Opinion

By Ibrahim Ado Kurawa

Nigeria is consistently one of the most successful countries in the annual international Qur’anic recitation competitions. It is blessed with many learned Ulama and pious populace but unfortunately it is also notorious for neglecting Almajirai (Qur’anic school pupils). Therefore the prestige of the Glorious Qur’an is relegated to optics not inculcating the true teachings of Islam of honoring its pupils and their teachers.

Recently, the Ulama closely associated with the president Ahmad Bola Tinubu propagandists and cronies have come under scathing criticisms because of their planned “Qur’anic Festival”. Dan Bello, the popular social media influencer, was the first to bring public attention to the project [contract] though negatively depicted. He exploited the prevalent anti-Tinubu sentiments. This is because, Tinubu is widely perceived as having betrayed the Ulama who supported the Muslim-Muslim ticket.

Shaykh Abdullah Bala Lau, the leader and National Chairman of Jama’atu Izalatul Bidi’ah wa Ikamatus Sunnah is the promoter or convener of the Festival. The Shaykh made a video clip that has become viral in support of the initiative. His most important reason for initiating the Festival is to promote the unity of the Ummah, which is laudable. He has been engaged in such efforts of bringing together leaders of various sects and factions in the past especially during national crises.For example, his most recent effort was in public diplomacy and it culminated in his leading the Ulama mediation team that visited Niger Republic to meet its military president on the tension between Niger and Nigeria over ECOWAS feud. That has immensely enhanced his image. In addition, he is widely respected within the Salafi circle as a man of compassion and friendliness. He has also been able to win some Sufi leaders who are also battling with their factional crises just like him. This is a major political asset, which could translate to votes hence politicians always visualize and exploit it.

Unfortunately, the Shaykh and many other Ulama and activists are not treated fairly by the politicians who are only concerned with exploiting the social capital of the Ulama. This is because, there are states where president Tinubu lost the election, but their politicians are now the major beneficiaries of his government more than the promoters of the Muslim-Muslim ticket – the most important strategy that brought him to power.

Tinubu’s handlers are only interested in using the Ulama for political gains. Hence Dan Bello’s insinuations always resonate with the poor masses no matter how hard the Ulama try to distance themselves from the ineptitude of the Tinubu’s administration.

The big questions people are now asking is, is the Qur’anic Festival going to be financed by Tinubu, his propagandists or cronies? Is the Qur’anic Festival for the benefit of the Muslim Ummah and at what cost? Shaykh Bala Lau must be careful in his dealings with politicians. Because he didn’t clarify the sponsors of the Qur’an Festival.

Though, in a widely circulated video clip, one of the Shaykh’s lieutenants alluded that the Shaykh and a senior official of the government initiated the idea. So, who’ll bankroll the exercise?

The Ulama must resist temptation of taking money from government officials past or present, without knowing the source of the money, otherwise, they will suffer the same fate of loss of integrity as clerics of other faiths. Although, the Shaykh’s followers never doubt his integrity, however, dining with politicians is a dangerous gamble.

Most politicians pretend to work for national interest but in reality it is subordinated to their interests. When did our politicians ever consult any religious leader before implementing unpopular policies? They only do so when things get bad and are in desperate need of public support. This is not acceptable more especially because Muslim organizations made responses to the Presidential Advisory Committee (PAC) Policy Document with diligence and expertise probably more than any other politicians who are now the darlings of Tinubu’s administration.

Moreover, the Tinubu team never respected and honoured the contributions of the Ulama and Muslim intellectuals to the policy proposals of the PAC. Therefore, Shaykh Bala Lau has no reason to use the Qur’anic Festival for the benefit of Tinubu administration unless it changes its course because they will use and dump him.

Presently, there are video clips of some Salafiyya clerics drawing the attention of Shaykh Bala Lau that he’s now compromising his doctrinal position by “inventing” a new “bidi’ah” which his organisation claims to be eradicating. Of course, the unity of the Ummah is sacrosanct and yes, the Qur’an unites the Ummah. But focusing our attention and finding solutions to the issues of almajirai who are neglected by the society are more important than a convention or festival.

According to the Shaykh, 30,000 Qur’anic reciters from across the country will assemble at Moshood Abiola Stadium to promote Qur’anic recitation. How much is the cost? Conservatively it could reach N3 billion at N100,000:00 per head. There is no need for this, because every year there is a National Qur’anic Recitation Competition or Musabaqa with representatives from all over the country. So why spending billions on a similar competition?

Finally, Shaykh Bala Lau and supporters of this Festival should use their influence to mobilize resources for the Almajirai through the National Commission for Almajiri and Out of School Children which has not received up to N3 billion from the Government since its inception. And if the Shaykh and his team do not support the Commission, they should channel their resources and energy to confronting the challenges of the Almajirai through whatever means they believe in, rather than festivities or jamboree. No strategy has so far succeeded in alleviating the predicament of the Almajirai since 1960 when Sir Ahmadu Bello (Premier of Northern Region) initiated the process with the Committee of 100 Mallams. Is this not a shame for Muslims of Nigeria?

Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa is a renowned historian who lives and writes from Kano. He’s the editor of Nigeria Year Book and Who is Who. He can be reached via ibrahimado@yahoo.com

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

“Change is the only constant in life,” -ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus.

The Danfodio Jihad, led by Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio in the early 19th century, had several prominent flag bearers. These individuals were given flags by Usman Dan Fodio as symbols of authority to lead the jihad in different regions. The most notable flag bearers include:

 1. Muhammad Moyijo – Kebbi

 2. Abu Hamid – Zamfara

 3. Ummaru Dallaji – Katsina

 4. Mallam Musa – Zauzau

 5. Mallam Isiyaka – Daura

 6. Mallam Suleiman – Kano

 7. Buba Yaro – Gombe

 8. Mallam Alimi – Ilorin

 9. Mallam Dendu – Nupe

 10. Mallam Yakubu – Bauchi

 11. Modibbo Adama – Adamawa

 12. Mallam Zaki – Katagun

 13. Mallam Sambo – Hadejia

 14. Mallam Dantunku – Kazaure

 15. Muhammad Manga – Misau

 16. Muhammad Wabi – Jama’are

 17. Muhammadu Namoda – Kauran Namoda

 18. Sambo Dan Ashafa – Yan’Doto

Over time, these scholars and leaders and their territories evolved from jihad leaders and scholars to traditional authorities—‘The Native Authority’—which the British later integrated into their indirect rule system. Emirs in the northern emirates wielded substantial power over their territories, overseeing local administration, tax collection, law enforcement, judicial authority, and maintaining order.

In 1976, during local government reforms under General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, the Native Authority system was formally replaced with a standardized, democratic local government structure across Nigeria.

Initially, emirates and chiefdoms in Nigeria had no graded ranks—only First Class Emirs, Chiefs, and Hakimis or Dakacis. Over time, a grading system (First, Second, and Third Class) was introduced, which the emirates, chiefdoms, and their people adapted to.

These territories witnessed the creation of states and local governments and the emergence of new emirates and chiefdoms. For instance, Gombe State now has nine first-class emirs:

 1. Abubakar Shehu-Abubakar: Emir of Gombe and Chairman of the State Council of Emirs and Chiefs

 2. HRH Alh. Abdulkadir Haruna Rasheed: Emir of Dukku

 3. Muhammad Kwairanga Abubakar: Emir of Funakaye

 4. HRH Ahmad Usman Mohammed: Emir of Deba

 5. Umar Muhammad Atiku: Emir of Akko

 6. HRH Alh. Adamu Haruna Yakubu: Emir of Pindiga

 7. HRH Alh. Umar Abdulsalam: Emir of Gona

 8. HRH Alh. Muhammed Dadum-Hamza: Emir of Nafada

 9. HRH Alh. Abubakar Ali: Emir of Yamaltu

Gombe State also has five chiefdoms: Mai Tangale, Folo Dadiya, Mai Kaltungo, Mai Tula, and Dala Waja. The Tula Chiefdom carved out of the Kaltungo Chiefdom, was created in 2001 by the Gombe State House of Assembly.

Similarly, Bauchi State has six first-class emirs: Bauchi, Katagum, Misau, Jama’are, Ningi, and Dass.

Borno, not part of the Danfodio Jihad, has eight emirates: Borno, Bama, Damboa, Dikwa, Biu, Askira, Gwoza, Shani, and Uba. The Uba Emirate was created in 1976.

The Kano Emirate has experienced the creation and abolition of emirates by successive governments. Governor Abubakar Rimi established new emirates in 1979, which Governor Sabo Bakin Zuwo reversed in 1983. Governor Abdullahi Ganduje recreated them, but only Governor Kabir Yusuf reversed the decision. On June 16, 2024, Kabir Yusuf signed the bill, creating Gaya, Rano, and Karaye as second-class emirates within Kano State. The Kano Emirate has navigated these changing times, which is inevitable!

As of April 25, 2023, there are 28 first-class traditional rulers in Nasarawa State. In April 2023, Governor Abdullahi Sule announced the elevation of the status of 22 traditional rulers in the state.

Taraba State has 56 graded chiefs: 6 first-class, nine second-class, and 40 third-class. Former Governor Darius Ishaku created 9 of the traditional chiefs.

Emirates and chiefdoms have transformed, their people have evolved, and their geography has been altered. Some were established during the Danfodio Jihad, others through historical processes, and some by administrative laws.

The Sardauna Province, with its emirates and chiefdoms in both Adamawa and Taraba states, is a product of recent history, created after the United Nations referendum of February 11, 1961, in which 59.97% voted to join Nigeria. Sir Ahmadu Bello promised that those who joined Nigeria would be granted a separate province with benefits similar to those of Northern Nigerians- thus, the present emirates and chiefdoms in the province.

Leaders with foresight accept change and encourage and push for it. It was reported that when the administration of former Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa State considered upgrading the Hama Bachama, Gangwari Ganye, Emir of Mubi, Amna Shelleng, Murum Mbula, and Kwandi Nunguraya (Chief of Lunguda Kingdom) to first-class status, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha also advised and encouraged the upgrading of the Hama Bata. Surprisingly, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha was the only first-class Emir in Adamawa State at the time, and his emirate was one of the largest in the Danfodio Dynasty, spanning parts of Cameroon, Chad, including Central Africa. 

When Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri announced the appointments of emirs and chiefs for two newly created emirates and four chiefdoms, some people questioned the appointment of His Royal Highness Sani Ribadu as the new Emir of Fufore Emirate. They overlooked and forgotten the fact that emirates and chiefdoms have evolved.

Individuals without royal lineage have become kings, emirs, and chiefs. Traditional titles are now more accessible, and the role of kingmakers has also evolved, with emirates and chiefdoms determining their kingmakers. Emirates, chiefdoms and kingdoms have evolved, their territories have transformed, and their people have embraced the inevitable changes of time.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Government has distributed 7,158 goats to 2,386 women as part of the second phase of its Livestock Fattening Programme, with each goat costing approximately N321,319.

Governor Abba Yusuf launched the initiative, valued at N2.3 billion, to reduce poverty and promote economic self-reliance among vulnerable groups.

Each beneficiary received three goats, amounting to a total allocation of around N963,957 per person.

Sanusi Dawakin-Tofa, the governor’s spokesperson, explained that the program is designed to foster livestock entrepreneurship among women in all 44 local government areas of the state.

Future phases of the scheme will include the distribution of 1,342 cows and 1,822 rams to women and youths.

Governor Yusuf emphasized that beneficiaries should utilize the livestock responsibly, urging accountability to ensure the program achieves its objectives.

“This is more than just a livestock distribution; it’s about empowering communities and building a sustainable economic model that uplifts people and reduces reliance on government support,” the governor stated.

The initiative underscores the administration’s commitment to grassroots development, empowering women and youths while integrating them into the agricultural value chain to enhance household income and drive sustainable growth.

By Bin Isah

it has been a long week of debates, discussions, rejoinders and exchanges between and among the fans of three important personalities from Northern Nigeria: Emir Muhammadu Sunusi (popularly known as SLS), Prof Farooq Kperogi and Prof Ibrahim Bello Kano (IBK).

The truth is that, the wordplay of the writers provokes the fancy of readers, and entices the sense of the intellectual minds. However, the real deal rests upon the substance of the game and the appeal of the persuasions. IBK has truly got it right in the wrong way, while Kperogi still holds the ball in his court.

In fact, Kperogi didn’t simply wake up to set a fire upon the super-luminous star of the nation, SLS. He was called to the pen. SLS made a reel of remarks that smelt of all personal proclivities to self-importance, interest and power. Kperogi read the remark in its pompous tones, which cumulatively ran down the bad road of nonchalance to national concern.

Kperogi was on fire because SLS seemed to have put the national concern lower than his personal interest. Not only that, the remark also showed that SLS had forgotten that the precarious dance of the national economy which he found uninteresting was the product of his biblical belief in neo-liberal economic theory that he has preached to the government for a while. Remove subsidies, privatize, and add more tax!

Actually, the battle of words would not make SLS safe from the wildfire, because the matter is beyond words and vocabularies and lexicons of English frenzy. It’s deeper to be reduced into a rejoinder that boils down to rhetorical bigotry, jokes and indifference to real issues. The matter reveals what SLS represents as a national treasure, a facade. This is man who considers himself to be a gift to Nigeria, who has a magic wand to solve its problems, yet a self-centred saint.

To be fair to Kperogi, he is not worse than SLS in deployment of abusive arsenals when engaging a person. SLS is expert at dropping bombs on the personality of his worthy critics, ripping them apart, with words so vile of his royal roots. But, this is what a pen power induced into a person with a sense of superior opinions. Remember his unprintable phrases on Sheikh Jafar Mahmud Adam in his “Engagement with Jafar Mahmud Adam”. In this line, Kperogi can even be holier than SLS.

The case that awaits SLS is that of his undiluted support for policies that proved difficult to yield any results to the nation. I don’t know to what school of economics theorists he belongs, but they are not the best. At least, when a solution is given, and the solution put people into the mud of another worse problem, you propose for another solution not to insist on the first solution which had failed to work.

Because, any economic solution that would lead to economic depression, losing jobs, closing of businesses, high cost of living, poor standard of life, and plunging millions of people into abject poverty, that solution has become a terrible problem. A problem which requires a revision, a change in thoughts, in ideas, and in actions. However, SLS as a lover of IMF recommendations and brutal capitalism, he sees no problem with that line of trial, and no any other solution can be given but an embrace of patience and hardship.

I’m not an economics expert but we have been taught that economics is for the creation and management of wealth and resources in a way that a nation and its people get better, do better and produce better. It’s about the betterment of people, not deprivation and exploitation for the benefit of the few. We know SLS is an economist, at the same time, a business man, and thus, a profiteering hustler around the national wealth. What do you expect?

A support to Tinubu’s economic policies over which the nation is weeping is a sin. It’s more of a moral abuse than an intellectual view. In fact, SLS as an intellectual, is a betrayal to public intellectualism. The basic work of a public intellectual is to help the poor people against the powerful, not the powerful against the poor. Only that we know SLS has been a friend to the people in power, which may actually be a reason why he cannot but help them to succeed in their poor management of the nation. A friend in need is a friend indeed.

It’s not a hidden fact that he has no regrets for his romance with Tinubu’s iconoclastic antics of economic problematics. That’s not a problem! The remorse of SLS is that after all the sweetest sugars he added to their policies the government is still not taking him as a friend, is not treating him like a political-economic superman with paranormal powers to make things happen in a hush of the blink. This is the economic problem that disturbs the soul of SLS, not the national one. The government has used and dumped him like a homeless prostitute. Of course, it’s not fair. But, who cares? It’s a dinner with the devil.

It’s not about Kperogi, IBK, or the fans that worship the wonderful words around their altars. It’s about SLS and his public show of unpatriotism to the nation after he placed his back for the government to implement its illest ideas that inspire a brazen, merciless management of the country. Now, that the people he had provided a theoretical justification to their economic malevolence have abandoned him in his battle over the throne, and he now wants to throw them away along with the entire nation into a deep blue sea. What made Tinubu and his government better than the nation?

The man is for himself.

Bin Isah is a blogger who writes from Kano State.

By Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim

Language is a powerful tool. It shapes how we think, communicate, and understand our beliefs. In the Islamic faith, words carry immense weight, for they are tied to sacred meanings and spiritual truths. This is why using the term “Qur’anic festival” to describe any event associated with the Qur’an is both misplaced and misleading. While the word “festival” may seem innocuous, its implications are incompatible with the spiritual essence of the Qur’an and the traditions it upholds.

A festival is often marked by joy, festivities, and entertainment. While it can sometimes carry religious undertones, its modern usage is predominantly cultural or secular. On the other hand, the Qur’an is a divine revelation—a book of guidance, wisdom, and moral discipline. It is meant to elevate the soul, inspire reflection, and connect individuals to their Creator. Associating the Qur’an with a “festival” risks reducing its sacredness to something casual, even trivial.

Consider the Islamic celebrations of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha. These are joyous occasions deeply rooted in worship, gratitude, and submission to Allah. Their joy is spiritual and reflective, not superficial. To call these occasions “festivals” would diminish their profound meanings. Similarly, attaching the word “festival” to the Qur’an creates a disconnect between its sacred purpose and the secular image that the term often evokes.

Moreover, using the term “Qur’anic festival” opens the door to misinterpretation. To the uninformed, it might conjure images of parades, loud music, or revelry—activities that Islam often cautions against when taken to excess. For instance, a Qur’anic recitation event might aim to deepen one’s connection to Allah, but labelling it a “festival” could unintentionally attract a crowd expecting entertainment rather than spiritual enlightenment. Precision in language is vital in Islamic traditions, and terms like “gathering” or “symposium” better preserve the solemnity of such occasions.

The Qur’an is not just a book; it is Allah’s final message to humanity, and its recitation, study, and understanding are acts of worship. To frame these sacred practices as part of a “festival” undermines the dignity of the Qur’an and the reverence Muslims owe to it. Imagine referring to a gathering for tahajjud (night prayers) or a Qur’anic competition as a “festival.” Such terminology strips the event of its spiritual depth and misrepresents its purpose.

It is also important to, with all sense of humility, caution scholars and traditional leaders against carelessly inventing new terms or traditions on a whim. If some have historically criticised the celebration of Maulud (the Prophet’s birthday) as an innovation, why then should the term “Qur’anic festival” be any less scrutinised? This is not to argue the correctness or incorrectness of the concept of Maulud, Qur’anic events or similar practices but to highlight the inconsistency in applying principles of linguistic and theological precision. The issue is, first and foremost, with the choice of the word “festival” attached to the Qur’an.

The Qur’an deserves words that uplift its message, preserve its sanctity, and reflect its divine status. It is a guidance for humanity, a light for those in darkness, and a connection to Allah that transcends worldly pleasures. Let us honour its dignity by rejecting terms that fail to encapsulate its sacred purpose.

Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim (AbuMuhd) can be reached via matazu247@gmail.com.

By Ibrahyim A. El-Caleel

Muslim men who have an interest in interfaith marriages (marriage to non-Muslim wives) seem to be looking at the matter only at the surface. They do not look deeply into the injunctions around the whole marriage. 

Yes, Islam permits a Muslim man to marry a non-Muslim wife, but the reverse case is prohibited. Some of the few things you must think deeply about and seek explanations from scholars over are:

1.It is not permissible for the Muslim husband to force his non-Muslim wife to accept Islam. This is not permissible in Islam. 

2. To what degree can you ensure that your children from the wife remain upon the fitrah – remain as Muslims? A large number of children from this form of marriage end up as non-Muslims. Some of them leave the fold of Islam after their Muslim fathers die. Some of the fathers don’t even care. They actually make it a “democracy” sort of thing. “You boys and girls can just choose what you think you are okay with- my religion or your mother’s”. 

3. How do you reconcile specific differences between the injunctions in your religion and hers? An example here is that a Muslim wife must take her janabah bath after menstruating. Equally, there is no intercourse during that period. Are you aware of what is the provision for a non-Muslim wife? From where do you start, especially since there is even a niyyah (intention) component in the janabah bath? Have you thought about this before?

4. You must allow her to practice her religion if she is genuinely committed to it. If, for example, she must hang a symbol of her religion, let’s say , in her living room, would you be okay with it? Okay, let’s assume you have no problem with that. Have you asked what the Islamic injunction on praying is for any of your five compulsory prayers in a room with such a symbol inside it? 

Both Muslim men and non-Muslim women must seek clarification on some of these things before getting married. They should not just look at the permissibility at the surface. What are the other injunctions within such a marriage? Islam is full of injunctions as a religion based on knowledge of the Qur’an and Hadith. 

There are many injunctions even in a marriage between a Muslim man and a Muslim woman. Therefore, intending couples in interfaith marriages must better know what they are getting into. It is not always about getting a flight ticket and a visa to Rome. You must think ahead—what happens after you land in Rome?

By Salisu Uba Kofarwambai

“Daba” comes from the Hausa term for a gathering place where people would sit and converse during their leisure time. Over time, the term took on a different connotation, referring to a spot where idle individuals would congregate, discuss, and plan their criminal activities, often fueled by drug addiction.

Historically, Hausa society had warriors known as Yan Tauri. These brave adventurers possessed magical powers and charms that made them nearly invincible in battle. They were also skilled hunters, often engaging in fierce competition over their prey. However, the Maitatsine crisis in the late 1970s to early 1980s marked a turning point for Yan Tauri. The crisis erupted when the followers of the heretic preacher Maitatsine clashed with the Nigerian government. 

Maitatsine, a Quranic teacher from Cameroon, had attracted a large following in Kano before beginning to preach against orthodox Islamic teachings. He started labelling people as infidels for merely watching TV or drinking tea with milk. When his son was killed at the street fight in Sabon Gari, Maitatsune started attacking people and killed many Kano residents.

The federal government refused to intervene, mainly due to party rivalry and Governor Abubakar Rimi’s criticism of the ruling party, NPN, and President Shehu Shagari. Thus, the Kano state government was left to handle the crisis on its own. The state government enlisted Yan Tauri’s help to combat the Maitatsine followers. Yan Tauri fought bravely, killing many followers, but this exposure to violence and bloodshed had a profound impact on them.

Following the Maitatsine crisis, Yan Tauri began to metamorphose into Yan Daba, a group notorious for their thuggery and violence. Politicians exploited Yan Daba for their gain, employing them as enforcers and thugs. During Governor Rimi’s tenure, the divide within the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) in Kano State further exacerbated the situation. The party split into two factions: the Santsi group, led by Governor Rimi, and the Tabo group, led by Malam Aminu Kano. Both factions employed Yan Daba thugs, leading to a deadly fight between the two groups.

Notorious Yan Daba members during this period included Gogarma, Mal Hadi, Gambo Cooperation, Sarki Change, Sabo Wakilin Tauri Mai Adashin Sara, Uba Dala Bala Turu, and many others. These thugs were known for their brutality and willingness to do whatever it took to achieve their objectives.

The reign of terror by Yan Daba continued until Major General Muhammadu Buhari came to power in 1983. Buhari’s administration cracked down on Yan Daba, arresting, killing, or forcing many of its members to flee Kano.

Then, in 1989, during General Ibrahim Babangida’s effort to transition Nigeria back to civilian governance, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) were established. These parties significantly influenced Nigeria’s move towards democracy. However, they also, perhaps unintentionally, aided the revival of Yan Daba in Kano as politicians continued to manipulate them for personal gains.

Yan Daba’s activities plagued Kano, with members engaging in robbery, assault, and other forms of violence. The emergence of notorious gangsters marked their reign of terror.

With the return of democratic rule in 1999, Yan Daba continued to pose a significant problem in Kano. Politicians continue to exploit them for their own gain, and their activities remain a major challenge for law enforcement agencies. Over time, Yan Daba has evolved, with many members now engaging in phone robbery and other forms of cybercrime.

Today, Yan Daba remains a challenge, with members engaging in various forms of criminal activity. Their history should be a cautionary tale about the dangers of exploiting violence and thuggery for political gain.

Salisu Uba Kofarwambai wrote from Kano via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli, ANIPR 

In a world where leadership is often equated with political roles and public offices, Khalid Barau Ningi stands out as a shining example of selflessness and community dedication. Known widely as “Dujiman Ari,” he showcases the qualities of a true servant-leader, inspiring hope and positively impacting through his personal initiatives that go far beyond his official role as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Empowerment to the Bauchi State Government.

Dujiman Ari is a public official from the Ningi Local Government Area (LGA). He is not just a public official; he is a man deeply connected to his roots. His warmth, humility, and respect for individuals—both young and old—have earned him admiration and loyalty. His ability to engage with his contemporaries, especially the youth, proves his understanding of the challenges they face and his determination to be a part of the solution.

His concern for his people goes beyond political affiliations and titles. Through his foundation, the Khalid Community Initiative, he has consistently demonstrated that true leadership is about service, empathy, and action. Among Khalid’s notable contributions is his focus on healthcare. Understanding the importance of maternal health, his foundation recently provided healthcare services and delivery kits to pregnant women across Ningi LGA. These kits, delivered to over 100 beneficiaries and containing essential supplies for safe childbirth, have eased the burdens of many families, ensuring that women have access to better care during one of life’s most critical moments.

Furthermore, during a recent cholera outbreak, the Khalid Community Initiative extended its support by donating over 100 cartons of intravenous fluids to needy patients. In another remarkable healthcare intervention, the initiative funded cataract surgeries for 450 individuals, provided medications worth hundreds of thousands of naira and distributed free eyeglasses to over 100 patients. These efforts reveal Khalid’s commitment to addressing urgent health challenges and improving the quality of life for the underprivileged.

Water is life, and Dujiman knows this all too well. In communities where access to clean water is a daily struggle, the Khalid Community Initiative has taken up the mantle of change. By repairing up to 30 dilapidated boreholes in 10 communities, Khalid has restored the dignity and health of countless families. Women and children no longer have to travel long distances in search of water, a basic necessity many take for granted.

His passion for education is evident in his foundation’s activities. Donations to schools, ranging from learning materials to offering scholarships, have created better learning environments for children. He also recognises the potential of the youth, supporting youth groups with resources and opportunities to thrive. This includes securing JAMB admissions for over 20 students and covering registration fees for more than 30 others across various communities. Such efforts reflect his belief that an educated and empowered youth population is the backbone of any thriving society.

What sets Khalid’s initiatives apart is their all-encompassing approach. Through his foundation, he has supported over 100 small-scale beverage vendors with conditional cash grants of ₦10,000 each to grow their businesses. Similarly, he provided ₦5,000 to 100 women to support domestic needs and small household enterprises. Khalid has also prioritised skill development, offering self-reliance training and tools to empower youths across the Ningi Local Government Area. His work continues to expand, with increased funding and strategic planning to reach even more beneficiaries and address diverse community needs.

Dujiman Ari’s exceptional initiatives are driven more by personal passion than official responsibilities. As the SSA on Empowerment, one might expect his work to focus solely on government-aligned projects. However, Khalid’s gestures go far beyond what is required. His generosity and vision for a better society are rooted in his values, not political obligations. 

Although in his capacity as SSA, he facilitated the distribution of over 1,200 motorcycles to youth in the state under the Kaura Economic and Empowerment Program (KEEP), along with over 70 Sharon buses distributed across 20 LGAs, he has shown an unmatched commitment. His efforts also included providing ₦50,000 to beneficiaries to enhance SMEs, start-up kits for 1,000 beneficiaries, and ₦20,000 cash support for beverage vendors, showcasing his dedication to empowering individuals and small businesses.

Khalid’s work through the Khalid Community Initiative is not just about providing immediate relief; it is about creating sustainable change. His efforts have touched lives in ways that words cannot fully capture. He has become a source of inspiration and a role model for aspiring leaders, proving that true power lies in the ability to uplift others.

As a recipient of the Presidential National Award of Merit on Productivity in 2022 and a chartered management consultant, Khalid Barau Ningi’s story is evidence of the transformative power of one individual’s dedication to their community. It is a reminder that leadership is not defined by titles but by the impact one makes. For those who wish to make a difference, Dujiman’s life and work offer a simple yet profound lesson: serve with your heart, and the world will remember your name.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Salim Yunusa

Days ago, a fuel tanker explosion took the lives of over 70 people at the well-known Dikko Junction, located along the Kaduna-Abuja highway in Niger State. This incident follows closely after another fuel tanker explosion in Jigawa in October 2024, which resulted in the deaths of more than 200 people.

At this point, one begins to sound like a broken record: the recurring incessant pleas for regulation, caution, and prayers. Enough with the “Allah shi kare”, or the performative prayers for the deceased. It has to stop. Now.

In a country with barely motorable roads disguised as highways, these tankers—dangerously overloaded, evidently faulty, and disturbingly manned by the worst drivers—sway and saunter, damaging the roads and bridges due to overload, causing accidents, and, in recent times, overturning their contents, spilling highly inflammable fuel on the road. This leads to disastrous fire incidents, causing devastating loss of lives and properties.

What usually follows are photo ops by government officials who do little to nothing to prevent these incidents from reoccurring. These are followed by visits to the hospitals and donations of a paltry sum of money to the victims’ families. This has to stop. Now.

Many issues cause the loss of lives of this magnitude. We must address them through regulations and stringent fines for erring drivers and their employers. We must also properly deploy state and federal might in enforcing adequate commercial and residential setbacks from highways. We must embark on massive enlightenment and sensitisation against the dangers of highly inflammable substances and, above all, poverty, which would make one desperate enough to go scooping up spilt gas on a highway! 

Nonetheless, enforcement has to be done on people themselves because repeated tragedies don’t serve as lessons against future occurrences. People have to learn and understand that you run away from danger, not into it, for mere fuel scoops or to record yourself to get a few clicks on social media. This is where the National Orientation Agency comes into the picture, partnering with social media influencers, radio and TV stations, among other important stakeholders in the society, to enlighten and educate the public on the dangers surrounding looting of overturned items from trucks, be it Spaghetti, rice or fuel.

We must reconsider using pipelines to transport petroleum products in this country. The alarming number of tankers on our roads poses significant risks. Furthermore, it’s crucial to raise awareness that looting or stealing from accident scenes is a serious offence punishable by law and God.

It is tiring at this point: the rinse-and-repeat incidents, the performative grief, the prayers and promises to address issues—all to be forgotten in three business days. How many more people have to die before the government acts? Thoughts and prayers over unavoidable incidents are a most, but choosing thoughts and prayers over avoidable incidents is a clear choice. The government should act, and it should act now—swiftly, decisively.

May the Almighty save us from us and give us the strength to do the right thing–no matter whose ox is gored!

Salim Yunusa writes from Abuja, Nigeria, and can be reached via syunusa@gmail.com

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, Ph.D.

Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s recent remarks about the harsh economic policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government, made during the 21st Memorial Lecture for the late Gani Fawehinmi organised by the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA Ikeja Branch in Lagos, themed ‘Bretton Woods and the African Economies: Can Nigeria Survive Another Structural Adjustment Programme’, have sparked a diverse range of reactions across social media. 

As the chairman of the occasion, when giving a microphone to comment, he remarked, “I can give a few points here about what we are going through and how it was predictable and avoidable. But I am not going to do that because I have chosen not to speak on the economic reforms or to explain anything because if I explain it, it will help this government. But I do not want to help this government. They are my friends, but if they do not behave like friends, I will not behave like a friend”. 

 These remarks received and continuously attracted fierce critical rebuttals and approbations from the government and Emir Sunusi’s perceived critics. On the other hand, his apologists are overtly in a tactical defence of such remarks on the pretence that the Emir is a victim of misperception by the public and misinterpretation by the media as they usually used to quote him out of context. Even the Emir himself is reported by the Leadership newspaper lamenting that his remarks were taken out of context, reducing the broader message of his speech to a single paragraph. But Emir and his media warriors fail to understand that linguistically, by the time a person makes an utterance, he no longer has control over it. 

To borrow a popular Hausa adage which says magana zarar bunu, idan ta fita ba ta dawowa or what Jean-Paul Sartre called “every word has its consequences” or in what Roland Barthes, the prominent French Structuralist and Post-structuralist literary theorist and critic called in his widely celebrated magnum opus “the death of the author is the rise of the reader”. Similarly, Barthes argues that “once the author is removed, the claim to decipher a text becomes quite futile. To give a text an author is to impose a limit on that text, to furnish it with a final signified”. And the text here refers to both spoken discourse (phonocentrism) and written (logocentrism). The former is the spoken remarks by the Emir, while the latter is its interpretations or deconstructive reading(s). Thus, the latter supplements the former in what Derrida called “doubling critique”.

Meanwhile, concerning the above remarks by the Emir, the media houses have done what part of their job, i.e., deconstructive or interpretive journalism. Thus, by the time the Emir loses authority or control over his utterances, it is when the media and the general public have the right to interpret him the way they like. Thus, it forms the crux of their deconstructive readings of Emir Sunusi’s remarks. Therefore, the more remarks are enmeshed with aporia and entangled in contradiction, dislocation and disunity of words or, to borrow Jacques Derrida’s words, “play”, “decentering”, or “rupture” like the one made by Emir Sunusi, the more it attracts deconstructive readings or interpretation from various standpoints.    

For instance, Emir’s remarks, as widely reported by the media, sound contradictory if not antipodal or antithesis. Given his unflinching and uncompromising stand as an unrepentant neo-liberalist who always supports the removal of fuel subsidy and currency liberalisation, floating of the naira against the dollar, which ultimately leads to the devaluation of the former, how can you say the situation the Nigerian government find itself is “avoidable” while you are among those who advise the government to implement such policies for reforming the shrinking economy. As the popular social media influencer Aliyu Dahiru Aliyu (Sufi) argues, “…For years, Sanusi has been a vocal advocate of neo-liberal economic policies, including subsidy removal and currency liberalisation–policies now adopted by Tinubu’s administration. These were once touted by people like Sanusi as the perfect remedies for our economic woes, yet their implementation, according to his recent expression, hasn’t delivered the promised relief. So, what fresh ideas Sanusi hides that he can offer if the FG has been friendly towards him apart from the familiar intellectual manoeuvres?”. 

Finally, as opined by the father of modern linguistics, the popular Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure, that language be spoken as the one used by the Emir or written, i.e., the one used by his deconstructive readers is a system of signs; that the sign (word) is the basic unit of meaning, and that the sign comprises a signifier (form) and signified (mental representation or meaning). Therefore, the signifiers uttered by Emir Sunusi carry variants of signifieds in what Derrida called “transcendental signified”, which are beyond the control of their owner (the Emir) and thus warrant such myriad deconstructive reading(s).

Bashir Uba Ibrahim, PhD, wrote from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University, Kafin Hausa. He can be reached at bashirubaibrahim@gmail.com.