflect a revert to a pre-Islamic period in the lives of the individuals.

However, while predominantly accepting Muslim names, traditional Hausa parents have domesticated some of the names to the contours of their language. For instance, Guruza (Ahmad), Da’u (Dawud), Gagare (Abubakar), Auwa (Hauwa), Daso (Maryam), Babuga (Umar), Ilu (Isma’il), amongst others.

So, here you are. If you are looking for an authentic, ‘clean’ traditional Hausa name or trying to understand your friend’s traditional Hausa name (or even yours), you are welcome to 1001 Traditional Hausa names.

The list is divided into two. The first contains 869 authentic traditional Hausa names. The second contains 132 Arabic/Islamic that the Hausa have somehow domesticated to their linguistic anthropology.

The file is available at https://bit.ly/42HJl97.

By Dr Raji Bello

Last Tuesday, I listened to a panel on AIT’s morning programme discussing the increasing weaponization of ethnic and religious identity in Nigeria, particularly during the current election cycle. The discussants were particularly alarmed by the developments surrounding the governorship election in Lagos state, which has witnessed threats, intimidation and violence against voters of a particular ethnic group. The politicisation of ethnic and religious identity in this election cycle is, of course, not limited to Lagos.

Religious identity was a major issue for the APC presidential ticket and some governorship tickets like that of Kaduna state. Religion was a major issue in the Taraba governorship contest, and the issue of indigene vs settler reared its head during the Kano governorship election. There is even a Facebook group which is committed to getting candidates with pure Hausa blood elected into the governorship posts in the Northwest states. Nigeria may be on a slippery slope towards eventual implosion. 

What I have noticed about the AIT discussion is the same thing that I have observed about other similar discussions – they are limited to expressions of sadness followed by appeals to Nigerians to change their behaviour. There is very little discussion on why Nigerians do what they do and if there are any enablers for those tendencies. In my personal reflections, I have tried to answer these questions.

Most negative human tendencies have things which enable them, and rooting out the enablers is an important part of the measures for suppressing these tendencies. Anyone who is familiar with Islamic theology, for example, knows that there is little tolerance for things which are deemed to be enablers of vices. The prohibition of the consumption of alcohol is an example; alcohol intoxication is regarded as an enabler for many vices, which has necessitated a full prohibition of it.

Likewise, the encounter, in isolation, of two eligible and unmarried members of the opposite sex is regarded as an enabler for sexual vices. In the secular world as well, drinking and driving are prohibited in many countries because it is an enabler of fatal road accidents. Relationships between academic instructors and students are prohibited or restricted in many American institutions because they could be enablers for abusive relationships and conflicts of interest.

If Nigerians have come to the conclusion that toxic identity politics is harmful to the corporate well-being of the country, they must find the enablers for such politics and uproot them. Issuing passionate appeals is bound to be ineffective because human beings do not always respond to reason or appeals to stop a negative behaviour, especially when there are things which incentivise such behaviour. In my view, there are two enablers for the weaponization of identity in Nigeria:

1. There is no punishment for it. There are either no laws against toxic identity politics and incitement against ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria or they are never enforced. The result is that offenders almost always get away with their actions. This lack of accountability is a powerful enabler for similar behaviour by the same individuals or others.

2. There is a reward for it under our federal system. Our current constitution provides for semi-autonomous federating units (states) which are loosely coterminous with ethnic and religious identities – for example, Imo State is Igbo and Christian, Katsina is Muslim and Hausa-Fulani, Niger is Nupe, Gbagyi and Hausa, Ogun is Yoruba etc. The federal system has also granted these federating units the power to elect their own leaders (governors and LGA chairmen), unlike in unitary states where these leaders are often appointed by the central government.

Since elections are competitive and every state is identified with certain ethnic and religious identities, the possession of these identities by any individual becomes an advantage towards winning elections. This is why Nigerians have learnt to hold on to these identities and even to flaunt them. Being a Tiv is a huge advantage in Benue state, just like being a Kanuri is in Borno state. It’s not hard to imagine that when electoral competition becomes very stiff, these identities will be weaponised. There is no way to stop Nigerians from engaging in toxic identity politics as long as these two enablers are in place.

Our country was founded on the basis that it has diverse and irreconcilable ethnic and religious communities. Our founding fathers wanted it that way, and they chose a federal system which they thought was best suited to manage our diversity (although most of the major federal states in the world are not so diverse internally). While countries like Ghana took off with the mantra of unity in diversity and did everything to build a united nation, our founding fathers did not even pretend that the country was united. Each of them had regional priorities higher than Nigeria’s unity.

We started with three federating units and have now grown to thirty-six plus the FCT, and the more we created states and LGAs, the more identity fault lines we created. The country is now balkanised into 37 identity enclaves (states), and 774 LGAs and each citizen is marooned inside their own enclave and is entitled to few formal privileges in others – even neighbouring ones.

In the First Republic, this divisive effect of federalism wasn’t up to what we have now because the federating units were much bigger, and they functioned as unitary states internally. The former Northern Region, for example, had thirteen or so provinces whose administrators were appointed rather than elected, and a northerner from one province could be posted to work in any of the other provinces. The provincial boundaries did not keep northerners away from each other, and as a result, the people of the region saw themselves as one because they were indeed one in practice. 

The Northern Region alone has now evolved into 19 federal states and hundreds of LGAs, each with a rigid boundary which separates it physically and functionally from other federating units. This has made intercommunal relations to be worse than they were in the old Northern Region. The late former SGF Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was from Zaria, was once a divisional officer in Benue, Adamawa and Sardauna Provinces, but his grandchildren cannot work for the Benue State Government in today’s Nigeria. They may even struggle to gain admission into state-owned schools in Benue State.

Mr Selcan Miner, a former secretary to the government of Benue-Plateau State, was once an administrative officer in Sokoto Province, and he still has fond memories of his stay there, particularly his close relationship with Sultan Abubakar III. But in the present day, the government of Sokoto State may not grant privileges to Mr Miner’s grandchildren because they are not “indigenes” of the state.

The late chief of the Mbula people in Adamawa state Joram Fwa, who was a US-trained educationist, was the pioneer principal of Ramat Technical College in Maiduguri under the then Northeastern State. He was entrusted with the assignment of establishing the college and was made its pioneer head. The college has since grown to become Ramat Polytechnic and belongs to the Borno State Government. I will not be surprised if, in the present day, the application of Mr Fwa’s grandchildren for entry into the polytechnic is turned down on the grounds that they are not from Borno state. I have used the examples of these three Northern elders to illustrate what we have done to ourselves over the years through our so-called federal system.

Not too long ago in the 1990s, the governor of Lagos state was a military officer named Buba Marwa, a native of Adamawa State. He was appointed under the military government’s unitary style, and he was well-received in the state because the people knew that that was the system in operation then. At a different time before that, a native of Lagos State, Bode George, was appointed the governor of Ondo State. From all indications, Marwa had performed well in Lagos in terms of infrastructure and crime fighting.

If we do a cost-benefit analysis of the process of appointing Marwa as governor and that of the re-election of Governor Sanwo-Olu in 2023, we would see that the former didn’t cost any significant amount of money and didn’t involve any fracture in relations between major ethnic communities in Lagos while the latter had cost the federal government a lot of money in election expenses and has led to flaring of inter-ethnic animosity, intimidation and violence. In the end, both governors are capable of doing a lot of good for Lagos, the difference in the nature of their appointment notwithstanding. This is why we need to ask ourselves if we really need to have elected governors and LGA chairmen as provided in our current federal constitution or we could simply have them appointed and monitored by the central government.

In the late 1960s and 70s, the governor of Kano State was Audu Bako, a police commissioner and native of present-day Kebbi State. He was appointed by the government of General Yakubu Gowon, and from all historical indications, Kano State has had it so good under him. His appointment didn’t cause any inter-communal upheaval in Kano, and there was no violence. Compare that to the re-election of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in 2019 or the election of Abba Kabir Yusuf in 2023, which were both marked by communal tension and violence. Why should we keep using this costly option of election and risk so much when Kano can have good appointed governors just like Audu Bako and Sani Bello? Only a small number of democracies around the world have elected sub-national chief executives as we have, and countries which don’t have them are not deemed to be less democratic than us.

Sometimes Nigerians view unitary systems negatively because they equate them with military governments, but there is nothing that stops us from having a unitary democracy like many countries in the world. The appointed governors and LGA chairmen under this system are going to be civilians, maybe even members of the ruling party at the centre, just like in the system in Ghana, whose 16 regions are all governed by appointed regional ministers who, at the same time, are elected members of the national parliament.

The other fear that Nigerians have about a unitary president becoming too powerful is also misplaced. Ghana’s presidents are not regarded as dictators, and opposition presidential candidates have even won elections there. In any case, parliament is always there as a check on the powers of the president. Unitary systems are cheap, can minimise toxic identity politics, guarantee harmony in the pursuit of developmental priorities and provide better coordination in fighting insecurity. It’s a better system to have than our current federal system, with its unaccountable and politically autonomous governors whose elections are now driving our ethnic and religious communities further apart and threatening the stability of our country.

Whoever brought this American-style federal constitution and gave it to our African tribal groups to implement has not served us well. It’s time we found the courage to abandon the farce. What Nigeria requires is a unitary democratic system with an element of rotational leadership at the centre to ensure its various groups of inclusion.

Dr Raji Bello wrote from Yola, Adamawa State.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Governor of Jigawa State, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar, has approved the appointment of Haneem Muhammad Sanusi as the new Emir of Dutse.

Governor Badaru’s approval was sequel to the recommendation of the Dutse Emirates kingmakers.

According to a statement made available to journalists on Sunday, three persons contested for the royal seat. However, the seven kingmakers had unanimously voted for Sanusi’s emergence.

The new Emir succeeded his father, Nuhu Muhammad Sunusi who passed away in an Abuja hospital last week.

By Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad

I was thinking of a befitting title for this short tribute when I stumbled upon the adage above. It loosely translates to ‘character is a life companion’ and aptly summarises the thoughts running through my mind seeing the pool of praises resulting from the death of His Highness Sarkin Dutse, Alhaji Nuhu Muhammad Sanusi.

The life and times of great men teach subsequent generations about the true essence of life. Eulogies and tributes from equally great people are a testament of honour and moral eminence. The late Sarkin Dutse is a quintessence of nobility and magnanimity, a monarch with so much panache yet full of humility.

If the most beautiful ones amongst us would stay longer or forever, death would never have approached this epitome of scholarship and royalty. But immortality remains a characteristic of our Creator, the Lord of the worlds and to whom we shall all return.

I recently learnt that purpose and passion mean different things. Purpose revolves around using your passion for impacting the lives of others. The life of the late Sarkin Dutse exemplifies this to a great extent. He used his passion for philanthropy to create a rather better world far and wide. His life and leadership are true symbols of purpose, benevolence and contentment.

Late last year, I received a generous gift of his book (autographed by himself), which captures his experience growing up and memoirs from his several travels and encounters. I could not contain the joy of seeing my name handwritten by the Emir himself. I was meant to meet him after finishing the book, but as God would have it, it was never destined to be.

The second page of this book carries the following, which is also a summary of how he lived his life: “When you were born, you cried, and the whole world rejoiced. Live your life so that when you die, the world cries and you rejoice”. Sarkin Dutse truly lived up to these words. We can hear cries from beyond Dutse. The world has yet again lost one of its finest.

The praises and prayers we hear give us hope that the reward of the beauty he created in this world is awaiting him in his afterlife. Navigating through the pain of the lost, we can only hope and pray that God almighty will count him among those He has bestowed His favours upon from amongst the prophets, the steadfast affirmers of truth, the martyrs and the righteous. May all the good he has done forebear him from every torment of the afterlife.

Allah Ya jikan Sarki!

Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad wrote from Kano, Nigeria.