By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

Former Deputy Senate President, Senator Ibrahim Nasiru Mantu, Wazirin Pyrm, died. A family source confirmed the demise of the former legislator.

According to reports, Mantu died at a private hospital in Abuja after nine days of sickness and isolation.

He was in 2001 elected Deputy Senate President under the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a position he held till 2007 when he did not return to the senate.

By Misbahu el-Hamza

What is the major setback for peace efforts in Jos? Is it negligence from the governments? Or the ineffective or unsustainable strategies of the security forces on the ground? Could it be that God has forsaken the city for the crime of spilling innocent blood for decades? What have we done wrong, and how can we make amends?

I think the worst thing that ever happened to Jos from September 2001 to date is the systematic and deliberate disappearance of the once cherished plural community settings into a more homogeneous cultural make-up. Even though this is a product of various influences over the historical line, the major one, inarguably, is the episodes of collective violence for two-decade now in the city.

If you’ve ever been there, the communities in the city of “Home of Peace and Tourism” are now separated based on ethno-religious identity. When a particular group began to dominate another in a place, the minority will sell or evacuate and abandon their houses to move further away to avoid being surprised during crises. Everyone now has their schools. There are few to no Muslim students in the famous schools of St. Murumba College Jos and Demonstration School Jos. There are no longer Christian students in GSS Gangare Jos (save those who come to register and sit for WAEC). Some government secondary schools, which used to house students from different cultural and religious backgrounds, are now left to no use or serve their neighbouring communities. The state authorities have (in)directly invigorated this problem: it has for long forsaken the structures;  allegedly, a Christian staff is only sent to a Muslim community as ‘punishment’ and vice versa.

The most frightening thing about this systematic separation of communities is anyone who deliberately, or by mistake, finds themselves in a neighbourhood other than theirs in times of unrest might likely not make it alive. This is happening in almost all the communities in Jos. I, for instance, escaped death in 2010 when I took a passenger from Terminus Market in the heart of Jos to Satellite Market in Rukuba Road. There wasn’t any crisis going on at the time; it was the ‘usual’ ambush on anyone who enters the ‘other’ territory. Okada/Achaba men like me and travellers who do not know the city well are the usual victims of such ambushes.

Ours isn’t like the Kaduna-Abuja highway disappearance where, if you don’t hear from your relative again, you will be praying and expecting a call from his abductees. No, in Jos, as a Muslim or Christian, you spray mats and begin to welcome people as you mourn the lost person in absentia. It’s this terrible.

The actors in all this? Mostly the youth. The youths who we always sing to be the “leaders” of tomorrow. The tomorrow that’s yet to come in Nigeria. Could one be right to ask how Jos could ever find peace if this is the path it has chosen for itself?

Despite all this sad reality, we all meet up in the marketplaces (basically the ones at the borderlines, which are easy to escape should the devil blow the horn) during the day. We enter the same busses to and from Bukuru. We meet and interact in the banks. Surprisingly, our boys and girls meet up during the weekends to party. In some instances, boys take girls home for further profligacy after partying. Somehow, we all agree to live like this. We only disagree with sleeping with our eyes closed as neighbours, devoid of any quarrel.

Posing the question of whether we truly need one another in Jos, earlier this morning, a school principal, Abubakar Nasiru, made the following point on his Facebook page:

“The mai ruwa, mai nama, mai gwanjo, etc., are hawking in areas like Gada Biyu, the Jentas, Rukuba Road, Apata, Busabuji, rendering their services to those communities every day – non-Hausa, non-Muslim communities. [On the other hand] The mai doya, mai atile, mai masara, mai tumatur, etc., carry out their petty businesses in places like Bauchi Road, Dilimi, Gangare. Rikkos, Nassarawa, and Anguwar Rogo – Muslim communities.” These people spend the whole day in those communities and cannot hesitate, if guaranteed safety, to spend their nights there.

In 2006 when I was in SS3, my community leaders recruited able youths, including myself, as Ƴan Sintiri (watchmen), to serve under the Banga (a mispronunciation of “Vanguard”) group, which has its history from the ‘70s and ‘80s. Our task then was to defend our four borders against any intruder during the night and to prevent the harassment of non-community members during the day. So we worked in batches to substitute other groups. This significantly helped, and in no time, other communities adopted the strategy. This gave birth to today’s form VGN in most districts of Jos. (VGN has been a registered semi-official citizen policing organisation with Nigeria’s Corporate Affairs Commission since 1999, though.)

But does the VGN give us the peace and courage to live under the same roof or as neighbours? Certainly no. The separation of communities based on ethno-religious identity will continue to hinder any peacebuilding effort in the tin city.

We cannot have peace until we tolerate each other. We cannot tolerate one another until we accept to live as neighbours. We need to respect our identities and use our diversity as strength just as we used to be 3 – 4 decades ago, to sleep with our eyes closed without an iota of fear that my neighbour will set my house on fire.

For years now, we’ve been deceiving ourselves with so-called programmes for peace, only to gather, quench our thirst for partying and separate back into the borderlines. This, too, must stop.

Plateau state government must be sincere in its dealings. It must engage honest stakeholders from all communities to drive its mission of restoring peace on the Plateau. Schools must be treated equally, so much as every perpetrator must face the consequences of their actions without consideration whatsoever. There must be sincere and rigorous campaigns to rebuild Jos to its past glories; Jos people must co-exist as neighbours irrespective of ethnicity or religion. Otherwise, Plateau is, in general, no doubt a failed state!

Misbahu el-Hamza is a freelance journalist based in Kano and can be reached via misbahulhamza@gmail.com.

By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

Three people died in Zangon Kataf, Monday, in an outbreak of fresh hostilities. The attack happened in Goran Gida, Gora District of Zangon Kataf LGA.

According to the Kaduna State Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs, Mr. Samuel Aruwan, the unidentified attackers entered the village late last night, killed three people, and injured one.

The Acting Governor of Kaduna State, Dr Hadiza Balarabe, has condemned the mindless attack on innocent citizens. She sent condolences to the families of the deceased as she prayed for the repose of the departed.

Barrister Lawal Ishaq is a resident of the area where Irigwe militias massacred scores of Muslim travellers. The Daily Reality (TDR) newspaper had an interview with him, thus:

TDR: Nigerian newspapers, blogs and so on have reported different figures as numbers of Muslim travellers massacre while passing through Jos, Plateau State. Can you tell us how many people were actually killed?

Barrister:  So far, the actual number is 26, and security operatives and good Samaritans rescued about 34 people.

TDR: Jos is known as a volatile state where religious crises have become a norm. Was this a sort of reprisal attack or what?

Barrister: Recently, there had been some misunderstanding and skirmishes between Fulani and Miyango tribe in Bassa Local Government. There have been attacks and counter-attacks between them for ages.  Recently, it was said that four people were killed, and their corpses were deposited at Plateau Special Hospital. They planned their funerals on Saturday. After they picked the bodies from the hospital, instead of conveying their corpses in the vehicle, they opted to come in large numbers and carried them on foot and were heard chanting war songs in their language. They were over two thousand. They trekked from Plateau hospital, passing “Operation Safe Haven” headquarter, but nobody said anything to them. Their large number was a warning signal, but fortunately, nobody cares.

As they were passing through Rukba Road, unfortunately, their victims were coming back from their annual Zikr event in Bauchi under the leadership of Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi. The event takes place on the first Friday of every new year of the Islamic calendar. So, most of the people killed came from Ondo State. Most of them are Fulani, but they speak Yoruba more than even Fulfulde, and they were followers of the Tijjaniyya sect. They spent a night in Bauchi and left Bauchi early morning. The typical road for them to follow through Jos. They were in five buses, each containing eighteen passengers. So imagine the number.

TDR: You mean they attacked all those five buses?

Yes. All buses were attacked, killing 25 people instantly. One died later in the hospital.

TDR: How did they identify them?

Barrister: Unfortunately, their buses were all carrying the pictures of Sheikh Ibrahim Inyas to indicate that they were on a religious trip. And some of them were chanting Zikr. But there was nothing suspicious about them. It was apparent that they were only passing through Jos. And according to what they have told us, ordinarily, they would have passed Inuwa Nsunde (name of the street) peacefully. But because of the traffic gridlock caused by those people, that was how they met their death.

TDR How long did the attack last?

Barrister: It didn’t last long because already there was tension in that area. So the security operatives are always on high alert. And in this social media era, before you know it, some people were able to record and share images and videos on Facebook and WhatsApp groups.

TDR: Was there any gunshot in their bodies?

Barrister: No! No, any gunshot at all. They used machetes, knives and anything that can kill.

TDR: Any action from the state government?

Barrister:  The State Government had reacted promptly. The secretary to the state government came to the place immediately. The police commissioner was there, the director department of security service was there, and the Commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps was also there. So we were together when they dispatched the security personnel team to the area. They retrieved the dead bodies and the injured, who were soon conveyed to the general hospital.

TDR: Was there any arrest?

Barrister: We stayed at the hospital until we were told to go and bury the bodies at 04:30 pm or thereabout. The burial took us more than an hour because we had to put them into a mass grave. We, later on, received information from the police command that about seven people were arrested. But the most important thing is that the resident of that area did not carry out the killing. Those people from Miyango village did this massacre.

TDR: What is the name of their tribe?

Barrister: Irigwe Tribe. They are predominantly Christians. That gives the whole thing a religious colouration because their victims were all Muslims. It took us a great deal to control the situation because some people were so agitated. That is why instead of burying them at the central burial ground, we took them to Dadin Kowa cemetery. That is about fifty kilometres from Jos.

TDR: Thank you, sir.

Barrister: You are welcome.

A traveller, Sadiq Tijjani Inuwa Bakori, wrote on his Facebook page that angry youths in Yantumaki town of Katsina State had blocked Kankara – Dutsinma federal highway in protest against insecurity in their areas.

Mr Bakori added that they tried to go back, but the next village also blocked the road. “We can’t proceed, and we can’t go back.”

Reports show that some of the irate youths have set tires on fire. Plumes of smoke could be seen from a distance.

According to Mr Bakori, military personnel and police have arrived at the chaotic scene, but they couldn’t do anything. Commuters were stranded.

There have been several kidnapping and bandit activities in the towns and villages of Katsina and other neighbouring states in the region. However, government and security personnel claim to have been doing their best to restore peace.

By Misbahu El-Hamza

When I was listening to the Annual Muhammadu Sanusi II Colloquium online at around noon on Saturday, a call from a Jos-based friend interrupted my network. His heart was panting as he told me about an attack on travellers in Jos. However, he said he had no additional information; he only added that corpses, drenched in blood, had been brought to the Jos Central Mosque.

I immediately began to make calls, hoping I could speak directly with some survivors if there were any. But, unfortunately, I could not get any until the early hours of Sunday when I received an SMS from my source in Jos with the phone number of one survivor named Haruna Muhammad.

Haruna, 36, was the only man from Ogun state who joined other 53 Ondo and Kogi states based Muslims to travel to Shaikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi, a renowned Islamic scholar of the Tijjaniya Sufi Order in his home in Bauchi state. The 54 Muslim faithful travelled in a convoy of 5 hummer busses from Ondo state through Jos and arrived at Bauchi in the early hours of Friday “for a Friday litany with the Shaikh,” said Haruna.

“We left Bauchi for Ondo at around 7 am through Jos.” The journey was peaceful until around 10 am when “we arrived at a place blocked by some youths searching every car passing by. And when it came to our turn, we were asked to all step down of the cars.”

The youths began asking the drivers questions about where the convoy was coming from and where they were heading. “It was obvious they didn’t trust us,” Haruna said, but above all, the youths were angry. Before Haruna or any of his brothers speaks, the youth began shouting, hitting them with sticks, and suddenly, all the convoy dispersed into the nooks of Rukuba for their lives. “None of us has any idea where he’s running to, but we had to try and save our lives,” Haruna recounted.

While in hiding, Haruna watched in dread how the youth used sticks and stones to massacre some of his co-travellers. A viral video shared online by an unknown perpetrator shows how they used to smash and shatter the victims’ heads on the road. Haruna also heard a gunshot but could not identify who was shot at the moment. Twenty-five people were butchered at the spot before the military came to rescue those in hiding, like Haruna and 25 others. One other sustained severe injuries and died later at Plateau Hospital, according to Haruna.

The State Director, Fityanul Islam of Nigeria, Mallam Adam Hamza, who supervised the preparation and burial of the deceased, confirmed that they buried 26 bodies at Dadin Kowa Cemetery of Jos South. The graveyard is a 19-minute drive from the Jos North Central Mosque. The other injured victims are still at the hospital receiving treatment.

I asked Haruna why they chose to follow Rukuba Road since that wasn’t the road they followed to Bauchi. “One of us proposed that Rukuba Road would be better,” he said, “and then one of the drivers said he too knows the road. So, he led the convoy.” None of the five drivers, however, sustained an injury. All 5 were non-Muslim Yorubas from Ondo state. Before the military arrived at the scene, Haruna confirmed that one of the cars was set on fire, and another driver luckily drove off his car to safety. As of this morning, that driver set off for Ondo. Haruna and other survivors are still in Plateau State, kept at a hotel under the protection of the state government. He assured me they are well taken care of under the supervision of Fityanul Islam of Nigeria.

All this appeared to come to the authorities with shock, according to Mallam Adam. Some government officials who attended the burial include Secretary to the state government, who was said to have represented the state governor, Simon Bako Lalong. Others include the state police commissioner, CP Edward Egbuka, and General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Jos 3-Division, General Ibrahim Ali. The CP and GOC also visited the scene of the massacre on Saturday.

All efforts to speak with one of the government officials were not successful. However, in a press statement, the Plateau State Government, in response to the massacre and avoidance of counter-reprisal, imposed dusk-to-dawn (6 pm – 6 am) curfew in Bassa, Jos South and Jos North local governments at 3 am on Sunday. But unconfirmed reports coming from Jos North this morning indicate that the atmosphere is intense.

It’s no wonder that through its Director of Press, Dr Makut Simon Machan, the state government released another statement at exactly 11:02 am today that imposing a 24-hour curfew in Jos North “to contain further security threats”.

It could be recalled that on Wednesday, August 4, 2021, an attack on travellers was recorded where a truck full of animals was set ablaze at Gada Biyu, a trekking distance from Rukuba Road. That attack was said to be a reprisal as Fulanis were said to have attacked Irigwe houses and destroyed farms in other state villages.

Yesterday’s attack could also be a continuation of the previous reprisal. Survivors and locals call on the Plateau state government to look into the root cause of these killings as a matter of urgency and ensure justice is served. Any delay could return Jos North to its dark days when people get killed sporadically if they (mistakenly) entered territory belonging to another ethnicity or religion other than theirs.

Haruna Muhammad further urged the Federal and State government to ensure the arrest of all who were responsible for the merciless killings of his innocent brothers on August 14 2021. He said whatever misunderstanding is going on between the tribes in Plateau state, his brothers know nothing about it, and their killings shouldn’t be unchecked. The massacre yesterday left 26 people dead and 33 survivors, including the drivers.

By Muhammad Sabiu

The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) on Sunday “unequivocally condemns” the attack and killing of over 22 Muslim travellers by a suspected Christian militia in Plateau State.

On Saturday, the Daily Reality newspaper reported the killing of the travellers who were returning from Bauchi to Ondo after attending a religious event.

In a statement, the NSCIA said, “The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) under the leadership of its President-General Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, mni, unequivocally condemns the massacre of a group of innocent Muslims who were returning from Bauchi to Akure. Ondo State, on Saturday.”

The Muslim body appeals for calm and warns against reprisals, saying, “…the Council appeals to all Muslims to be calm and nobody should take laws into his or her hands. The Council re-emphasises that no human life deserves to be wasted on any ground, be it religious or ethnic.”

The Presidency also condemned the killing in a statement signed by the presidential spokesperson, Malam Garba Shehu.

Again, social media users took to their accounts to protest the killing by sharing photo and video content of the victims’ bodies and their funerals.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

The presidency has “strongly condemned” the attack on about ninety Muslim travellers, among whom over twenty-two were killed on Saturday Gada Biyu and Rukuba Road along the Jos-Zaria road in Jos North Local Government Area of Plateau State.

The condemnation is contained in a statement released Saturday by a presidential spokesperson, Malam Garba Shehu, via his Facebook account.

“The Presidency condemns the attack earlier Saturday on travellers from a religious event in Bauchi, passing through Jos, the Plateau State Capital and regrets the reported deaths of at least twenty-two persons with several others injured in that ambush on their travelling party.

“It is widely known that Plateau State has been one of the states affected by herder-farmer clashes, which have, in a significant way, been curtailed following the intense peace-building efforts of the administration of Governor Simon Lalong,” Garba Shehu said.

President Buhari has ordered security agencies to fish out the perpetrators of the attack.

Giving the order, Buhari was quoted as saying, “Make no mistake about it: in line with my commitment to protect all Nigerians, I have ordered our security agencies to fish out the perpetrators of this gruesome massacre of innocent travellers and bring them to justice.”

Recall that The Daily Reality newspaper has reported that police have confirmed the killing of at least twenty-two Muslim travellers.

However, reports coming from Plateau State afterwards have indicated that the death toll had risen from twenty-two to thirty as more corpses were recovered.

By Muhammad Sabiu

At least twenty two Muslim travellers have been confirmed dead after an attack on a convoy of their buses on Saturday in Rukuba Road along the Jos-Zaria road in Jos North Local Government Area of Plateau State.

Confirming the attack, Plateau State police spokesman, Ubah Ogaba, said, “At about 0928hrs (08:28 GMT) the Plateau State Police Command received a distress call that a group of attackers suspected to be Irigwe youths (predominantly Christian)… attacked a convoy of five buses with Muslim faithful.”

“Twenty-two persons were killed and 14 injured in the attack,” he added

However, according to Channels TV, “a local government representative said the toll was higher.”

“Twenty-five people are now confirmed killed,” said the state government representative Danladi Atu, who visited a hospital where victims have been admitted.

In a statement released by Governor Lalong’s spokesperson, Makut Simon Macham, the governor condemned the attack and said, “security has been beefed up around the area.”

Plateau State is known for ethno-religious violence, which leaves people in large numbers dead and injured.

By Ahmadu Shehu, PhD.

There is this misleading argument that the government should not support cattle breeding and animal husbandry and that public funds cannot, and must not be invested in any way, to develop the livestock sector in Nigeria. The protagonists of this opinion argue that livestock production is a private business, and as such government should not invest “taxpayer money” to develop the sector. They hold that other citizens provide everything to run their businesses, often citing examples with shop owners, mechanics, transporters, etc. Therefore, in their minds, livestock producers – and millions of Nigerians engaged in the sector – should not receive any form of incentives from the government – financial or material – to enhance their businesses. Well, I know that for most dispassionate and well-meaning Nigerians, the faults in this line of argument are crystal clear. However, as illogical, naïve and vividly absurd as this argument sounds, there’re still Nigerians who believe in and are continuously promoting it, hence the focus of this article.

The whole argument advanced in this line of thought is often faulty, funny, and absurd. For instance, the people fighting against this would be found complaining severely of the government’s failure to provide enabling environments, such as electricity, convenient shelters, and other critical facilities necessary for their trades and businesses. But, the same people deliberately refuse to accept that it is equally the responsibility of the same government to provide enabling environment for all sectors of the economy – including livestock – to thrive. That is the extent to which the Nigerian public discourse is polarised.

Such people feign ignorance of the fact that government spends billions of naira to subsidise and support crop production, which is in the same category as animal husbandry. For decades, the federal government has been sinking billions in fertiliser and agrochemical subsidies and providing single digit loans to farmers and stakeholders in the crop production sector. It is common knowledge that these sub-sectors complement each other and that they are not mutually exclusive. The serial failures of successive governments’ agricultural policies may not be unconnected with the dislocations caused by this partial approach, as the livestock sub-sector heavily influences the Nigerian agricultural sector. Interestingly, however, the self-acclaimed defenders of the free market do not agitate against the government involvement in a “private business” of farming, as if all the farms in Nigeria belong to the government.

Moreover, our darling oil and gas industry is, unfortunately, one of the cruellest beneficiaries of government interventions and subsidies. For many decades, Nigeria has provided a conduit for oil marketers to make billions out of public funds in the name of oil subsidy, without recourse to the economic (dis)advantage it portends. Similarly, the industrial sector engulfs billions under the Bank of Industry and CBN interventions, where producers, factories and businessmen and women are supported to do business. Similarly, the aviation industry consumes billions from the government every year and uses airports and facilities provided 100% from the public purse. Moreover, all Nigerian ports and rails on which business people feed fat are provided and maintained by the taxpayer money. We can go on and on. 

I assume that people adamant on this argument are not actually against the government’s intervention in any economic sector. Their actual grievances are the particular target sector and the perceived beneficiaries of such investments in Nigeria. It is motivated by the social ills of hatred, provincialism, ethnic, religious and regional chauvinism that define the Nigerian social space and the highest form of ignorance. If the hatred is for the cattle, the livestock sector is not all about cattle. Similarly, if the envy and malice are towards the Fulani – the perceived cattle owners – the cows are actually not Fulani. This line of thought is also evidently illogical, uninformed and oblivious of what an economy is all about. That is because it fails to recognise that a sector of an economy cannot exclusively benefit only a section of the population. It may be true that cattle are the central concentration of the Nigerian livestock and that they are identified mainly with the Fulani, but the truth of the matter is that the Fulani are not the most significant economic beneficiary of cattle. They are, in fact, at the bottom of the list. I will explain.     

The Fulani might be the initial owners of the cattle (assuming they are not just employee-herders), but they are not the dealers at the cattle market. While they had spent years growing cattle, day-in-day-out, a dealer trades off the cattle and earns a decent living. Another dealer buys and transports it to other parts of the country, such as the southeast, and makes a profit upon selling it to local cattle dealers, who also earn their living by selling to consumers. The Fulani do not own the trucks that transport these cattle; neither are they the drivers, or other employees working in the transportation sector, all of whom are beneficiaries of the cattle value chain.

The Fulani are not the local butchers whose livelihood depends on the cattle produced by the Fulani that they love to hate. While cattle are the source of the multibillion-naira leather industry in Nigeria, a Fulani has no business being a tanner, skin dealer or exporter. The Fulani produce cattle, but they do not sell bones, blood and other minerals derived from cattle. They are not the owners of the local companies in Port Harcourt, Warri, Enugu or Lagos that use the beef, dungs, skin and other raw materials extracted from cattle. In the dairy sector, the Fulani may produce milk and even sell it out, but they are not the owners of the dairy companies littered all around this country.

Yes, the Fulani love the cow, but they do not own the businesses within the cattle economy. They are unaware and genuinely do not care who makes what out of the cattle they spend many years growing. But for bigotry and subjectivity, these facts are not difficult to grasp. The whole scenario should not be too difficult to understand. Still, let me borrow the language of the cynics to boldly say that given the raw material and mineral resources inherent in cattle, and the role of the Fulani in cattle production, several sectors of the Nigerian economy as well as the billionaires controlling those sectors depend on the Fulani to thrive.

Furthermore, the Fulani provide a whole chain of employment, from the herders to the traders, transporters, butchers, restaurants, and other giant industries. Yet, they are erroneously assumed to be the only beneficiary of this endless economic chain. I do not know a single ethnic group in Nigeria that could match this contribution, and at the same time, bear the brunt of negligence, alienation and even aversion from the society they serve and the economy they support.   

When people argue against investing taxpayers’ money into this sector, I wonder what tax they are precisely talking about. If this is a result of ignorance, let me highlight the tax chain obtained within the livestock value chain. Apart from the taxes paid during herding, cattle are taxed at all markets by the governments; the cattle transporters pay taxes; butchers, tanneries, factories, etc., that deal in the value chain pay heavy taxes to the governments. There are very few sub-sectors that generate this kind of taxation within the Nigerian economy. Therefore, to argue that the livestock sector cannot be funded by “taxpayers’” money is to betray logic.

The preceding discussion shows that even though the Fulani are in love with the ancient traditional human occupation of herding, they do not do so because they are the biggest economic beneficiary of the trade. If anything, the Fulani subsidise the beef and dairy markets, create and sustain millions of jobs, and maintain an extensive value chain, which is crucial to the Nigerian economy. Therefore, if you hate the Fulani, please know that the cow is not Fulani. 

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a nomad cum herdsman and an Assistant Professor at the American University of Nigeria, Yola. He is passionate about the Nigerian project.