2027 elections

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Kebbi State is no stranger to complex and sophisticated politics. To govern this dynamic state requires more than charisma; it demands deep sociopolitical mastery and a pragmatic grasp of socioeconomic realities. Governor Comrade Dr. Nasir Idris, Kauran Gwandu, has emerged as a leader who embodies both politics and development, weaving them into a single, effective strategy that is rapidly reshaping Kebbi’s political landscape and developmental trajectory.

In a state once defined by fragmented interests and rivalries, Governor Nasir Idris has achieved what many thought impossible: unity. Today, all Kebbi senators, legislators, and major political stakeholders are firmly in the All Progressives Congress (APC). Former governors who once stood on different political lines now speak with one voice. Elections that once tested the party’s strength are now won seamlessly, reflecting a politics of representation, inclusiveness, and acceptability.

This new sense of belonging has left no major stakeholder uninvolved. As one political observer put it: “In Kebbi today, everyone that matters has a seat at the table of decision-making that transforms the lives of the common man.”

That is why analysts argue that the once-ambitious former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, may have lost political relevance, with 2027 looking like a closed road for him.

However, politics is only one aspect of Governor Nasir Idris’ multifaceted approach. On the other hand, there is a clear, tangible commitment to socioeconomic transformation that cuts across all 21 local government areas of Kebbi, both rural and urban.

The results in just 20 months are staggering. In education: 1,954 schools have either been built or renovated, with 336 new schools constructed and 1,618 renovated. Teachers now earn wages aligned with national benchmarks, with the state implementing the ₦70,000 minimum wage categories.

On infrastructure, the administration has embarked on massive projects, including the dualization of the Birnin Kebbi–Ambursa Road, the construction of the Birnin Kebbi Ultra-Modern Motor Park, the rehabilitation of Birnin Kebbi city roads and Yauri township roads, the Koko-Mahuta-Dabai Road linking seven LGAs in Kebbi South, bridge repairs on Bunza–Dakingari Road, and culverts along Birnin Kebbi–Makera Road.

Healthcare delivery has seen the renovation of Argungu General Hospital, the rehabilitation of health centres, and the expansion of medical facilities across the state. In public institutions, the government has overseen the construction of the State Ultra-Modern Secretariat in Gwadangaji, the remodelling and furnishing of the Government House, and the expansion of the Pilgrims Welfare Agency. Other key projects include the construction of a fuel dump at Sir Ahmadu Bello International Airport and the dualization of Argungu’s Old Bypass Road.

Governor Nasir Idris has also prioritised building strategic international partnerships. By engaging with donor agencies and development partners, Kebbi is not only attracting new funding but also becoming an integral part of global development conversations.

The “Nasir Idris formula” is clear: politics without rancour, governance without neglect, and development without bias. His administration has combined inclusiveness in politics with an aggressive rollout of life-changing projects, creating a blend of stability and growth.

In Kebbi today, the once-elusive dream of a government that unites political forces while delivering practical, people-centred development is now a reality. With this trajectory, Governor Nasir Idris has not just set the pace for his state; he is redefining what effective governance looks like in Northern Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Anwar Usman

The All Progressive Congress Forum North-Central has advised President Bola Tinubu to retain Vice President Kashim Shettima as his running mate for the 2027 presidential election.

The statement was made by the forum’s Chairman, Alhaji Saleh Zazzaga, in Abuja on Saturday.

In a recent appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today, the Northern Ethnic Nationality Forum, led by Dominic Alancha, warned Tinubu against a repeat of the Muslim-Muslim ticket, noting that it cost the APC several northern states like Nasarawa, Plateau and the Federal Capital Territory in the 2023 presidential poll.

Alancha further warned that the APC would lose more ground in the North, particularly in the Middle Belt, if the party repeats the Muslim-Muslim ticket in the next presidential election.

However, according to the group, calls for the President to drop the Muslim-Muslim ticket in the next election are unnecessary, insisting that the combination worked for the APC in 2023.

Zazzaga explained that the choice of running mate was a political strategy aimed at ensuring victory for the party and should not be seen as an attempt to sideline any religious group.

He further argued that with key positions in government already occupied by prominent Christians from the Middle Belt, including the APC National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, the region remains well represented.

 The statement in part read, “The Muslim-Muslim ticket will not affect President Bola Tinubu’s chances in the Middle Belt, which is part of the North-Central, and this is because of the key positions held by Middle Belt Christians in the APC government.

“We can guarantee that Tinubu will get 90 per cent of the votes from the North-Central. Tinubu’s achievements in office will guarantee his reelection, and as a result, there is no need to take the needless risk of changing a winning team.

“Those who are calling on President Bola Tinubu to change Vice President Kashim Shettima, basing their agitation on the Muslim-Muslim ticket, if you check, you will notice that in 2023, most of their communities voted for Peter Obi of the Labour Party.

“Now, if Peter Obi is to come out again in 2027, as expected, what is the guarantee that they will vote for Tinubu even if he drops Shettima and replaces him with a Christian? Does it mean that these people will now leave Peter Obi and vote for Tinubu?”

The Forum maintained that Tinubu’s performance in office would play a decisive role in determining his chances of re-election, adding that the President should focus on consolidating his achievements rather than altering the political structure that brought him victory in 2023.

 The statement concluded, “We advise Mr President not to change what worked in the last election. Maintaining the same team will further strengthen the chances of the APC in 2027″.

By Salisu Uba KofarWambai 

The latest buzz in Nigeria’s political arena is nothing short of explosive: former President Dr. Goodluck Jonathan is reportedly set to return and contest under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The revelation has sent shockwaves across the nation and beyond. But beneath the headlines, a critical question lingers — what is the real motive behind this sudden political twist?

Before the emergence of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as a viable coalition platform for the opposition, Nigerians had grown increasingly frustrated with what they saw as a weakened opposition front. The PDP, once a vibrant counterforce, had been reduced to what critics call a “toothless bulldog,” accused of being manipulated by President Bola Tinubu through Nyesom Wike, a PDP member who openly works in favour of the ruling party and now holds a position in Tinubu’s government.

Wike’s influence, according to party insiders, has been anything but peaceful. His repeated interventions and internal disputes have reportedly destabilised the PDP, a strategy many believe cost the party dearly in the 2023 general elections. With the backing of the current administration, Wike has consistently won key legal battles, tightening his grip on the PDP’s power structure.

Recognising the deepening crisis, several PDP heavyweights, including the party’s last presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, abandoned the PDP ship, aligning under the ADC banner to form a credible opposition. This development was warmly received by many Nigerians disillusioned by the ruling APC’s economic policies, from the sharp devaluation of the naira to the painful removal of fuel subsidies, policies they say have deepened poverty nationwide.

Alarmed by the growing acceptance of the ADC among struggling Nigerians, the APC-led government appears to be dusting off an old playbook. Just as they allegedly did with the Kwankwasiyya movement in 2023, they now seem ready to field a high-profile figure to split the opposition vote. This time, the role is reportedly being handed to none other than Jonathan — a move seen by many as orchestrated to weaken the ADC’s momentum.

For political observers, the pattern is clear: divide the opposition, consolidate power, and keep the electorate distracted, all while avoiding a united front that could unseat the government in 2027. What stings for some Nigerians is the idea of Jonathan, once the principal, now accepting political direction from his former protégé.

Whether Jonathan’s alleged return is a personal decision or part of a calculated strategy by the ruling party remains to be seen. But one thing is sure: the stage is set for a high-stakes political drama, and Nigerians will be watching closely to see how and where this political gunshot will be fired.

By Malam Aminu Wase

As 2027 approaches, political activities are beginning to intensify, and the ruling party appears to be doubling down on a familiar strategy, leveraging religious platforms to soften public perception and garner support. Prominent scholars, respected within their communities and beyond, have begun to echo the call for the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT). However, no matter how persuasive or well-intentioned their sermons may be, they are unlikely to succeed. The real barriers to re-election lie not in public misunderstanding, but in harsh realities, widespread economic hardship and perceived religious marginalisation.

For millions of Nigerians, the daily struggle for survival has reached unbearable levels. The cost of living has skyrocketed, inflation is biting, and essential commodities have become luxuries. Unemployment, insecurity, and a declining naira have added to the misery. No sermon can explain away the pain of a father who cannot feed his family or a mother who must choose between school fees and food.

These issues are not simply the result of global economic trends; they are widely seen as the direct consequence of poor policy decisions and failed leadership. The fuel subsidy removal, naira redesign, and other policies implemented under the administration of PBAT have plunged the nation into deeper poverty. The promises made have not matched the lived experiences of ordinary Nigerians.

But the issue runs deeper than economic pain. From the outset, the PBAT ticket was mired in controversy due to its Muslim-Muslim composition, a bold and, to many, insensitive political gamble in a nation as religiously diverse as Nigeria. While religion should not define leadership capability, the symbolic message of that choice alienated a significant portion of the population, particularly Christians in the North and across the north central, who felt unrepresented and sidelined.

Now, as sermons and appeals emerge urging the faithful to give PBAT another chance, they appear tone-deaf to these deeper grievances. Nigerians are not voting out of loyalty to religious leaders; they are voting out of lived reality, one marked by pain, exclusion, and hopelessness. Religious endorsements may have once carried weight, but today, the electorate is more discerning and less forgiving.

The nation is yearning not for sermons, but for solutions. Not for promises, but for results. Not for symbolic gestures, but for genuine leadership that reflects the diversity and aspirations of its people. Trying to wrap political desperation in religious robes will only deepen the resentment.

In 2027, the real campaign message will not be on posters or pulpits; it will be in the stomachs of the hungry, the frustration of the jobless, and the prayers of those seeking justice and inclusion. If the ruling party fails to address these concerns directly, no endorsement, religious or otherwise, can rescue what is already a sinking ship.

Malam Aminu Wase is a political analyst and advocate for good governance and Youth inclusion. He can be reached at aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Isyaku Malumfashi

One thing I despise about Katsina’s political realm is the absence of a strong and formidable opposition that will tackle the government’s dormancy and make them very focused and renaissance-like toward their responsibilities by using both envious and constructive criticism against those in power, so that at least the citizens may witness democratic dividends seen in some states.

But for the opposition to hold hands and keep mute without holding those in power accountable for any misfortune is unhealthy, and that’s the reason why we are here. Many citizens have questions about the power, but they are afraid to ask due to threats of arrest or intimidation by those close to the power. Perhaps some would disguise themselves in the name of advice to convince you not to oppose this failed government led by the so-called PhD, but they will not prove to you that what you said about the government is not true.

It’s a good thing to advise one to be cautious and watchful of his tongue, but it’s cowardice to intimidate him with arrest or cite the quibbles of his words without pointing out the error in them. The present Katsina government at all levels has become a failure despite the boasting made about the ‘educational qualification’ of the governor during the campaign and even after in his first year of office.

The governor made it clear that he would work with only ‘educated people’ because he is a PhD holder. His academic position was also used to deceive people into believing that Katsina would have a governor for the first time who had attained such a high level of education, unlike his predecessors, who were only master’s degree and diploma holders. People believed that the highest level of education equates to good governance until Governor Radda spent two years in office with nothing to show, or at least outshine or perform better than his predecessors.

That’s when we realised that a secondary school leaver may do better than a PhD in governance because it’s not about the qualification but fear of God, experience, integrity, and honesty. This administration of a PhD holder has not endangered any sector in Katsina. Take the security issue first, which is the most pressing issue in the state.

During the campaign, the governor made it clear that even if it’ll cost him not constructing a single gutter, he’ll eliminate insecurity in the state. We were happy to hear that and even began to see some desirable steps toward actualising that by distributing ammunition to citizens, launching the Katsina State Security Watch Corps, and arresting and killing many people found sabotaging the fight against insecurity. But what happened along the way?

The emphasis was later shifted to politics; the bold promise of no negotiation with bandits at the weak point was broken, and we saw negotiations made in some local governments when it was apparent that the bandits breached many trusts that had been placed in them by the previous government after the talks, and the insurgency escalated. It’s only during Radda that we’ve seen the worst of banditry, especially in my hometown of Malumfashi.

Initially, they only attacked villages, but later they expanded their attacks to cities. People are no longer safe. The son of our immediate local government chairman has been in bandits’ captivity for months now. My sibling, a sister of the same father and the same mother, was kidnapped in the same area where the ex-chairman lived while in office, and his child was abducted.

Many people inside Malumfashi were kidnapped; some were killed, and some had ransom paid to release them. Even today, I woke up seeing the sad news of the death of a PDP leader in Malumfashi from bandits. It’s under this government that dozens of villages in Malumfashi were evacuated due to banditry, and a whole brigadier general from Tsiga was kidnapped and spent more than 50 days in their hands before gaining freedom after millions were paid to them as ransom.

And a first-position winner from Katsina of the National Qur’anic Competition (Musabaqa) held in Kebbi was also kidnapped with his parents along their way back to Faskari from Katsina, where the governor gave him prizes and gifts, but was not able to ask security to escort him home despite the apparent danger of their town. And the governor made a blatant lie in a video, which I saved for my unborn children to remind them that ‘he’s the one feeding every family whose head is kidnapped in the state.’ This is not just a capital lie but a grievous one.

If you take education, you still have nothing to show. The previous government was paying WAEC and NECO for every student in government schools who passed the qualifying exams. Still, this government of ‘PhDs’ paid only NECO to every student, even if he or she passed both WAEC and NECO last year. Katsina’s NECO result was released late last year, after many schools had concluded their admission processes, and the pass rate was very low. Katsina was ranked among the three lowest-passing states in the NECO exam last year.

The governor employed thousands of teachers and a few from the health sector. I agreed, but he did not tell us how many thousands have retired in every sector every year and how far along the replacement process is. No school will go without seeing a shortage of teachers, and the same goes for clinics.

How long did it take him to implement the 70k minimum wage, and has it been implemented 100%? You’ll hardly see a civil servant who saw an increase of up to 50k in his salary, like in other states. What was the cause of his dispute with the university staff about the minimum wage implementation, and how many times did they reject his low implementation of minimum wage for them?

The tertiary school fees were raised when many students were dropping out due to the high cost of education, even though the governor is now earning more than his predecessor because of the removal of subsidies. His predecessor did not increase the school fees, but PhD did. In his just two years in office, he claims to have spent more on security than the previous government did in 8 years, yet there has been no clear difference between the two governments in their success against banditry in the state.

Only these two crucial areas are sufficient to condemn this Yan Boko government, but the lack of opposition in Katsina is giving the governor the confidence to speak badly about the coalition. 

Coalition/opposition has come to stay in Katsina, and no man born of a woman can stop it.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The growing political controversy surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket for the 2027 general elections came to the fore at the Northeast Zonal Meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held in Gombe on Saturday, June 14, 2025. Party leaders, stakeholders, and delegates gathered to endorse Tinubu for a second term, amid rising internal debates over the party’s viability, unity, and future direction ahead of the next electoral cycle.

If President Tinubu decides to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima in favour of another Muslim from the North, it could reignite the deeply divisive Muslim-Muslim ticket debate that stirred significant controversy during the 2023 presidential election.

Retaining Vice President Kashim Shettima may help the Tinubu camp avoid reigniting the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket debate, but it also raises questions about the ticket’s continued strategic value. While the pairing was originally calculated to consolidate support among Muslim voters in the North during the 2023 election, changing political dynamics suggest that the ticket may no longer hold the same appeal. With growing dissatisfaction in parts of the North and shifting voter sentiments nationwide, some within the APC believe that the Tinubu/Shettima combination may now offer diminishing electoral returns.

Even if President Tinubu opts for a new Muslim running mate, the Muslim-Muslim ticket may no longer deliver the same political dividends in the North. A growing number of Northern-Muslim voters reportedly feel underrepresented or sidelined in the current administration, despite the religious alignment of the top two offices. 

Discontent over perceived sidelining in federal appointments, economic policies, and security outcomes has weakened the assumption that religious pairing alone can secure Northern loyalty. As such, simply replacing Shettima with another Northern Muslim may not be enough to re-energise the base or guarantee widespread support in 2027.

Should President Tinubu replace Shettima with another Muslim from the North, it would likely provoke renewed backlash from Christian communities nationwide, especially in the North. Many would raise the familiar and legitimate question: Are there no capable Northern Christians fit to serve as Vice President? In a country where religious identity plays a central role in politics and representation.

If President Tinubu chooses a Northern Christian as his running mate, he risks alienating a core part of the APC’s support base. These Northern Muslim voters have historically been the backbone of the party’s electoral strength in the north. Many within this bloc view the Muslim-Muslim ticket as both symbolic and strategic. Without votes from the north, Tinubu’s second term will have key-leg

Selecting a running mate from the Northwest could trigger resistance or even quiet rebellion from the Northeast, which may interpret the move as a political slight or marginalisation. Having produced the current Vice President, the Northeast might expect to retain the position as a matter of continuity and recognition of its contribution to the party’s 2023 victory. Overlooking the region could stir resentment among its political leaders and grassroots supporters, potentially weakening the APC’s hold in key Northeastern states. It may also open the door for opposition parties to exploit regional grievances and rally disaffected voters under the banner of regional justice and equity. The  NorthCentral will also ask some questions- Tinubu won four states in north central- Kogi, Benue, Kwara and Niger

Choosing another Muslim running mate from the Northeast, but outside the Borno-Yobe axis, could provoke backlash from that axis. The Borno-Yobe axis, long considered the APC’s stronghold in the Northeast, may view such a move as a betrayal of loyalty, especially given that Borno was the only state in the region that delivered a win for Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election. Overlooking this issue in favour of another Northeastern state could result in protest votes or political apathy from key stakeholders and voters who feel their support is being taken for granted. In a tightly contested 2027 race, such fractures could prove costly.

Ultimately, the debate surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima ticket for 2027 is shaping up to be an early and avoidable self-inflicted wound for the APC. Rather than uniting the party around governance and strategy, it has reopened an unnecessary debate and controversy. This is fueling unnecessary tension within the party ranks and distracting from core governance issues that could strengthen the APC’s re-election prospects. 

Yet, amid all the speculation and lobbying, it is important to remember that the selection of a running mate remains the sole constitutional prerogative of the presidential candidate. While input from party leaders and stakeholders matters, the final decision rests with President Tinubu, who must now weigh loyalty, optics, regional dynamics, and electoral viability in making a choice that could define both his legacy and the APC’s future.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Audu Bulama Bukarti is a noisemaker who understands nothing about politics. His recent comments on the newly formed opposition coalition are not only shallow but also dangerously misleading. While millions of Nigerians are applauding this coalition as a timely and necessary step to challenge the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and rescue the country from economic suffocation, Bukarti — a London-based lawyer — chose to mock the effort on social media.

Rather than supporting a credible and coordinated opposition, he is promoting a vague, unstructured “youth political party,” claiming that only the youth can bring about change. This may sound attractive on paper, but it shows just how politically naive he is. Politics isn’t wishful thinking — it’s a game of structure, influence, visibility, and strategic alliances.

Just like filmmaking, where unknown actors rarely carry a blockbuster, political success depends on familiar, trusted, and tested figures. The leaders in the ADC-led coalition may not be perfect, but they possess the political weight, experience, and resources to help Nigeria emerge from this crisis. They are not saints, but they know what the people are going through, and their unity reflects the seriousness of the moment.

We must not forget the damage the Tinubu-led APC government has caused: the reckless removal of fuel subsidy, the crippling naira devaluation, inflation that has turned food and transportation into luxury, and a general sense of hopelessness among ordinary citizens. Nigerians are hungry and angry — and they need relief, not political experiments.

Bukarti’s idea that youth alone can take over now is not only unrealistic, but also risky. It will divide the opposition, weaken the resistance, and give the APC a smooth ride into another term of hardship. The youth are important, yes. However, they must join hands with established political structures to make an impact, rather than isolating themselves in emotional idealism.

The ADC coalition brings together people who understand Nigerian politics, who have reach, recognition, and machinery. That’s what it takes to defeat a regime that has weaponised poverty and punished the poor. Unity is the only way forward. This is not a time to gamble or experiment — it is a time to act wisely and strategically.

Bukarti’s obsession with promoting his “youth party” at this critical point raises serious questions. Is it merely ignorance, or is he playing a hidden role to distract and sabotage the coalition’s genuine efforts? Either way, Nigerians must not be fooled. The real enemy is not the coalition, but the hunger, insecurity, and hopelessness forced on us by the Tinubu government.

This is not the time for ego or empty noise. What Nigerians need are leaders with courage, experience, and structure, not social media loudspeakers who offer nothing but confusion. Bukarti should either contribute meaningfully or step aside.

The ADC coalition may not be perfect, but it is Nigeria’s best shot at ending the nightmare. This moment demands unity, not division — strategy, not noise — and above all, action, not confusion.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai wrote from Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has declared that its 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, no longer has the party’s platform to contest against President Bola Tinubu or any other presidential hopeful in the upcoming 2027 elections.

This was announced in a statement on Saturday by the party’s National Chairman, Dr. Agbo Major, in response to comments made by Buba Galadima, who claimed that Kwankwaso would remain in the NNPP and contest the next presidential election on its ticket.

Galadima had dismissed speculations that Kwankwaso was defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), insisting the former governor would strategically stay in the NNPP until the 2027 political whistle is blown. He also urged Nigerians to support Kwankwaso’s presidential ambition.

However, Dr. Agbo refuted Galadima’s claims, stressing that both Kwankwaso and Galadima had long been expelled from the party for anti-party activities and therefore could not speak for or use the NNPP for any political ambition.

“Our Memorandum of Understanding with the Kwankwasiyya Movement, led by Kwankwaso, ended shortly after the 2023 elections. We cannot allow Kwankwaso back into the NNPP because of the internal crises and legal battles he caused,” Agbo stated.

He alleged that Kwankwaso attempted to hijack the party by changing its logo to reflect the Kwankwasiyya movement’s identity, which was later reversed through court intervention after a controversial convention in Abuja.

Agbo also dismissed the possibility of Kwankwaso receiving another automatic ticket from the NNPP, stating that such a privilege would not be granted again.

“Kwankwaso is known for joining only political parties where he can control leadership. But here, that era is gone. His ambition is dead on arrival,” Agbo added.

While affirming Kwankwaso’s constitutional right to contest any office, Agbo emphasised that the NNPP would not be involved in any antagonism against the President or other political parties.

He said the party is now considering fresh aspirants ahead of 2027 and will ensure due process and transparency in selecting its next presidential candidate.

“The NNPP has moved on. We will not be drawn into needless controversies. We advise Kwankwaso to form his own party if he still wants to pursue his ambitions,” Agbo concluded.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Frankly, as 2027 draws closer, whispers are growing louder; some are plotting, some are speculating, and others are simply wishful thinkers. They say President Tinubu might drop Vice President Kashim Shettima from the ticket to boost electoral chances. But if we are being honest, not sentimental, dropping Shettima would be one of the biggest political mistakes of this era.

Let’s be clear: Shettima wasn’t brought in to win photo ops. He was not chosen to shout. He was chosen because he represents strategy, loyalty, and capacity.

During the 2023 storm, when many were still calculating risks, Shettima stood firm by Tinubu, took all the heat, and became the stabilising voice in the North. He brought Borno home. He calmed the waves of religious tension. He didn’t just represent Northern Nigeria, he defended it.

People love to talk numbers, but politics isn’t always about arithmetic. It is about perception, loyalty, and structure. Yes, the ticket lost five out of six states in the North-East, but let us not be blind to the facts: the region was deeply divided, and only a few could have held it together the way Shettima did with calm, intellect, and dignity.

Some say he is quiet now. That he doesn’t shout like others. But since when did noise become the metric for leadership? The man is focused. In meetings, in negotiations, and in execution, Shettima is playing chess while others are busy playing checkers. He understands the principles of statecraft, loyalty, and sacrifice. And President Tinubu knows this more than anyone else.

Let us also not forget: those pushing to remove Shettima are not doing it for Nigeria’s sake. They want access. They want control. They want to plant division between two men who have stood the test of storms. But Tinubu is no stranger to betrayal and loyalty. He knows that in the trenches of 2023, Shettima was not just a running mate; he was a co-strategist, a co-sufferer, and a co-winner.

And please, let us not pretend that swapping Shettima will win the North. In politics, you don’t throw away the one who stood by you during war, just to flirt with the illusion of peace. The North respects loyalty. The North watches consistently. And dropping Shettima will be read not as a strategy, but as desperation.

Look at Shettima’s journey: former banker, former governor who rebuilt Borno in the middle of terror, a man of books and action. He didn’t become Vice President by luck. He earned it. And he’s still earning it every single day without trying to outshine his principal.

President Tinubu knows the value of this. He knows that the Renewed Hope Agenda is not a solo script; it was co-authored with Shettima. Replacing him would mean rewriting the entire playbook at halftime. That is not just risky; it is reckless.

Let us not fall for planted headlines and deliberate silence from those who are trying to test the waters. If anything, Shettima remains Tinubu’s best bet for 2027, not just for the votes, but for the trust, balance, and competence he brings.

You don’t gamble with loyalty. Not when the stakes are this high. Not when your legacy is on the line. Tinubu knows. And that is why he won’t blink.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Yobe State and can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Political drama recently unfolded in Gombe State as tensions escalated between the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the APC National Vice Chairman (Northeast), Comrade Mustapha Salihu, Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, and Borno State Governor, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum.  At the heart of the storm were whispers of a plot to replace Vice President Kashim Shettima. But in the eye of that storm stands Shettima himself; silent, composed, and unfazed.

There has been no speech, social media post, or press release. Shettima has not acknowledged the theatrics or addressed the speculations. There is no rebuttal, no outrage, just purposeful silence—a silence that suggests a man far more committed to duty than distractions.

While the speculations make the rounds in political circles, Vice President Shettima’s schedule remains unchanged. In January 2025, he represented Nigeria at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. There, he engaged in high-level sessions on digital trade and investment and co-chaired discussions focused on humanitarian resilience, building international bridges while avoiding the noise of local politics.

He used the global platform to launch the Humanitarian and Resilience Investment Roadmap for Africa, advocating for deeper public-private partnerships across the continent. As always, his approach was less about rhetoric and more about results.

Back home in Maiduguri, Borno State, the Vice President continues to prioritise grassroots development. He commissioned the Expanded National MSME Clinic and Fashion Hub, a project expected to create over 48,000 jobs annually. He also distributed unconditional grants to entrepreneurs and pledged continued support through public-private partnerships to boost local businesses.

Shettima also inaugurated the National Asset Restoration Programme, reinforcing his long-standing commitment to post-insurgency reconstruction in the Northeast.

His record across sectors reflects structural impact. Over 300,000 businesses have been supported, and more than one million jobs have been generated under initiatives he directly oversees. These aren’t political promises; they’re measurable achievements.

At the national level, he chairs the National Council on MSMEs, advocating for innovation, job security, and stronger synergy between the public and private sectors, all under the framework of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

As a champion of youth empowerment, Shettima spearheads human capital development efforts. He inaugurated the Nigeria Jubilee Programme Steering Committee, designed to train and equip thousands of graduates with marketable skills and workplace readiness.

He has also remained active in strengthening regional cooperation. At the 5th Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum in Maiduguri, he emphasised the importance of pairing military security with economic inclusion to secure lasting peace in the subregion.

In every assignment, Shettima has demonstrated sagacious loyalty, not only to his office and the President but also to the people he serves. Amid swirling conversations about his replacement, he has not lost focus. He has doubled down on leadership, service, and delivery.

His calculated silence is a strategy. He understands that emotional outbursts or political mudslinging could deepen divisions within the party. His restraint underscores a higher allegiance to duty, national stability, and unity.

The Vice President’s quiet determination sends a message: true leadership is about resolution, not reaction. In a political landscape often dominated by noise, Shettima has chosen the steady path of substance, letting results, not rumours, define his legacy.

Even as political storms gather, Shettima stays the course. His silence isn’t ignorance or weakness—it is discipline. And with his continued focus on economic development, job creation, and regional security, his work speaks louder than any rebuttal ever could.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a journalist with PRNigeria and Economic Confidential, headquartered in Abuja. He can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.