2027 elections

By Muhammad Isyaku Malumfashi

One thing I despise about Katsina’s political realm is the absence of a strong and formidable opposition that will tackle the government’s dormancy and make them very focused and renaissance-like toward their responsibilities by using both envious and constructive criticism against those in power, so that at least the citizens may witness democratic dividends seen in some states.

But for the opposition to hold hands and keep mute without holding those in power accountable for any misfortune is unhealthy, and that’s the reason why we are here. Many citizens have questions about the power, but they are afraid to ask due to threats of arrest or intimidation by those close to the power. Perhaps some would disguise themselves in the name of advice to convince you not to oppose this failed government led by the so-called PhD, but they will not prove to you that what you said about the government is not true.

It’s a good thing to advise one to be cautious and watchful of his tongue, but it’s cowardice to intimidate him with arrest or cite the quibbles of his words without pointing out the error in them. The present Katsina government at all levels has become a failure despite the boasting made about the ‘educational qualification’ of the governor during the campaign and even after in his first year of office.

The governor made it clear that he would work with only ‘educated people’ because he is a PhD holder. His academic position was also used to deceive people into believing that Katsina would have a governor for the first time who had attained such a high level of education, unlike his predecessors, who were only master’s degree and diploma holders. People believed that the highest level of education equates to good governance until Governor Radda spent two years in office with nothing to show, or at least outshine or perform better than his predecessors.

That’s when we realised that a secondary school leaver may do better than a PhD in governance because it’s not about the qualification but fear of God, experience, integrity, and honesty. This administration of a PhD holder has not endangered any sector in Katsina. Take the security issue first, which is the most pressing issue in the state.

During the campaign, the governor made it clear that even if it’ll cost him not constructing a single gutter, he’ll eliminate insecurity in the state. We were happy to hear that and even began to see some desirable steps toward actualising that by distributing ammunition to citizens, launching the Katsina State Security Watch Corps, and arresting and killing many people found sabotaging the fight against insecurity. But what happened along the way?

The emphasis was later shifted to politics; the bold promise of no negotiation with bandits at the weak point was broken, and we saw negotiations made in some local governments when it was apparent that the bandits breached many trusts that had been placed in them by the previous government after the talks, and the insurgency escalated. It’s only during Radda that we’ve seen the worst of banditry, especially in my hometown of Malumfashi.

Initially, they only attacked villages, but later they expanded their attacks to cities. People are no longer safe. The son of our immediate local government chairman has been in bandits’ captivity for months now. My sibling, a sister of the same father and the same mother, was kidnapped in the same area where the ex-chairman lived while in office, and his child was abducted.

Many people inside Malumfashi were kidnapped; some were killed, and some had ransom paid to release them. Even today, I woke up seeing the sad news of the death of a PDP leader in Malumfashi from bandits. It’s under this government that dozens of villages in Malumfashi were evacuated due to banditry, and a whole brigadier general from Tsiga was kidnapped and spent more than 50 days in their hands before gaining freedom after millions were paid to them as ransom.

And a first-position winner from Katsina of the National Qur’anic Competition (Musabaqa) held in Kebbi was also kidnapped with his parents along their way back to Faskari from Katsina, where the governor gave him prizes and gifts, but was not able to ask security to escort him home despite the apparent danger of their town. And the governor made a blatant lie in a video, which I saved for my unborn children to remind them that ‘he’s the one feeding every family whose head is kidnapped in the state.’ This is not just a capital lie but a grievous one.

If you take education, you still have nothing to show. The previous government was paying WAEC and NECO for every student in government schools who passed the qualifying exams. Still, this government of ‘PhDs’ paid only NECO to every student, even if he or she passed both WAEC and NECO last year. Katsina’s NECO result was released late last year, after many schools had concluded their admission processes, and the pass rate was very low. Katsina was ranked among the three lowest-passing states in the NECO exam last year.

The governor employed thousands of teachers and a few from the health sector. I agreed, but he did not tell us how many thousands have retired in every sector every year and how far along the replacement process is. No school will go without seeing a shortage of teachers, and the same goes for clinics.

How long did it take him to implement the 70k minimum wage, and has it been implemented 100%? You’ll hardly see a civil servant who saw an increase of up to 50k in his salary, like in other states. What was the cause of his dispute with the university staff about the minimum wage implementation, and how many times did they reject his low implementation of minimum wage for them?

The tertiary school fees were raised when many students were dropping out due to the high cost of education, even though the governor is now earning more than his predecessor because of the removal of subsidies. His predecessor did not increase the school fees, but PhD did. In his just two years in office, he claims to have spent more on security than the previous government did in 8 years, yet there has been no clear difference between the two governments in their success against banditry in the state.

Only these two crucial areas are sufficient to condemn this Yan Boko government, but the lack of opposition in Katsina is giving the governor the confidence to speak badly about the coalition. 

Coalition/opposition has come to stay in Katsina, and no man born of a woman can stop it.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The growing political controversy surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket for the 2027 general elections came to the fore at the Northeast Zonal Meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held in Gombe on Saturday, June 14, 2025. Party leaders, stakeholders, and delegates gathered to endorse Tinubu for a second term, amid rising internal debates over the party’s viability, unity, and future direction ahead of the next electoral cycle.

If President Tinubu decides to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima in favour of another Muslim from the North, it could reignite the deeply divisive Muslim-Muslim ticket debate that stirred significant controversy during the 2023 presidential election.

Retaining Vice President Kashim Shettima may help the Tinubu camp avoid reigniting the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket debate, but it also raises questions about the ticket’s continued strategic value. While the pairing was originally calculated to consolidate support among Muslim voters in the North during the 2023 election, changing political dynamics suggest that the ticket may no longer hold the same appeal. With growing dissatisfaction in parts of the North and shifting voter sentiments nationwide, some within the APC believe that the Tinubu/Shettima combination may now offer diminishing electoral returns.

Even if President Tinubu opts for a new Muslim running mate, the Muslim-Muslim ticket may no longer deliver the same political dividends in the North. A growing number of Northern-Muslim voters reportedly feel underrepresented or sidelined in the current administration, despite the religious alignment of the top two offices. 

Discontent over perceived sidelining in federal appointments, economic policies, and security outcomes has weakened the assumption that religious pairing alone can secure Northern loyalty. As such, simply replacing Shettima with another Northern Muslim may not be enough to re-energise the base or guarantee widespread support in 2027.

Should President Tinubu replace Shettima with another Muslim from the North, it would likely provoke renewed backlash from Christian communities nationwide, especially in the North. Many would raise the familiar and legitimate question: Are there no capable Northern Christians fit to serve as Vice President? In a country where religious identity plays a central role in politics and representation.

If President Tinubu chooses a Northern Christian as his running mate, he risks alienating a core part of the APC’s support base. These Northern Muslim voters have historically been the backbone of the party’s electoral strength in the north. Many within this bloc view the Muslim-Muslim ticket as both symbolic and strategic. Without votes from the north, Tinubu’s second term will have key-leg

Selecting a running mate from the Northwest could trigger resistance or even quiet rebellion from the Northeast, which may interpret the move as a political slight or marginalisation. Having produced the current Vice President, the Northeast might expect to retain the position as a matter of continuity and recognition of its contribution to the party’s 2023 victory. Overlooking the region could stir resentment among its political leaders and grassroots supporters, potentially weakening the APC’s hold in key Northeastern states. It may also open the door for opposition parties to exploit regional grievances and rally disaffected voters under the banner of regional justice and equity. The  NorthCentral will also ask some questions- Tinubu won four states in north central- Kogi, Benue, Kwara and Niger

Choosing another Muslim running mate from the Northeast, but outside the Borno-Yobe axis, could provoke backlash from that axis. The Borno-Yobe axis, long considered the APC’s stronghold in the Northeast, may view such a move as a betrayal of loyalty, especially given that Borno was the only state in the region that delivered a win for Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election. Overlooking this issue in favour of another Northeastern state could result in protest votes or political apathy from key stakeholders and voters who feel their support is being taken for granted. In a tightly contested 2027 race, such fractures could prove costly.

Ultimately, the debate surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima ticket for 2027 is shaping up to be an early and avoidable self-inflicted wound for the APC. Rather than uniting the party around governance and strategy, it has reopened an unnecessary debate and controversy. This is fueling unnecessary tension within the party ranks and distracting from core governance issues that could strengthen the APC’s re-election prospects. 

Yet, amid all the speculation and lobbying, it is important to remember that the selection of a running mate remains the sole constitutional prerogative of the presidential candidate. While input from party leaders and stakeholders matters, the final decision rests with President Tinubu, who must now weigh loyalty, optics, regional dynamics, and electoral viability in making a choice that could define both his legacy and the APC’s future.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Audu Bulama Bukarti is a noisemaker who understands nothing about politics. His recent comments on the newly formed opposition coalition are not only shallow but also dangerously misleading. While millions of Nigerians are applauding this coalition as a timely and necessary step to challenge the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and rescue the country from economic suffocation, Bukarti — a London-based lawyer — chose to mock the effort on social media.

Rather than supporting a credible and coordinated opposition, he is promoting a vague, unstructured “youth political party,” claiming that only the youth can bring about change. This may sound attractive on paper, but it shows just how politically naive he is. Politics isn’t wishful thinking — it’s a game of structure, influence, visibility, and strategic alliances.

Just like filmmaking, where unknown actors rarely carry a blockbuster, political success depends on familiar, trusted, and tested figures. The leaders in the ADC-led coalition may not be perfect, but they possess the political weight, experience, and resources to help Nigeria emerge from this crisis. They are not saints, but they know what the people are going through, and their unity reflects the seriousness of the moment.

We must not forget the damage the Tinubu-led APC government has caused: the reckless removal of fuel subsidy, the crippling naira devaluation, inflation that has turned food and transportation into luxury, and a general sense of hopelessness among ordinary citizens. Nigerians are hungry and angry — and they need relief, not political experiments.

Bukarti’s idea that youth alone can take over now is not only unrealistic, but also risky. It will divide the opposition, weaken the resistance, and give the APC a smooth ride into another term of hardship. The youth are important, yes. However, they must join hands with established political structures to make an impact, rather than isolating themselves in emotional idealism.

The ADC coalition brings together people who understand Nigerian politics, who have reach, recognition, and machinery. That’s what it takes to defeat a regime that has weaponised poverty and punished the poor. Unity is the only way forward. This is not a time to gamble or experiment — it is a time to act wisely and strategically.

Bukarti’s obsession with promoting his “youth party” at this critical point raises serious questions. Is it merely ignorance, or is he playing a hidden role to distract and sabotage the coalition’s genuine efforts? Either way, Nigerians must not be fooled. The real enemy is not the coalition, but the hunger, insecurity, and hopelessness forced on us by the Tinubu government.

This is not the time for ego or empty noise. What Nigerians need are leaders with courage, experience, and structure, not social media loudspeakers who offer nothing but confusion. Bukarti should either contribute meaningfully or step aside.

The ADC coalition may not be perfect, but it is Nigeria’s best shot at ending the nightmare. This moment demands unity, not division — strategy, not noise — and above all, action, not confusion.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai wrote from Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has declared that its 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, no longer has the party’s platform to contest against President Bola Tinubu or any other presidential hopeful in the upcoming 2027 elections.

This was announced in a statement on Saturday by the party’s National Chairman, Dr. Agbo Major, in response to comments made by Buba Galadima, who claimed that Kwankwaso would remain in the NNPP and contest the next presidential election on its ticket.

Galadima had dismissed speculations that Kwankwaso was defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), insisting the former governor would strategically stay in the NNPP until the 2027 political whistle is blown. He also urged Nigerians to support Kwankwaso’s presidential ambition.

However, Dr. Agbo refuted Galadima’s claims, stressing that both Kwankwaso and Galadima had long been expelled from the party for anti-party activities and therefore could not speak for or use the NNPP for any political ambition.

“Our Memorandum of Understanding with the Kwankwasiyya Movement, led by Kwankwaso, ended shortly after the 2023 elections. We cannot allow Kwankwaso back into the NNPP because of the internal crises and legal battles he caused,” Agbo stated.

He alleged that Kwankwaso attempted to hijack the party by changing its logo to reflect the Kwankwasiyya movement’s identity, which was later reversed through court intervention after a controversial convention in Abuja.

Agbo also dismissed the possibility of Kwankwaso receiving another automatic ticket from the NNPP, stating that such a privilege would not be granted again.

“Kwankwaso is known for joining only political parties where he can control leadership. But here, that era is gone. His ambition is dead on arrival,” Agbo added.

While affirming Kwankwaso’s constitutional right to contest any office, Agbo emphasised that the NNPP would not be involved in any antagonism against the President or other political parties.

He said the party is now considering fresh aspirants ahead of 2027 and will ensure due process and transparency in selecting its next presidential candidate.

“The NNPP has moved on. We will not be drawn into needless controversies. We advise Kwankwaso to form his own party if he still wants to pursue his ambitions,” Agbo concluded.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Frankly, as 2027 draws closer, whispers are growing louder; some are plotting, some are speculating, and others are simply wishful thinkers. They say President Tinubu might drop Vice President Kashim Shettima from the ticket to boost electoral chances. But if we are being honest, not sentimental, dropping Shettima would be one of the biggest political mistakes of this era.

Let’s be clear: Shettima wasn’t brought in to win photo ops. He was not chosen to shout. He was chosen because he represents strategy, loyalty, and capacity.

During the 2023 storm, when many were still calculating risks, Shettima stood firm by Tinubu, took all the heat, and became the stabilising voice in the North. He brought Borno home. He calmed the waves of religious tension. He didn’t just represent Northern Nigeria, he defended it.

People love to talk numbers, but politics isn’t always about arithmetic. It is about perception, loyalty, and structure. Yes, the ticket lost five out of six states in the North-East, but let us not be blind to the facts: the region was deeply divided, and only a few could have held it together the way Shettima did with calm, intellect, and dignity.

Some say he is quiet now. That he doesn’t shout like others. But since when did noise become the metric for leadership? The man is focused. In meetings, in negotiations, and in execution, Shettima is playing chess while others are busy playing checkers. He understands the principles of statecraft, loyalty, and sacrifice. And President Tinubu knows this more than anyone else.

Let us also not forget: those pushing to remove Shettima are not doing it for Nigeria’s sake. They want access. They want control. They want to plant division between two men who have stood the test of storms. But Tinubu is no stranger to betrayal and loyalty. He knows that in the trenches of 2023, Shettima was not just a running mate; he was a co-strategist, a co-sufferer, and a co-winner.

And please, let us not pretend that swapping Shettima will win the North. In politics, you don’t throw away the one who stood by you during war, just to flirt with the illusion of peace. The North respects loyalty. The North watches consistently. And dropping Shettima will be read not as a strategy, but as desperation.

Look at Shettima’s journey: former banker, former governor who rebuilt Borno in the middle of terror, a man of books and action. He didn’t become Vice President by luck. He earned it. And he’s still earning it every single day without trying to outshine his principal.

President Tinubu knows the value of this. He knows that the Renewed Hope Agenda is not a solo script; it was co-authored with Shettima. Replacing him would mean rewriting the entire playbook at halftime. That is not just risky; it is reckless.

Let us not fall for planted headlines and deliberate silence from those who are trying to test the waters. If anything, Shettima remains Tinubu’s best bet for 2027, not just for the votes, but for the trust, balance, and competence he brings.

You don’t gamble with loyalty. Not when the stakes are this high. Not when your legacy is on the line. Tinubu knows. And that is why he won’t blink.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Yobe State and can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Political drama recently unfolded in Gombe State as tensions escalated between the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the APC National Vice Chairman (Northeast), Comrade Mustapha Salihu, Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, and Borno State Governor, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum.  At the heart of the storm were whispers of a plot to replace Vice President Kashim Shettima. But in the eye of that storm stands Shettima himself; silent, composed, and unfazed.

There has been no speech, social media post, or press release. Shettima has not acknowledged the theatrics or addressed the speculations. There is no rebuttal, no outrage, just purposeful silence—a silence that suggests a man far more committed to duty than distractions.

While the speculations make the rounds in political circles, Vice President Shettima’s schedule remains unchanged. In January 2025, he represented Nigeria at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. There, he engaged in high-level sessions on digital trade and investment and co-chaired discussions focused on humanitarian resilience, building international bridges while avoiding the noise of local politics.

He used the global platform to launch the Humanitarian and Resilience Investment Roadmap for Africa, advocating for deeper public-private partnerships across the continent. As always, his approach was less about rhetoric and more about results.

Back home in Maiduguri, Borno State, the Vice President continues to prioritise grassroots development. He commissioned the Expanded National MSME Clinic and Fashion Hub, a project expected to create over 48,000 jobs annually. He also distributed unconditional grants to entrepreneurs and pledged continued support through public-private partnerships to boost local businesses.

Shettima also inaugurated the National Asset Restoration Programme, reinforcing his long-standing commitment to post-insurgency reconstruction in the Northeast.

His record across sectors reflects structural impact. Over 300,000 businesses have been supported, and more than one million jobs have been generated under initiatives he directly oversees. These aren’t political promises; they’re measurable achievements.

At the national level, he chairs the National Council on MSMEs, advocating for innovation, job security, and stronger synergy between the public and private sectors, all under the framework of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

As a champion of youth empowerment, Shettima spearheads human capital development efforts. He inaugurated the Nigeria Jubilee Programme Steering Committee, designed to train and equip thousands of graduates with marketable skills and workplace readiness.

He has also remained active in strengthening regional cooperation. At the 5th Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum in Maiduguri, he emphasised the importance of pairing military security with economic inclusion to secure lasting peace in the subregion.

In every assignment, Shettima has demonstrated sagacious loyalty, not only to his office and the President but also to the people he serves. Amid swirling conversations about his replacement, he has not lost focus. He has doubled down on leadership, service, and delivery.

His calculated silence is a strategy. He understands that emotional outbursts or political mudslinging could deepen divisions within the party. His restraint underscores a higher allegiance to duty, national stability, and unity.

The Vice President’s quiet determination sends a message: true leadership is about resolution, not reaction. In a political landscape often dominated by noise, Shettima has chosen the steady path of substance, letting results, not rumours, define his legacy.

Even as political storms gather, Shettima stays the course. His silence isn’t ignorance or weakness—it is discipline. And with his continued focus on economic development, job creation, and regional security, his work speaks louder than any rebuttal ever could.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a journalist with PRNigeria and Economic Confidential, headquartered in Abuja. He can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has issued a strong warning to Senator Ali Ndume following his recent remarks suggesting that President Bola Tinubu could face the same electoral fate as former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2027 if urgent reforms are not implemented.

Senator Ndume, who represents Borno South Senatorial District, made the statement during his appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Sunday.

Responding to his remarks, the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, on Tuesday acknowledged Ndume’s longstanding role within the party but stressed that discipline within the party is of utmost importance.

“Senator Ndume is a senior and respected member of the APC. This is not the first time he has aired his views publicly about how the country is being governed by his party, sometimes expressing dissent or contrary opinions,” Ibrahim said.

He continued, “However, the APC is a party of liberal-minded people. We do not reject diverse ideas, provided they do not violate the party’s constitution.”

Ibrahim reiterated that while the APC upholds internal democracy and freedom of expression, members are expected to operate within the party’s defined limits.

By Emeka Blaise Okpara

As the 2027 general elections draw closer, the gale of defections that has rocked the People’s Democratic Party in recent times has thrown those in the current ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) into wild ecstasy. Once the largest political party in Africa, the PDP ran out of luck in 2015 when it lost the presidency to the APC. Before then, the party held power for sixteen years. 

In fact, at the peak of the party’s stronghold in power, the national chairman, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, boasted in 2008 that the PDP would rule Nigeria for another sixty years. Perhaps lost in the effervescent aplomb of public office, he forgot that the future cannot always be assured. His boisterous vituperation was perceived as the height of braggadocio, a trait synonymous with most Nigerian political elites. 

Many were not surprised when, a few years after this declaration was made, the party started witnessing some implosion within its ranks. The fall of the PDP was masterminded by members of the party who formed an alliance with the opposition, which eventually led to its calamitous loss in the 2015 general elections.

Sadly, the party that once reigned monstrously in Africa’s most populous black nation has become a shadow of itself. Unfortunately for the PDP, since they found themselves out of power, they have not been able to play the role of the opposition because it is not in their DNA to do so, unlike the APC, which was birthed through opposition. 

In fact, it would not be out of place to say that the APC has so mastered the art of opposition that it has even devised means of creating its own opposition within and outside the party to keep any real opposition party at bay through controlled opposition.

With the open declaration of support for Tinubu’s presidency from governors of supposed opposition parties, and the defection of notable figures like the current Governor of Delta State, Mr. Sheriff Oborevwori, and Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, the immediate past governor of Delta State and running mate to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 presidential elections, many in the President’s camp have picked up a trumpet to sound it to whoever cares to listen that President Tinubu is a master political strategist.

As far as those in the President’s camp are concerned, the 2027 presidential election is already in the bag, awaiting to be transported home. In their assessment and assertiveness, nobody can defeat the chief political strategist of our time in the forthcoming elections.

It would be simplistic for anybody to assume that the mere fact that opposition members are trooping into the President’s camp is enough reason to believe that he will have an easy ride into his second term – far from it! If anything, Nigerians should be worried, as such actions only indicate state capture.

Nigerians are well aware of the politics their political office holders play. With the nature of politics played in Nigeria,where stomach infrastructure and personal interest supersede national interest, this junketing shouldn’t be a surprise.  What do you expect from politicians in a land where political parties lack ideologies apart from grabbing power? 

Interestingly, these massive defections should teach Nigerians that there is obviously no difference between the APC and the PDP. These political elites only care about themselves and not the welfare of Nigerians! At a time when Nigerians’ living standards are at an all-time low due to ill-thought-out policies by the Tinubu-led administration, politicians are falling over themselves to dance owambe in the APC. 

To keen observers of the Nigerian political landscape, these mass defections to the APC are nothing short of a defense mechanism employed by the party to give the impression that it is in total control, and for the defectors – whose priority should be governing and serving the people – to have a haven when the chips are down.  Unless on paper, there is no clear evidence that this administration has performed well enough to warrant admiration from the supposed opposition,who now join them in troops.

Moreover, the only reason political elites are decamping is that Nigeria has a flawed electoral process where the votes of the electorate do not count. If the so-called independent electoral umpire, INEC, were living up to its mandate, political office holders would learn to be disciplined and understand that only performance can guarantee their election or re-election.

While those who believe that the President is a political strategist continue to bask in his political mastery, one is compelled to ask why he has not been able to apply his strategy effectively in governance. Politics, according to Plato, should be for the common good. Nigerians would love to see and benefit from President Tinubu’s acclaimed strategy. 

Political strategy should not begin and end with seizing power. Where is his strategy for overhauling the economy since he assumed the presidency? Are Nigerians better off today than they were three years ago? Why hasn’t he employed his renowned strategy to tackle the nation’s insecurity? Or has the security of lives and property ceased to be the government’s primary responsibility? Where is his plan for reliable power, and why must Nigerians pay excessively for unstable electricity? Don’t we need his strategy for quality healthcare facilities? These vital sectors urgently require his strategic attention!

It would be ludicrous for anyone to believe that the future of Nigeria is solely in the hands of the political officeholders. Whether or not anyone wants to believe it, 2027 is still a long time off. Though Nigerian politicians are always thinking of the next elections, and not how to better the lives of their citizens, they must realise that the political dynamics can change anytime. 

General Sani Abacha was almost certain of becoming a civilian president in 1996. He had convinced all the key political actors of the time to endorse his presidency, and everything was working for his good, but fate had other plans. 

The only thing that will guarantee any political office holder a re-election in a constitutional democracy like ours is performance! A second term in office is like a referendum on an individual’s first term. The power to elect still rests with the people and not with politicians, except that we are no longer a democracy. 

If President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is keen on his second term, he should up his game. If he is unaware, someone should inform the President that Nigerians are not having it easy. Instead of focusing on the 2027 reelection in 2025, he should take advantage of the remaining two years of his first term in office to show his work. PR without performance is pure propaganda!  

A working Nigeria benefits all, irrespective of religion or tribe. Nigerians are groaning under his knee-jerk policies, which have plunged a vast majority of citizens into penury. More than ever, this is when Nigerians expect to feel the impact of his much-trumpeted strategy. Nigerians want to see evidence beyond the rhetoric.

Blaise Emeka Okpara, a student at the International Institute of Journalism, writes from Abuja and can be contacted at: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com

By Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari

Across Nigeria today, the earth is wet with the blood of innocents. Villages are raided without warning, highways have become death traps and communities live in a cloud of constant fear.

Yet, even as the nation bleeds, much of the political class appears more fixated on the 2027 elections than on saving lives in 2025.
Insecurity has become a cruel backdrop to political ambition—a painful reminder that, for many leaders, the pursuit of power still matters more than the safety and survival of the people.

The current administration, led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was elected on a promise to restore security and revive the nation’s economy. But less than two years into his tenure, insurgency, banditry, and economic instability have remained stubbornly persistent.

What was supposed to be an era of renewed hope has turned into a daily struggle for survival for millions of Nigerians. Despite interventions by security agencies, no significant improvement has been recorded.

Families are displaced from their homes. Schools are shut down. Markets are abandoned. Mass graves are dug with horrifying regularity.
States such as Zamfara, Benue, Plateau, and Borno have become synonymous with unending violence.

Our beloved Nigeria—once full of hope and promise—is fast becoming a theatre of tragedy. Critics argue that government efforts have been largely reactive instead of proactive. Intelligence failures are frequent.

Security operations often come late. Many see a dangerous lack of political will to tackle the root causes of insecurity: endemic poverty, chronic youth unemployment, and deep ethnic divisions.
Without addressing these underlying issues, peace will remain a distant dream.

Yet, even as insecurity deepens, political calculations for 2027 are already underway. Massive defections are occurring across political parties as politicians jostle for advantage and consolidation of power.

Instead of emergency summits on security, we see strategic meetings on how to win elections.
The people, who ought to be the priority, are pushed to the margins of political discourse. Their cries are drowned by the noisy drumbeats of political ambition.

Nigerians deserve better. They deserve leaders who value their lives more than the pursuit of office. They deserve leaders who recognize that every life lost is a national tragedy, not just a statistic.

If current trends continue unchecked, by the time the 2027 elections arrive, Nigeria may have paid a price in blood too heavy to bear—and whatever victory is achieved will be a hollow, shameful one.

Nigeria stands today at a crossroads. The choices made in security, governance, and leadership over the next year will determine whether the country finds its way back to the path of stability and progress—or slips even deeper into violence and despair.

As the blood of innocent Nigerians continues to soak the ground, one question cries out louder than any campaign slogan: Who will listen? Who will act? And when?

The time to choose between survival and ambition is now. Nigeria cannot afford to wait until 2027 to find out what path we chose.