Hausa-Fulani

By Dr Raji Bello

Last Tuesday, I listened to a panel on AIT’s morning programme discussing the increasing weaponization of ethnic and religious identity in Nigeria, particularly during the current election cycle. The discussants were particularly alarmed by the developments surrounding the governorship election in Lagos state, which has witnessed threats, intimidation and violence against voters of a particular ethnic group. The politicisation of ethnic and religious identity in this election cycle is, of course, not limited to Lagos.

Religious identity was a major issue for the APC presidential ticket and some governorship tickets like that of Kaduna state. Religion was a major issue in the Taraba governorship contest, and the issue of indigene vs settler reared its head during the Kano governorship election. There is even a Facebook group which is committed to getting candidates with pure Hausa blood elected into the governorship posts in the Northwest states. Nigeria may be on a slippery slope towards eventual implosion. 

What I have noticed about the AIT discussion is the same thing that I have observed about other similar discussions – they are limited to expressions of sadness followed by appeals to Nigerians to change their behaviour. There is very little discussion on why Nigerians do what they do and if there are any enablers for those tendencies. In my personal reflections, I have tried to answer these questions.

Most negative human tendencies have things which enable them, and rooting out the enablers is an important part of the measures for suppressing these tendencies. Anyone who is familiar with Islamic theology, for example, knows that there is little tolerance for things which are deemed to be enablers of vices. The prohibition of the consumption of alcohol is an example; alcohol intoxication is regarded as an enabler for many vices, which has necessitated a full prohibition of it.

Likewise, the encounter, in isolation, of two eligible and unmarried members of the opposite sex is regarded as an enabler for sexual vices. In the secular world as well, drinking and driving are prohibited in many countries because it is an enabler of fatal road accidents. Relationships between academic instructors and students are prohibited or restricted in many American institutions because they could be enablers for abusive relationships and conflicts of interest.

If Nigerians have come to the conclusion that toxic identity politics is harmful to the corporate well-being of the country, they must find the enablers for such politics and uproot them. Issuing passionate appeals is bound to be ineffective because human beings do not always respond to reason or appeals to stop a negative behaviour, especially when there are things which incentivise such behaviour. In my view, there are two enablers for the weaponization of identity in Nigeria:

1. There is no punishment for it. There are either no laws against toxic identity politics and incitement against ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria or they are never enforced. The result is that offenders almost always get away with their actions. This lack of accountability is a powerful enabler for similar behaviour by the same individuals or others.

2. There is a reward for it under our federal system. Our current constitution provides for semi-autonomous federating units (states) which are loosely coterminous with ethnic and religious identities – for example, Imo State is Igbo and Christian, Katsina is Muslim and Hausa-Fulani, Niger is Nupe, Gbagyi and Hausa, Ogun is Yoruba etc. The federal system has also granted these federating units the power to elect their own leaders (governors and LGA chairmen), unlike in unitary states where these leaders are often appointed by the central government.

Since elections are competitive and every state is identified with certain ethnic and religious identities, the possession of these identities by any individual becomes an advantage towards winning elections. This is why Nigerians have learnt to hold on to these identities and even to flaunt them. Being a Tiv is a huge advantage in Benue state, just like being a Kanuri is in Borno state. It’s not hard to imagine that when electoral competition becomes very stiff, these identities will be weaponised. There is no way to stop Nigerians from engaging in toxic identity politics as long as these two enablers are in place.

Our country was founded on the basis that it has diverse and irreconcilable ethnic and religious communities. Our founding fathers wanted it that way, and they chose a federal system which they thought was best suited to manage our diversity (although most of the major federal states in the world are not so diverse internally). While countries like Ghana took off with the mantra of unity in diversity and did everything to build a united nation, our founding fathers did not even pretend that the country was united. Each of them had regional priorities higher than Nigeria’s unity.

We started with three federating units and have now grown to thirty-six plus the FCT, and the more we created states and LGAs, the more identity fault lines we created. The country is now balkanised into 37 identity enclaves (states), and 774 LGAs and each citizen is marooned inside their own enclave and is entitled to few formal privileges in others – even neighbouring ones.

In the First Republic, this divisive effect of federalism wasn’t up to what we have now because the federating units were much bigger, and they functioned as unitary states internally. The former Northern Region, for example, had thirteen or so provinces whose administrators were appointed rather than elected, and a northerner from one province could be posted to work in any of the other provinces. The provincial boundaries did not keep northerners away from each other, and as a result, the people of the region saw themselves as one because they were indeed one in practice. 

The Northern Region alone has now evolved into 19 federal states and hundreds of LGAs, each with a rigid boundary which separates it physically and functionally from other federating units. This has made intercommunal relations to be worse than they were in the old Northern Region. The late former SGF Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was from Zaria, was once a divisional officer in Benue, Adamawa and Sardauna Provinces, but his grandchildren cannot work for the Benue State Government in today’s Nigeria. They may even struggle to gain admission into state-owned schools in Benue State.

Mr Selcan Miner, a former secretary to the government of Benue-Plateau State, was once an administrative officer in Sokoto Province, and he still has fond memories of his stay there, particularly his close relationship with Sultan Abubakar III. But in the present day, the government of Sokoto State may not grant privileges to Mr Miner’s grandchildren because they are not “indigenes” of the state.

The late chief of the Mbula people in Adamawa state Joram Fwa, who was a US-trained educationist, was the pioneer principal of Ramat Technical College in Maiduguri under the then Northeastern State. He was entrusted with the assignment of establishing the college and was made its pioneer head. The college has since grown to become Ramat Polytechnic and belongs to the Borno State Government. I will not be surprised if, in the present day, the application of Mr Fwa’s grandchildren for entry into the polytechnic is turned down on the grounds that they are not from Borno state. I have used the examples of these three Northern elders to illustrate what we have done to ourselves over the years through our so-called federal system.

Not too long ago in the 1990s, the governor of Lagos state was a military officer named Buba Marwa, a native of Adamawa State. He was appointed under the military government’s unitary style, and he was well-received in the state because the people knew that that was the system in operation then. At a different time before that, a native of Lagos State, Bode George, was appointed the governor of Ondo State. From all indications, Marwa had performed well in Lagos in terms of infrastructure and crime fighting.

If we do a cost-benefit analysis of the process of appointing Marwa as governor and that of the re-election of Governor Sanwo-Olu in 2023, we would see that the former didn’t cost any significant amount of money and didn’t involve any fracture in relations between major ethnic communities in Lagos while the latter had cost the federal government a lot of money in election expenses and has led to flaring of inter-ethnic animosity, intimidation and violence. In the end, both governors are capable of doing a lot of good for Lagos, the difference in the nature of their appointment notwithstanding. This is why we need to ask ourselves if we really need to have elected governors and LGA chairmen as provided in our current federal constitution or we could simply have them appointed and monitored by the central government.

In the late 1960s and 70s, the governor of Kano State was Audu Bako, a police commissioner and native of present-day Kebbi State. He was appointed by the government of General Yakubu Gowon, and from all historical indications, Kano State has had it so good under him. His appointment didn’t cause any inter-communal upheaval in Kano, and there was no violence. Compare that to the re-election of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in 2019 or the election of Abba Kabir Yusuf in 2023, which were both marked by communal tension and violence. Why should we keep using this costly option of election and risk so much when Kano can have good appointed governors just like Audu Bako and Sani Bello? Only a small number of democracies around the world have elected sub-national chief executives as we have, and countries which don’t have them are not deemed to be less democratic than us.

Sometimes Nigerians view unitary systems negatively because they equate them with military governments, but there is nothing that stops us from having a unitary democracy like many countries in the world. The appointed governors and LGA chairmen under this system are going to be civilians, maybe even members of the ruling party at the centre, just like in the system in Ghana, whose 16 regions are all governed by appointed regional ministers who, at the same time, are elected members of the national parliament.

The other fear that Nigerians have about a unitary president becoming too powerful is also misplaced. Ghana’s presidents are not regarded as dictators, and opposition presidential candidates have even won elections there. In any case, parliament is always there as a check on the powers of the president. Unitary systems are cheap, can minimise toxic identity politics, guarantee harmony in the pursuit of developmental priorities and provide better coordination in fighting insecurity. It’s a better system to have than our current federal system, with its unaccountable and politically autonomous governors whose elections are now driving our ethnic and religious communities further apart and threatening the stability of our country.

Whoever brought this American-style federal constitution and gave it to our African tribal groups to implement has not served us well. It’s time we found the courage to abandon the farce. What Nigeria requires is a unitary democratic system with an element of rotational leadership at the centre to ensure its various groups of inclusion.

Dr Raji Bello wrote from Yola, Adamawa State.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Governor of Jigawa State, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar, has approved the appointment of Haneem Muhammad Sanusi as the new Emir of Dutse.

Governor Badaru’s approval was sequel to the recommendation of the Dutse Emirates kingmakers.

According to a statement made available to journalists on Sunday, three persons contested for the royal seat. However, the seven kingmakers had unanimously voted for Sanusi’s emergence.

The new Emir succeeded his father, Nuhu Muhammad Sunusi who passed away in an Abuja hospital last week.

By Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad

I was thinking of a befitting title for this short tribute when I stumbled upon the adage above. It loosely translates to ‘character is a life companion’ and aptly summarises the thoughts running through my mind seeing the pool of praises resulting from the death of His Highness Sarkin Dutse, Alhaji Nuhu Muhammad Sanusi.

The life and times of great men teach subsequent generations about the true essence of life. Eulogies and tributes from equally great people are a testament of honour and moral eminence. The late Sarkin Dutse is a quintessence of nobility and magnanimity, a monarch with so much panache yet full of humility.

If the most beautiful ones amongst us would stay longer or forever, death would never have approached this epitome of scholarship and royalty. But immortality remains a characteristic of our Creator, the Lord of the worlds and to whom we shall all return.

I recently learnt that purpose and passion mean different things. Purpose revolves around using your passion for impacting the lives of others. The life of the late Sarkin Dutse exemplifies this to a great extent. He used his passion for philanthropy to create a rather better world far and wide. His life and leadership are true symbols of purpose, benevolence and contentment.

Late last year, I received a generous gift of his book (autographed by himself), which captures his experience growing up and memoirs from his several travels and encounters. I could not contain the joy of seeing my name handwritten by the Emir himself. I was meant to meet him after finishing the book, but as God would have it, it was never destined to be.

The second page of this book carries the following, which is also a summary of how he lived his life: “When you were born, you cried, and the whole world rejoiced. Live your life so that when you die, the world cries and you rejoice”. Sarkin Dutse truly lived up to these words. We can hear cries from beyond Dutse. The world has yet again lost one of its finest.

The praises and prayers we hear give us hope that the reward of the beauty he created in this world is awaiting him in his afterlife. Navigating through the pain of the lost, we can only hope and pray that God almighty will count him among those He has bestowed His favours upon from amongst the prophets, the steadfast affirmers of truth, the martyrs and the righteous. May all the good he has done forebear him from every torment of the afterlife.

Allah Ya jikan Sarki!

Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad wrote from Kano, Nigeria.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

To say that I was bemused reading a story of a young lady whose parents influenced her to reject a guy she truly loved because of “Lefe” (trousseau) would be a gross understatement.

Unsatisfied with what her soon-to-be husband had offered, the lady asked him to change the lefe items with expensive ones or abandon the thought of marrying her. He asked why and she explained that the things he brought were not up to her taste because she was about to graduate and deserved better. Nevertheless, she insisted that he had to come and pick up his boxes. Respectfully, his friend went to her house and picked them up. 

After the above encounter, he stopped calling her. She became worried and asked him why did he stop calling her. He told her there was no point in calling someone who didn’t love him, and that was the end of their conversation. After that, he sold all the boxes, started a business, and happily got married after three years. 

This story happened 13 years ago. The lady is now a graduate and still unmarried. Unfortunately, she came out to share her experience with the public because the same aunties that influenced her to reject the man because of his inability to fill the boxes with pricy things are the same people asking to be the fourth wife to an elderly man who perhaps she doesn’t like. 

She is 32 and regrets her decision to side with her mother and aunties. She desperately wants to know his whereabouts and apologize to him. I think there are a lot of lessons in her story. Her last words: “Ladies, not all that glitters is gold. Lefe isn’t important; dowry isn’t important…”

Even though Islam is not in conflict with our native culture, parents must make it easy for their children to get married to avoid them becoming promiscuous. But, more importantly, now is the time to abolish the culture of offering lefe, as a necessity for our Muslim youths, especially the ones in the North, to become couples. It is one JIHAD that must be fought.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Maiduguri, Borno State, and can be reached via lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Abdussamad Ahmad Yusuf

It was Wednesday evening, and the clock was ticking to 6:00 pm. Alongside two friends, we were joined by another friend’s friend reminiscing my 44 days stay in Abuja, the Federal Capital — the longest I have stayed off Kano.

It’s a roadside discussion, and all topics have the freedom to cross our minds. So we present, discuss, argue and analyze. We sometimes even pass verdicts and judgments.

In Kano, it is Majalisar Bakin Titi, the roadside parley. It is a local gathering of men. In the local roadside parleys, unless in some exceptional circumstances, there is segregation of age, group, social and even economic status. While there is Majalisar Attajirai, the wealthy’s parley, there is that of the humbles, nobles to that of ‘Yan caca, the gamblers’. Men branched in the majalisa after work or after market hours in the evening. For the youth, joblessness and idle-mindedness have made their conversation almost an all-day affair.

It’s easy when you talk of youth or a range of bachelors, rest assured, women and girls have to find a way to dominate the discussions.

Habu would begin showing the girl in blue that her Atampa cost six thousand, the bag two, her veil eight hundred; putting everything she wore averagely kept at Fifteen thousand. She was of humble background and not suitable to be “settled with”, he concluded. Marrying her means you have to struggle all your life to satisfy your needs and hers’ and expect nothing from her side or her parents. Is it crass materialism or the new normal? Anyway, it’s a roadside parley, not an academic or intellectual forum.

Until the beginning of the 1990s, marriage is contracted on the mutual friendship between two families of the intending couples, for settling disputes, generally to stiff bonds or forge new ones. Therefore, the material benefit does not count as much, even at the community, not a familial level, where crowd-achievement due to communal lifestyle is more prevalent than the individualist materialism in prevalence today. 

This permeation of a materialistic viewpoint of life has degraded the standard of familial life seen manifest in roadside discussions, more unfortunately, stemming from the Manyan Gobe, leaders of tomorrow who are nurturing an ignorant standpoint for the nucleus of society: the family.

The Habu thesis painted above shows the complexity of young man’s  ‘misthinking’ wealth, status and rank for fancy and expensive dress and accoutrements. Sadly, it has reduced young girls of marriageable ages to racing for material possessions; an iPhone – the latest in the market, expensive ‘Vatik’ Atampa, posh shoes for kece raini, ‘being above equals’.

These are the ‘yan mata Roadside Discussions extolled to the high heaven, and about-to-marry young men internalize as the best description of a woman to seek her marriage. It is no longer about the Ladabi (obedience, and I am not being apologetic to the ‘alpha’ men), kunya (modesty and good manner), hankali (sobriety), mutumci (humanity toward others) and  Karamci (generosity), in addition to what zamani, current dynamic brings; industriousness, economic dexterity, education (in the western sense or the karatun boko) and may be tech-friendliness.

The Roadside parleys are a hub to discuss which girl has the curviest hip, who has a bosom chest and who walks beguiling, and identifying who has Girman kai, ego in the community. The one egoistic, closely when interrogated, one would discover she is the one who is not trading her teeth for beautiful smiles at any of these near-jobless men, what they will turn out to brand Rashin kamun kai, not modest. The best of the times, if any,  is one that discusses, often prejudicial perspectives, who is mutuniyar kirki, a good girl and who is not.

Many girls dodge passing by roadsides parley to skip their topic brought up unsolicited and to evade the roadside social appraisals and analyses of their lives.

What I will not close, however, without telling you; beautiful marriages have been tied from Roadside Discussions, even though, one may argue equally, many have been dissolved thanks to Roadside Discussions. But, the paradox notwithstanding should not deter young men and women from being the best they can be so that the best comes their way.

Abdussamad wrote in from Kano and can be reached at Abdussamadahmad69@gmail.com

By Habibu Maaruf Abdu

Nigeria gained independence from Britain in 1960. That’s 62 years ago. Unfortunately, however, the country has made no significant advances since then. In my opinion, it takes the collective efforts of all Nigerians to change the story. Nigeria’s ethnically diverse people must agree to unite and develop a sense of working together to move the country forward. In other words, Nigeria must first be united to reach its destined greatness.

To achieve a united Nigeria, the government of the federation must endeavour to command a ‘national loyalty.’ That is, to get support from the people of every part of the country. The government could get this if it gives members of all the parts an equal opportunity in the government and its agencies. This will send a sense of belonging and satisfaction to them. The government should also treat all Nigerians equally, regardless of their regions, religions, tribes, and political affiliations.

Another thing that can bring Nigeria together is leadership rotation across the six geo-political zones. This should be regarded considering the reality in the southeast today. There are grumblings, and even mass agitations, from the southeasterners, mainly because they have never produced a president since the second republic. This fact makes them feel as though they are treated as outcasts in the country and therefore agitate. When leadership rotation is implemented correctly, such agitations will unlikely arise again. Also, the federal government should ensure that no region is envious of the other by making fair zoning of capital projects and equal distribution of resources across every part of the country.

For the peaceful coexistence of ethnically and religiously diverse Nigerians, all ethnic and religious groups must reject their prejudices against one another. They must also understand their differences genuinely. This is necessary for them to have a common ground for respecting and tolerating their differences (cultural, ethnic and religious). It will also help them to live in harmony and build a society with strong human potential and economic progress.

‘Discipline’ and ‘patriotism’ are also areas of emphasis. No nation can be great without these values instilled in the psyche of its citizens. This is why many countries, like china, have a whole ministry for national orientation. Nigeria should copy these countries and launch a massive and consistent campaign for the ethos of civic behaviours and responsibilities in Nigeria. This will help to build discipline, respect and love of the country, as well as national pride, in the society. When these values are present in society, the people will uphold discipline and patriotism. They will reject corruption and all other harmful habits that could cripple their dreams and inhibit their country’s development.

On another side, economic diversification should be considered to put Nigeria on the right track. The country’s economy is, at present, heavily reliant on the revenue derived from the export of crude oil. This leads to low economic growth, which, in turn, favours poverty as there is no room for massive job creation. But the diversification of the economy will certainly change the story. Therefore, Nigeria should diversify into areas like agriculture and industrialization. The agricultural sector, which was the mainstay of the country’s economy before the discovery of oil, has a long value chain. And a firm industrialization policy can create thousands of manufacturing jobs for people.

Nigeria should also make policies that will attract more foreign investors, especially those who produce different kinds of products and machines. This, together with reasonable provisions for private enterprises, will go a long way in reducing unemployment and alleviating poverty in the country.

Notwithstanding the above, Nigeria should do better for the education sector. The saying, “No country can really develop unless its citizens are educated,” cannot be more correct. Unfortunately, Nigeria spends very little on education (less than 8% of its total GDP). The number of out-of-school children is high, and universities remain closed for over seven months due to an indefinite strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). To save education from this mess, Nigeria should increase its expenditure on the education sector; map out a plan for revamping it, and see the plan through with maximum commitment.

At this juncture, I want my fellow Nigerians to remember that; all the developed countries we currently admire have, at some point, been where Nigeria is today. It’s therefore valid to believe that Nigeria can equally develop. Fortunately, the country is blessed with both material and human resources to facilitate the process. However, it is rightly said that Rome wasn’t built in a day. Progress is made with sustained effort over time. Therefore, we need to unite, do our patriotic duties, uphold discipline and get professional and morally upright leaders to drive the country.

I will conclude by quoting Chinua Achebe in his book The Trouble with Nigeria, published in 1983, where he opined that “Nigeria can change today if she discovers leaders who have the will, the ability and the vision. Such people are rare in any time or place. But it’s the duty of enlightened citizens to lead the way to their discovery and to create an atmosphere conducive to their emergence. If this conscious effort is not made, good leaders, like good money, will be driven out by bad.”

It takes our collective efforts to move Nigeria forward.

Habibu Maaruf Abdu wrote from Kano, Nigeria, via habibumaaruf11@gmail.com.

By Aisha Musa Auyo

Perhaps the only group of people that see women beyond their looks are the blind. They judge us based on our character and attitude and, with time, our intellect and intelligence.

I often get judged based on my looks, which pisses me off. It took time, patience, and convincing to come to terms with the reality that people will always judge one by his looks. I want us to ponder that our looks have nothing to do with our intelligence and demeanour.

Personality psychologists have argued that physical appearance is a significant factor in personality development because people form opinions by what they see in a person physically and respond to that person accordingly. In turn, people tend to fulfil the expectations they believe others have for them. 

For example, short people are said to be too aggressive or demand too much respect, or tall people are foolish. And in our society, it’s believed that rich people are evil and will go to hell, while poor people are good people. So they say, “Ku ci a nan, ma ci a can”, meaning “You enjoy this life, and we – the poor – will enjoy in the hereafter”. 

Other common myths that align personality with looks are: slim girls tend to be arrogant and lack patience, while chubby girls are easygoing and humble. Looking good and dressing well makes you arrogant automatically, or driving an expensive car is a showoff. 

Please, let’s study people before we pass judgement, as people’s behaviour evolves with time, education and experiences (these are what make and shape us) regardless of their physical traits. Let’s not allow people’s expectations or comments to shape our thinking. I know it’s easier said than done, but can we try?

I can remember some years back when I went to write a Senior Secondary School entrance aptitude test. After greeting the panels, one of them said, “Miss, I hope you have something to bring to the table beside your good looks. I was 13 years then, and his rhetorical question sent a doubt in my mind that I may not pass the exams. It took convincing myself that if I couldn’t do it, I wouldn’t be illegally adopted as a mercenary for someone else, implying that if I had allowed his comment get me, I might probably fail the exams. This is an example of how people’s expectations shape our thinking.

After the general exams, we were to go for another test, this time one by one with the examiners. I was given a mathematics exercise to solve fractions and square roots. God helped me solve that equation in less than a minute, and the judges were awed. It happened that I was the first one to solve that particular question since they started the test that very day. That man asked me again, which school are you attending? To him, it must be the school that is good, not me. 

A similar incident happened recently during my PhD coursework. I was doing statistics tutorials for my cluster, and the news spread that a tutorial was going on. Some groups of women decided to join. As they entered the class and saw me at the board with a marker, one of the women said, “so there’s a brain inside that fine face”. 

I retorted. My brain is finer than my face, in my mind, of course, as this woman is old enough to be my mom. But this time around, I didn’t let her statement intimidate me. All thanks to age and experience. I just pretended not to hear and continued with the class: If I’d allowed that to get through me and said what came to my mind aloud, it would prove that slim ladies are arrogant.

These cases should sound like compliments, but they’re an insult. Why do people believe that beauty and brains are mutually exclusive? What does our look have to do with our brain? My best friend, the best in mathematics in our class, is one of the most beautiful people I’ve met. She’s a civil engineer now.

My other best friend, a tall, fair, beautiful Fulani lady, is now a medical doctor. I have also met short people who are soft-hearted and humble. I’ve met wealthy people who are down-to-earth, simple and have a kind heart. I’ve met not so good looking people who are also not so brilliant but have strength in kindness, empathy, and excellent marketing skills. 

Each person has strengths, so also weaknesses. For example, a blind person may have superpowers that someone with eyes may not. I’ve seen disabled people do things with their only leg or hand that are humanly impossible. 

This debate of physical traits and how they manifest in our personality is beyond human comprehension, for it involves genetics, life experiences, grit, tenacity, and willpower. This unending nature-nurture debate could only be laid to rest if we agree that these matters are beyond us.

By Aliyu A. Ammani

Those following happenings in social media could not have missed the debates and controversies generated by the rise in tribal identity consciousness among the Hausa in Nigeria. Identity among the Hausa has been suppressed by the mischievous use of the tag “Bamaguje”, masked by “Hausa-Fulani” and “Arewa” labels, and tacitly put into question over the years. Many people see in this increasing consciousness a threat to the coexistence between the Hausa and the Fulani, two tribes living together for centuries in Hausaland.

A series of conspiracy theories are churned to explain the genesis of this resurgence on social media, most of which sound somewhat ridiculous. The conspiracy theorists appeared not to see the wood for the trees. There are two primary reasons behind the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity in Nigeria today.

First, the Bororo Fulani banditry in mainstream Hausaland on populations that are essentially Hausa, and its attendant destruction of lives and properties, maiming, looting, raping of women, kidnapping for ransom etc. Thousands of towns and villages across Hausaland have been sacked. Communities of free law-abiding citizens are forced back to the dark age of slavery; abled-bodied men are attacked and abducted, sometimes right inside mosques on Fridays. The perpetrators of these heinous crimes are always willing to tell the world they are Fulani, fighting for Fulani against the Hausa. The reader can hear from the Horse’s Mouth in the following audio-visual documentaries available on YouTube: (i) BBC Africa Eye Documentary “The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara”, (ii) Trust TV’s “Nigeria’s Banditry ‘The Inside Story” and. (iii) video coverage of Dr Ahmad Gumi’s meeting with Zamfara Bandits at Shinkafi.

Second, and most importantly, the attitude of city-dwelling Fulani, including some notable traditional and religious leaders in Hausaland, in the face of Bororo banditry. Instead of publicly dissociating themselves from the atrocities or publicly declaring that terrorists like Bello Turji, Dogo Gide and Ado Aleru do not represent the Fulani, they seem more comfortable fabricating excuses for the bandits in tongue-in-cheek statements.

The leaders say, “their cattle were rustled”, “traditional cattle routes were blocked by new farmlands and settlements”, “the Fulani are not in it alone, there are other tribes including the Hausa aiding and supporting them”, and “the governments neglect the Fulani, …” etc. Not a single traditional ruler in mainstream Hausaland came out to publicly take an impartial stand, as did the emir of Muri. Even Miyetti Allah, the Fulani association that is always quick to cry blue murder whenever the interest of the Bororo appeared threatened, appeared to lose its voice. Thus, projecting an impression that while Bororo Fulani are busy terrorising and destroying Hausa populations and settlements, city Fulani are busy manufacturing and propagating excuses and justifications for the atrocities.

Can one sincerely justify banditry or rebellion by Fulani in Hausaland, a land that is practically a Fulani territory? The most important traditional rulers in Hausaland are Fulani. The key political figures and public officials in Hausaland are Fulani. The most notable Islamic clerics and religious leaders are Fulani. Even in Hausa settlements outside Hausaland, the heads of the communities, known as “Sarakunan Hausawa” (singl. Sarkin Hausawa) majority are Fulani. Therefore, the Fulani should be the last to rebel in Hausaland!

The Hausa, hitherto feeling that he has ‘his back covered’ by the Fulani, feels betrayed. With the scales falling off his eyes, he began to see the writing on the wall: “You are on your own”. This ignites the process that sparked the chain of reactions that we now see on social media as the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity, what others see as the dissociation of Hausawa from the Fulani.

There is indeed the tendency that a reawakening of identity consciousness among the Hausa is capable of igniting an equal spark in Fulani identity among the almost “hausanised” Fulani in Hausaland. This could lead to an upsurge in identity politics among both groups, leading to extremism where elements from both tribes could begin to see and interpret processes and events on a “we versus them’ basis. Traces of such extremism are already visible. However, the possibility of such a tendency should not be reason enough to deny the Hausa of their rights to tribal identity, association and aspirations for the simple reason that other Nigerian tribes have been enjoying such rights without posing any threat to their coexistence with other tribes in Nigeria.

The upsurge in Hausa identity revival has started and cannot be stifled or halted. The genie is already out of the bottle. The question that begs an answer is, “which way forward”? The way forward is not in the identification and clamping down on the persons or group managing pro-Hausa identity revival social media handles as is being suggested by some Islamic clerics across Northern Nigeria. This is more likely to compound rather than solve the problem.

The solution is for the ‘organised Fulani front’ to confront and respectfully address the fears of the Hausa people (of a conspiracy to annihilate them). They should also give them their assurance and publicly dissociate the Fulani from the activities of terrorists like Bello Turji & Co, and commence the process of rebuilding mutual trust and respect between the Hausa and Fulani.

Aliyu A. Ammani wrote via aaammani@yahoo.co.uk fromU/Shanu, Kaduna, Nigeria.

By Abdulrahman Yunusa 

Entire my life, I have never seen Nigeria more divided than this time under President Muhammadu Buhari. Even those who share the same geographical location, history and ancestral background at some point are fighting each other today. 

To be precise, the current tussle between Hausa and Fulani disturbs my psyche. Who really curses us? Are we used to such trivialities before, or just by accident, we found ourselves in this predicament overnight?

How can we convince the upcoming generation that the North used to be peaceful, where the inhabitants peacefully mingle with each other irrespective of tribal affiliation or identity? After all, the gleaming narratives have been bitterly coloured into ugly ones.

Perhaps, the crisis of identity was a thing of obscure in the North in those days. Nevertheless, for over several decades, the ethnics group have been romancing each other as if they were of the same origin, although they are to some degree. Hence they even succeeded in burying the ethnic difference by making social unions among themselves.

Sadly, today we are talking about another issue. Things have changed over time. We bow down and take a different dimension which goes in contrary to that of our great-grandfathers. The rising hostility is out this world today among the major ethnic groups in the North.

Honestly, this man may be the worst leader Nigeria has ever had. His advent into the corridor of power is a curse to the then two harmonious ethnic groups, who are fighting each other fiercely under the curtain of politics and other politically related issues. 

It’s unbecoming for the conflictual parties to shun the history of their peaceful relation to some cheap matters that don’t worth their attention, let alone consuming their long, everlasting, and marvellous cordial relationship. However, attached to any upheaval, there is a lesson to learn for the future.

On a lighter note, I sense some suspicious plan meant and orchestrated by some intruders to get this everlasting combo broken down. Sadly, soon chicken will come back home to roast. The invisible hands igniting the fire of hatred among the interrelated parties would bury their face in shame.

North would never be divided, in sha Allah. May North and Nigeria proper, amin.

Abdulrahman Yunusa is a political and social affairs analyst. He writes from Bauchi and can be reached via abdulrahmanyunusa10@gmail.com.

By Dr Raji Bello

The past few years have witnessed a gradual emergence of references in public commentary and social media to a potential or actual rupture of relations between Hausa and Fulani groups in the Northwest geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Prior to this, the two groups had enjoyed a largely harmonious relationship for much of their history which was only punctuated during the period of the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate.

Since Nigeria came into being at the turn of the 20th century, conflict between the two groups was limited to occasional farmer/herder disputes. While the region has distinct Hausa (majority) and Fulani (minority) communities in the rural areas, the urban centres tend to have mostly mixed populations united by the Hausa language and Islam, which eliminates the possibility of ethnic conflict.

The idea of Hausa/Fulani antagonism began to emerge several years ago in the commentaries of individuals from outside the North like Femi Fani-Kayode and Nnamdi Kanu who relished in promoting it as a potential tool for undermining northern hegemony, as they saw it. But recent developments in the Northwest like the emirship succession in Kano and Zazzau, and the violent conflict between rural Fulani and Hausa vigilante groups as well as the wave of banditry against local communities by Fulani elements has created narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict among northerners themselves.

As we acknowledge this new reality, it is also important to recognise that there are two strands of these narratives out there and the motives of those who articulate each of them are different. I will group them into non-extremist and extremist narratives.

Non-extremist narratives

These are propagated by ordinary Hausa citizens who are concerned by what they see as the continued suppression of Hausa identity and prestige as well as threats to the security of Hausa communities in parts of the Northwest as a result of banditry. They hold an unfavourable view of the existence of exclusively Fulani traditional ruling dynasties in Hausa-dominated emirates like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau which were established when the Sokoto Caliphate came into being over 200 years ago. They object to the references that are often made to the Fulani heritage of the emirs (although I believe that this is not done out of ethnic chauvinism but because of a need for historical accuracy). These are concerns that the state governments in the Northwest can engage, with a view to introducing reforms that would assuage negative feelings and lead to a more harmonious society.

Traditional institutions play a vital role in preserving our heritage but for some segments of society, they may also be permanent reminders of an unpalatable past. It is the responsibility of modern day governments to ensure that they strike a balance between the two i.e. preserving heritage while not alienating some segments of society.

Reforms could be introduced that would formally recognise and integrate the legacies of the pre-Caliphate Hausa emirs. Like a contributor Aliyu Ammani has suggested in a Daily Trust article, Hausa ruling houses could be included as contenders during succession to the emirships; our governors are fond of creating new emirates where they didn’t exist before and therefore, they should not find it difficult to create new ruling houses within the existing emirates. The Sokoto state government may also consider elevating the status of the Sarkin Gobir of Sabon Birni – the ancient Hausa kingdom of Gobir being the epicentre of the Sokoto Jihad.

Governments have a duty to recognise and preserve heritage holistically; the heritage of some segments of society should not be elevated over those of others in a post-Caliphate and post-colonial nation state. This is a recipe for entrenching communal tension and possible conflict. The Northwest governments should collectively nip these emerging issues in the bud and not allow them to fester and grow into major problems in the future.

I expect some readers to either say that these suggestions are too radical or that they will be impossible to implement. I’m used to hearing this from reform-shy Nigerians who like things to remain just as they are even when the existing situation is pushing us towards the edge of the cliff.

The second cause for concern is, of course, the ongoing wave of banditry against local Hausa communities in many parts of the Northwest in which Fulani elements are major actors. However, this is not primarily an ethnic conflict; if communities that have lived in peace for generations are now locked in violent conflict we need to scratch below the surface to find the actual causes.

The banditry is a symptom of the failure of governance at various levels. Even a report commissioned by the Zamfara state government (the MD Abubakar-led committee) has alluded to that by indicting former governors, top government officials, traditional rulers and members of the security services. There are chronic issues with agricultural land management, law enforcement capacity, corruption and maladministration by local officials and traditional rulers.

The lack of a long term plan by successive federal and state governments for transitioning nomadic pastoralists to modern and sustainable livelihoods is itself an evidence of leadership failure. While people are entitled to show concern about the apparent ethnic divide in the conflict, it is clear that it is not fundamentally an ethnic one.

Extremist narratives

These are deeply inciting and apocalyptic portrayals of the state of Hausa/Fulani relations in the Northwest which are propagated on the internet by people with no apparent desire for peaceful co-existence. Their aim seems to be to incite a major upheaval in order to undermine the fabric of society. They are a faceless mix of anarchists, genocide entrepreneurs and probably, people with a religious agenda. They often start their narratives by depicting the arrival of the Fulani in Hausa land hundreds of years ago as an invasion, then portray Usman Danfodio as the original Fulani bandit leader before dwelling on their favourite topic of interrogating the validity of Hausa-Fulani as a descriptive term for a segment of the population of the Northwest. They hide behind a veneer of seductive Hausa ethnic nationalism but their true agenda is to engineer maximum disruption in the Northwest which they hope would serve their interests.

There is a YouTube site and a Facebook page dedicated to the project (yes, it does appear to be a well-funded project) and I have viewed a few of their videos. Some of the voices on the videos bear distinct Nigerien accents (with French-influenced pronunciations) and some of their messages give a hint that they are non-Muslim Hausas. One of the voices called for unity among Hausa people of all faiths – Muslim, Christian and pagan to confront the Fulani threat, as they saw it. From my knowledge of northern Nigerians, it is very unlikely that a Hausa Muslim Nigerian would call for unity between Hausa Muslims and Hausa pagans considering how paganism is viewed in Islam. A Hausa individual who makes this call is likely to be a non-Muslim. And if those behind the extremist messages on the internet are non-Muslim Hausas, the question arises about whether they are working for a religious agenda or not. By saying “non-Muslim Hausas” I’m not necessarily alluding to the Hausa Christian community; there are also a small but assertive number of Hausa atheists and modern day pagans who are not necessarily enamoured of the prevailing order in Northwest society. If anyone feels that I’m being alarmist here, they should visit the YouTube channel of Jaruma Hausa Tv and listen to the messages themselves.

Conclusion

Authorities in the Northwest need to face the new reality of tension and misgivings between the hitherto harmonious communities of Hausa and Fulani. There are issues that are germane (the exclusivist Caliphate traditional dynasties in some of the Northwest emirates and the ongoing banditry) behind the new unease in ethnic relations which need to be actively addressed, in order to re-establish harmony. But it should also be recognised that not all those who are currently pushing narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict or Hausa nationalism on the internet are working for peaceful co-existence. Some of them are merely exploiting contemporary issues in the Northwest to achieve their own dark agenda.