Opinion

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

I read Professor Farooq A. Kperogi’s article “Emir Sanusi’s Quid Pro Quo for His Friends Turned Fiends” with keen interest. While it was well-written and rich in rhetorical flair, I believe it unfairly misrepresents the character and contributions of His Highness Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II and the broader context of his remarks. My intention here is not to disparage Mr. Kperogi or his intellectual depth but to offer a more nuanced perspective based on facts and a balanced understanding.

Sanusi’s commentary on economic reforms is not new, and it is not driven by self-interest, as the article implies. His economic positions, controversial as they may be, have always been rooted in his commitment to transparency, accountability, and fiscal prudence.

As governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Sanusi spearheaded reforms that stabilised the financial sector and exposed corruption, notably the mismanagement of funds in the petroleum industry. His leadership saved the Nigerian banking system during the 2009 global financial crisis. These efforts reflect a consistent commitment to economic pragmatism, not the “self-loving sadism” Mr. Kperogi ascribed to him.

At the Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Lecture, Emir Sanusi addressed Nigeria’s economic challenges within a historical framework, highlighting how years of poor management led to today’s difficulties. His statement about not defending the current government’s policies was not a quid pro quo demand but an expression of discontent over the failure of political leaders to reciprocate loyalty or act decisively for national progress.

Sanusi’s critique of governance has often transcended personal affiliations. For instance, he openly criticised the Goodluck Jonathan administration despite being part of the government apparatus, risking his career in the process. His comments in the lecture reflect this same principle: his loyalty is to ideas, not individuals.

The article unfairly caricatures Sanusi as an unrepentant neoliberal apologist indifferent to the suffering of the masses. While he has supported subsidy removal and exchange rate harmonisation, his positions are informed by Nigeria’s fiscal realities. Subsidy regimes, historically marred by corruption and inefficiency, drained trillions of naira from public coffers without addressing systemic energy sector challenges.

Critics often overlook the fact that subsidies disproportionately benefit the elite rather than the poor. Studies by organisations like the World Bank and Nigeria’s Budget Office have shown that wealthier Nigerians consume more fuel and thus benefit more from subsidies. Sanusi’s advocacy for subsidy removal aims to redirect these funds toward targeted interventions, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, which directly benefit the masses.

Contrary to the claim that Sanusi derives “delight from the misery of the masses,” he has consistently called for equitable resource allocation and the empowerment of marginalised communities. As emir, he launched initiatives to promote girl-child education, gender equity, and poverty alleviation in Kano State. His reforms in the Kano Emirate Council prioritised addressing social injustices that have long plagued Northern Nigeria.

For instance, his campaign against child marriage and his emphasis on the importance of education for girls drew both applause and backlash. These efforts single out his commitment to social progress and human dignity.

Mr Kperogi’s passionate critique of Sanusi’s remarks offers no clear alternative solutions to Nigeria’s economic woes. If we agree that Nigeria’s economy has suffered from decades of mismanagement, what is the path forward? Should we continue subsidising consumption at the expense of critical investments? Sanusi’s prescriptions, while debatable, are at least anchored in economic logic and long-term sustainability.

Nigeria’s challenges require a balanced, solutions-driven discourse. Reducing complex issues to personal attacks or dismissing individuals who have contributed significantly to national development is unproductive. Emir Sanusi’s positions are not beyond critique, but such critiques should engage with the substance of his arguments rather than resorting to ad hominem attacks or speculative interpretations of his motives.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads, and leadership—whether in government, traditional institutions, or civil society—must rise to the occasion. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II is not infallible, his track record of service, advocacy, and reform warrants a more balanced appraisal. Let us concentrate on fostering a Nigeria where ideas are debated with civility and respect, rather than transforming crucial national discussions into platforms for derision.

Usman Abdullahi Koli is a public relations expert, writer, and advocate for balanced public discourse. He can be reachedvia mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Every nation has its beacon of hope. India has Mahatma Gandhi, Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, China, Mao Zedong, South Africa, and Nelson Mandela. In the United States, it’s Abraham Lincoln, while Ghana reveres Kwame Nkrumah. Zimbabwe holds on to Robert Mugabe, Kenya to Jomo Kenyatta, Egypt to Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Ethiopia to Haile Selassie.

Northern Nigeria’s guiding light is Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto—a man whose name is written in gold on the sands of history. A towering figure with a heart as vast as the Sahel, he was a custodian of Islam, a protector of culture, a unifier of regions, and a calculated risk-taker. Bold in action and resolute in purpose, he stands tall as the North’s brightest son.

Almost all of Sardauna’s life and legacy have been well documented and were public knowledge; it has been told through various forms and platforms like nostalgia, reminiscence legends, truth, and myth. Sardauna is generally known for one thing: an unnegotiable love for the North- a love rooted in modernization and unification.

Thanks to Sardauna’s vision for proficient and disciplined graduates to fill the gap in the northern civil service, the all-encompassing, majestic, and larger-than-life ABU Zaria was born. Sardaunan’s vision for institutional independence extends beyond academia: it includes independence in finance, energy, media, aviation, and food security.

Monuments and megastructures in Sardauna’s name that still stand and reverberate speak volumes about the foresight, determination, and vision of this legendary figure. This uncommon vision for the North to develop and be independent fetched Sardauna, both friends and many foes. But it never deterred him. He forged on from strength to strength.

Whether known or unknown to Sardauna’s distractors, he was never anything close to being a bigot. His actions tell a different story: his consideration of the whole North transcends every primordial boundary like tribe, region, and religion. Sardauna merely wanted to discharge his duties best to the people he was entrusted with. If Sardauna could govern Nigeria, he would ensure the country excels among its peers. He will pursue the Nigerian interest with the same vigour and rigour as the North.

Perhaps the most controversial stance of Sardauna after the Northernization agenda was his determined campaign against independence. This is what Southerners and Easterners, especially his colleagues such as Awolowo, Akintola, and Azikiwe, could not wrap their heads against. Was it not the independence that people die to get, but here is a potential premier kicking against it or, at best, asking for its delay? This particular unpopular campaign that Sardauna embarked on and his colleagues in the North are two sides of the same coin.

As of 1952, when agitations for self-government began to mount, the majority of staff in the North were Whites, Southerners, and Easterners of Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, so Sardauna clamour was until the North became not only united and literate but capable of piloting its affairs before independence. This argument and most of other Sardauna’s interests would prevail, and the regional self-government was granted in 1955 to 56 instead, before the independence four years later.

This unprecedented vision of Sardauna for the delayed independence is a revolutionary—a potential antidote to the challenges plaguing many post-colonial nations. This could be the first time a potential president of a potential country could not be desperate, but instead harbour delayed independence subject to the capacity of the country.

Yesterday marks 59 years since Sardauna’s cold-blooded assassination by Lieutenant Colonel Nzeogwu. Yet, his legacy lives on, etched in the hearts of Northerners and Nigerians alike. May Allah forgive the shortcomings of North’s brightest son and grant him Jannatul Firdaus, amin.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Yakubu Nasiru Khalid

Still, addressing the public’s issues remains challenging in northern Nigeria. Media outlets favour partisanship over accuracy or truth, and the Nigerian media requires a controlling apparatus. 

Media outlets are considered a room where the underprivileged can address their problems to the government or private individuals who breach their rights. However, media outlets are now mainly sponsored and do not act independently or impartially when telling the truth. 

When I was young, I saw journalists as saviours who worked as architects or social engineers to prioritise public interests and solutions over personal or government interests, but now I see the opposite.

This results in the loss of hope that the electronic or printing media cannot serve as a messianic approach to standing against the breaching of the rights of ordinary citizens.

Even though media and journalistic standards attest to and measure a report’s accuracy and truthfulness, the ongoing challenge for media outlets remains their preference for partisanship over impartiality and independence.

For this reason, fact-checking media and journalists are mostly needed in electronic media (online Newspapers). Most media companies are owned and managed by people not equipped with journalism etiquette; they do it for a passion. 

While passion in journalism can often render one unprofessional, incompetent, or unethical in reporting, investigating, or addressing issues, it is essential for those who have not studied media to understand its etiquette, even if it means obtaining a certificate in the field.

It’s known that Nigerian media companies are owned by private individuals and deprived of government-approved control mechanisms or apparatus. They aim to generate income, which leads to sparks of misinformation from various media outlets. 

Lastly, I suggest media companies refrain from favouring personal or political interests over factual or truthful reportingor addressing public issues. I also advise those passionate about journalism to learn its etiquette formally.

Yakubu Nasiru Khalid wrote via yakubunasirukhalid@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

I have always maintained the opinion that aid is a mechanism used by the so-called powerful nations to underdevelop weaker countries—though not deliberately, especially in African countries where insecurity is caused by terrorism or ethnic cleansing, which is a crime against humanity or genocide.

In Africa, particularly Nigeria, our major problem is poverty—a singular issue that has metamorphosed into intractable insecurities, including but not limited to the Boko Haram insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping, among others. Many people might argue that Boko Haram and the Biafra movements are ideological in nature, but the truth is that those ideological elements have long since faded, leaving the agitations as an economic venture for certain nefarious countries and individuals to exploit.

They recruit jobless, uneducated, desperate, and misguided young people into their criminal community to kill not just their enemies but anyone who upholds peace and stability. I was born and raised in Maiduguri, and I’ve never left the ‘Home of Peace’ even for a day because of the insurgency—not even when it was at its peak. Therefore, I am qualified to say a few things regarding the phenomenon. We’ve witnessed how young people were recruited into the deadly and infamous sect known as Boko Haram.

Some were paid 50k weekly, some received 150k to 300k monthly, depending on the nature of the work assigned to them, and some of the payments were in hard currencies. The same thing happens in the North Western region of Nigeria, where banditry and kidnapping thrive in the open — dozens of lives are lost, and women and children are left in depression, poverty, and psychological trauma. 

This has attracted many INGOs and subsequently led to the formation of local NGOs in the country, whose assistance is largely unsustainable and dependent. They provide cash and food items, with only a few engaging in ‘goat and sheep empowerment’, similar to the initiative recently unveiled by the Kano State Government. That initiative, too, is ineffective, as more than two-thirds of the beneficiaries, if not all, sell these items at the distribution venue. This arises because it is aid, not a partnership for economic growth.

Vice President Kashim Shettima, who is attending the World Economic Forum in Switzerland, shares my opinion. His remarks reflect a deep understanding of global economic dynamics and the need for sustainable development in Africa. Leaders like him talk about Nigeria’s untapped potential as a partner for global powers and investors. 

Instead of perpetuating the cycle of aid dependency, he spoke about the urgent need for the world to recognize Nigeria’s potential as a hub for industrialization, which would provide opportunities for millions of youth and contribute to global economic growth.

Africa, and particularly Nigeria, has long received foreign aid, often with good intentions but yielding unsustainable results. Aid might address immediate crises, but it does not tackle the root causes of poverty or unemployment. Instead, it fosters dependency, undermines local capacity, and creates temporary solutions. As Sen. Shettima’s example illustrates, Nigeria does not need fish handed to it; it needs to be taught how to fish through strategic partnerships that prioritize industrialization, skill development, and innovation.

By working together to build industries, Nigeria can unleash the potential of its vast, youthful population and ensure long-term, self-sustaining growth.

World powers and private investors must recognise Nigeria for what it truly is: a land of opportunity. With a population of over 250 million, Nigeria represents one of the largest consumer markets globally, along with an abundance of natural resources and human capital. Establishing industries in sectors such as manufacturing, technology, agriculture, and renewable energy would not only tackle the country’s unemployment crisis but also offer global investors access to untapped, profitable markets.

Partnerships that create factories, manufacturing plants, and tech hubs will empower Nigeria’s youth, reduce migration pressures, and ultimately benefit the global economy. The need for industrialisation cannot be overstated. Nigeria’s youths, brimming with talent and ambition, are eager to contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development. 

However, without opportunities, many remained unemployed, looking forward to migration in search of greener pastures. The international community can help transform Nigeria into a global production hub by establishing industries and leveraging its demographic dividend to drive innovation and development. This is the position of Sen. Shettima, who advocates for economic empowerment rather than reliance on foreign assistance.

Furthermore, industrialisation offers a win-win scenario for both Nigeria and the world. While Nigeria gains employment opportunities, technological transfer, and a diversified economy, global powers and businesses secure access to a vibrant and emerging market. Beyond economic benefits, these partnerships strengthen political stability, reduce security threats, and position Nigeria as a strong ally on the global stage. 

Sen. Shettima’s representation at the World Economic Forum emphasised this potential as he spoke about Nigeria’s challenges and its vast opportunities for collaboration and growth.

The message is that Africa, particularly Nigeria, does not require handouts. It needs partnerships that promote self-reliance, innovation, and sustainability. The world must transition from giving aid to creating opportunities. Let industries rise, let innovation flourish, and let Nigeria demonstrate to the world that, with the right tools and partnerships, it can be a formidable force. 

Lawan Bukar Maigana, Daily Trust’s 2024 Unsung Hero, writes from Maiduguri, Borno State, and can be reached via email: LawanBukarMaigana@gmail.com.

By Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh, PhD

Recently, I have not encountered anyone more deserving of an Honorary Doctorate Degree globally than Sheikh Sharif Ibrahim Saleh Al-Hussaini Maiduguri CON. The 87-year-old global scholar and researcher has authored over 400 books and 100 conference papers in Arabic. 

Sheikh is a global mufti who currently heads the Supreme Council for Fatwa and Islamic Affairs in Nigeria (NSCIA). Throughout Nigeria’s history as a nation, no recognised Islamic scholar has made such remarkable contributions to the body of quality knowledge as the Mufti himself.

This renowned Sheikh embodies knowledge and humility and is a product of the Tsangaya System. Sheikh Sharif is, in fact, overly qualified. European universities established an Honorary Doctorate in the 15th Century to recognise exceptional individuals who have made substantial contributions to a particular field, society, and humanity despite lacking traditional academic credentials.

Sheikh Sharif has written extensively on nearly every facet of Islam, encompassing Quranic sciences, Hadith, Islamic law, history, philosophy, Islamic jurisprudence, linguistics, Islamic polity, Tauhid, Fiqh, Tafseer, Sufism, Arabic literature, Islamic law, inheritance, astronomy—indeed, astronomy—and the peaceful coexistence between nations.

While some universities worldwide have drifted away from the 15th-century original purpose of awarding Honorary Doctorates, instead prioritising celebrity appeal, fundraising, politics, diplomacy, and commercialisation, Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria remains committed to upholding the original intent, as evident in the recent award to Sheikh Sharif. 

Sheikh Sharif has spent his entire life teaching, learning, researching, and contributing to community development, which aligns with the exact purpose of universities globally. He has exemplified scholarship and knowledge sharing, promoted interfaith dialogue, and fostered a culture of peaceful coexistence. 

Sheikh Sharif has produced many scholars of global repute, including Sheikh Professor Ibrahim Maqari, now the Chief Imam of the Central Mosque in Nigeria. He is building one of the biggest Islamic centres (Markaz) in Abuja to advance international teaching and research.

Sheikh Sharif brings class, integrity, dignity, and prestige to the Honorary Doctorate. We hope that, going forward, the nomination, review, selection, and conferment processes will remain transparent and accountable. 

To know what is next for Nigerian universities after this remarkable award, here is what Abdulbasit Kasim, a friend and a postdoctoral fellow at the African and American Studies at Stanford University, USA, added: “After awarding Shayk an honorary doctorate, Ahmadu Bello University should proceed to the next phase of translating and incorporating his books into the University curriculum. If I can include Shayk’s work on history, politics, philosophy, and economics in my Stanford syllabus, there is no reason why Nigerian students in humanities and social sciences should study Antonio Gramsci and Karl Popper but not Sharif Ibrahim Saleh and Adam Abdallah al-iluri. While this honorary degree has aesthetic value, I hope Ahmadu Bello University will diversify and broaden the curriculum beyond [the] Western canon.”

Thank you, Ahmadu Bello University, for honouring an erudite scholar. Congratulations, Sheikh Sharif Ibrahim Saleh Al-Hussaini Maiduguri, on your well-deserved Honorary Doctorate in Law award.

Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in Sustainable Fuels, Energy and Climate Change at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria – Nigeria.

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, Ph.D. 

Onomastics is the study of names and the naming of objects, places, and things. Its two main branches are anthroponymy and toponymy. While the former is concerned with individual proper names, family names, or surnames, the latter is interested in studying the motivations behind the proper names of places. This article is interested in toponymy—changing the names of places. Thus, it aims to synthesise the nexus between onomastics and history in naming places and how some circumstances trigger their penultimate changes. 

One of the impetuses behind this article is a Facebook post by Dr. Abdullahi Dahiru, a physician and public commentator, regarding the renaming of “Kunchi” Local Government to “Ghari.” In his post, he attributes this change to a distortion of history, citing Prof. Tijjani Naniya’s views on the etymology of “Kunchi” as historically linked to the bravery of its people. 

As a fortress town established to shield Kano from the external aggression of Damagaram, which sporadically attacked Kano in ancient times, the people of Kunchi successfully obliterated and defeated Damagaram infinitum. Thus, they were tagged by the Kano people as “Kun ci”, meaning “you have won”. As time passed, the phrase blended and metamorphosed to “Kunchi”. Henceforth, the town is called “Kunchi”, according to Prof. Naniya, cited by Dr. Abdullahi Dahiru. Therefore, the semantic change of the word was purely motivated by an extralinguistic factor, as the hardship and backwardness faced by the people of Kunchi were onomastically attributed to the pejorative nomenclature of the word in Hausa.

This scenario is called semantic and morphological change through blending in linguistics, a situation whereby the structure and meaning of the word change over time. Many types of semantic changes exist, including Broadening, Amelioration, Semantic Reclamation, and Pejoration.

The fourth one, “pejoration”, is where a semantic change of the word “kun ci” to “kunchi” falls. According to John (2000: 55), “pejoration is when the word’s meaning changes from positive to negative”. It usually occurs due to the extralinguistic factor or associating it with the taboo, as the name “kunchi” in Hausa is pejoratively associated with the taboo or something negative. 

Meanwhile, the stigma that the name “kunchi” pejoratively carries in Hausa and the negative stereotype it connotes make the people of the area opt to change the name of their local government. This will be a significant setback to the town’s history because, as time goes on, the upcoming generation from there will not know the history of their forefathers and their bravery in warfare.

On the other hand, semantic anomalies—those who believe there is no relationship between a word and what it stands for—triumph over analogists, who argue that word meaning represents what it stands for. Thus, the historical and semantic imports of the word “kun ci,” which was subsequently transformed to “Kunchi,” were not only changed but also its whole structure and form were replaced, displaced, and dislocated.

Finally, this is not the first time a place or city name has changed. Historically, we have seen how some places or cities’ names change due to varied circumstances. For instance, Mumbai, the capital of India, was formerly known as Bombay. But when the nationalist party Shiv Sena rose to power in 1995, it changed Bombay’s name to Mumbai, citing that the former name carries relics of British colonial legacy. 

Similarly, Istanbul, the capital of Turkey, was formerly known as Constantinople for hundreds of years. It was renamed Istanbul in 1930 after the Republic of Turkey was created. Therefore, changing place names is normal, depending on the circumstances and historical events that motivated them.

NB:

Dr. Raji Bello draws my attention that the case of the historical change of the name of “Kunchi” to “Gari” is similar to Lynchburg, Virginia, Black American people whose nomenclature of their city etymologically derived from the historical event of their racial subjugation and maltreatment and want the name of their town change.

Dr. Bashir Uba Ibrahim wrote from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University Kafin Hausa, Jigawa State.

By Hamza Almustapha Paki

Examination malpractice is regarded as any deliberate act of wrongdoing that violates examination rules intended to provide a candidate with an unfair advantage. Examination malpractice, also referred to as the unlawful actions students undertake during their exams to achieve good grades by taking shortcuts.

Exam malpractices, such as cheating, impersonation, and leakage of examination questions, have become a persistent and widespread problem among students in Nigeria. These malpractices threaten the education system and the country’s future. 

The phenomenon has infiltrated the education system, compromising the integrity and fairness of assessments, undermining efforts to foster a skilled workforce, and eroding public trust in the system. Examination malpractice, alongwith its disadvantages, has negatively impacted all facets of society.

The examination law and ethics state that the sanctions or penalties for candidates involved in examination malpractice in Nigerian tertiary institutions range from a warning letter to not allowing the candidates to sit the examination, suspension for two semesters, expulsion, and dismissal from the institution, depending on the degree of misconduct. 

According to the National Examination Council (NECO), it is estimated that the total number of students involved in various forms of examination malpractices was about 20,000 as of 2021.

On the other hand, 178 cases of malpractice were detected in the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination in the 2022 and 2023 batches.

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) identified the malpractices as including “multiple registrations, manipulation of biometrics, collusion of some private CBT centres with parents, impersonation, deliberate disruption of the examination process, and syndicate of adjacent centres in examination.

It is depressing, regrettable, and shameful to engage in examination malpractices after all the energy expended by our respected lecturers or teachers.

In conclusion, examination malpractice could lead to a loss of confidence, self-esteem, determination, and indolence. 

It also acts as a source of future persistent sadness, which could cause psychological, emotional, and physical disorders in the victim. Therefore, it should be seen as the enemy of society and jettisoned.

By Isah Dahiru

The recent interview with popular Kannywood actress Nafisa Abdullahi has ignited a heated debate across the social landscape of northern Nigeria, capturing the attention of various commentators, particularly on social media. In her comments, Nafisa made a bold assertion, claiming she is in complete control of her body and mind, and no external pressure will sway her from dressing or presenting herself as she chooses. While many regard Nafisa as a rising icon in the realm of feminism, others view her stance as a challenge to societal norms, often overlooking moral values and even biological realities that define the differences between men and women.

However, I firmly believe that Nafisa and those who share her views are fundamentally misguided. Our bodies are not commodities to be paraded for public admiration. We are not here merely to fulfil some visual pleasure or as adornments for others’ gaze. Instead, we are human beings endowed with dignity and deserving of respect. As the saying goes, “Modesty is the garment of wisdom,” and our attire should reflect the strength of our character, not just the shapes of our bodies.

Some may view Nafisa’s perspective as a rallying cry for women’s rights, but we must question: at what cost? Feminism, when reduced to a struggle for the right to dress indecently or act without moral constraints, becomes an empty movement. True feminism should not undermine the fundamental principles of respect, but rather empower women to pursue their dreams, shape their futures, and contribute meaningfully to society. Yet, today, far too many feminists have turned their movement into a celebration of physicality and superficiality, often at the expense of deeper issues that affect women—such as access to education, healthcare, and opportunities for economic advancement.

“Not all that glitters is gold,” and the so-called “empowerment” that comes from making oneself a spectacle for public approval is fleeting at best. Our communities need leaders who inspire change through actions that address real problems, not through empty displays of vanity. Nafisa and her supporters must realise that feminism was never about endorsing self-destructive behaviours but advancing equality and opportunity for women, especially in the most critical areas—health, education, and justice.

Moreover, the widespread glorification of such behaviours leads to a dangerous distortion of the feminist narrative. In the pursuit of gender equality, many have lost sight of the core values that have guided humanity for centuries. As the Yoruba proverb says, “A child whose mother does not discipline will be disciplined by the world.” While Nafisa may feel empowered by her choices, she must ask herself whether these choices empower women or diminish their potential. Are they fostering respect, or are they merely setting up an unrealistic, unsustainable standard that undermines the integrity of the feminist movement?

The case of Nafisa is also emblematic of a broader issue in modern-day feminism: the movement has become entangled with other societal problems, including the normalisation of self-objectification. This is particularly damaging in northern Nigeria, where the pressures of social norms and expectations are often at odds with personal freedoms. It is one thing to advocate for women’s rights but another to ignore the vital cultural and moral fabric that holds communities together. The old adage, “When you are in Rome, do as the Romans do,” speaks to the importance of understanding context and respecting traditions that shape our societies.

Furthermore, it is essential to note that the modern feminist movement has, in many ways, become an outlet for personal grievances—whether stemming from personal insecurity or trauma. In some cases, it’s a response to physical abuse, neglect, or toxic home environments. Unfortunately, this mindset often distorts the movement into focusing on external appearance and aggressive defiance rather than internal healing and social harmony. Feminists like Nafisa who endorse such ideologies must ask themselves: Are we fighting for the right to make healthy, empowered choices, or are we simply reacting to our wounds?

“Empty vessels make the most noise,” the proverb warns. Feminism, when misdirected, can become just that: an empty echo of ideals without true substance or lasting impact. Instead of dwelling on appearances, activists should channel their energy into solving tangible issues affecting women daily. Why not focus on creating innovative solutions for women in business, technology, or healthcare? Why not work toward making pregnancy and childbirth safer for women in rural areas? Let’s think about addressing the millions of girls who are denied an education or the thousands of children living on the streets of cities like Jos and Kano. These are the real battles feminists should be fighting.

The world has always advanced through the cooperation of men and women, and both genders have vital roles to play in society’s development. Nafisa and her followers should consider taking a more constructive approach. Instead of focusing on outward appearances and ideological battles, they could use their platforms to bring about meaningful change. 

Let Nafisa invest her energy into projects to help women access technology, provide better healthcare, or champion the cause of good governance. As the saying goes, “A man with a good wife is like a man with a treasure chest”. True success comes not from looking beautiful for the world but from making contributions that endure long after physical beauty has faded.

Time waits for no one. The years spent in idle pursuits are years lost. Like all of us, Nafisa is in her prime, and it is her responsibility to use this time wisely. Rather than spending it on fleeting concerns like hair and makeup, let her invest in causes that uplift women and contribute to the collective well-being of society. Her legacy can be more than just a pretty face—it can be one of deep, transformative impact. “He who does not cultivate his own field, let him not expect to reap the harvest.”

The choice is hers—will she become a true role model, not just for how she dresses, but for the change she brings to the world?

By focusing on true empowerment and social progress, Nafisa can transcend the superficiality of celebrity culture and contribute to a more meaningful, lasting legacy for herself and the women who look up to her.

Isah Dahiru is a pharmacist who wrote via easerdahiru@gmail.com.

By Dr. Mansur Hassan

The annual Maulud celebration organized by the Tijjaniyya sect in Kano State has once again highlighted the resilience of the people of Kano against politically motivated security threats. Despite repeated attempts by unscrupulous elements to disrupt such events, this year’s Maulud, conducted under the leadership of His Excellency Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Executive Governor of Kano State, and His Royal Highness Muhammad Sunusi II, the Emir of Kano was successfully held.

Politically Motivated Threats and Compromised Agencies

It has become a recurring issue that whenever the government of Governor Yusuf, under the platform of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), intends to organize any form of gathering—be it religious, political, or social—certain individuals and groups, who are both indigenes of Kano and enemies of the state, orchestrate unnecessary security threats. These threats, fueled by political motives, are aimed at destabilizing the government and discouraging the people from attending such gatherings.

Disturbingly, some of these elements reportedly exploit their connections with the federal government to influence security agencies. In several instances, certain compromised officials within the security apparatus have appeared to yield to these politically motivated threats rather than prioritizing their constitutional duty to protect the lives and property of law-abiding citizens.

The Role of the Nigeria Police Force

The Nigeria Police Force, constitutionally mandated to ensure peace and security, has often found itself at the center of these controversies. Ideally, any credible security threat should be swiftly addressed to allow citizens to freely exercise their rights to assembly and worship. However, instead of providing adequate protection, there have been instances where the police were reportedly pressured by these unscrupulous individuals to ask the government to cancel such events under the guise of maintaining public safety.

This practice undermines the fundamental rights of citizens and creates unnecessary tension within the state. It is crucial for the police and other security agencies to remain neutral, professional, and committed to their duties rather than bowing to external influences.

A Victory for Unity and Resilience

Despite the challenges, this year’s Maulud celebration was a resounding success, marking a significant victory for the people of Kano. The event demonstrated the unity and resilience of the Tijjaniyya sect and the larger Kano community in the face of politically driven intimidation.

The successful organization of the Maulud sends a strong message that the people of Kano will not be swayed by fear or manipulation. It also highlights the commitment of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration to upholding the rights and traditions of the people, ensuring that religious and social gatherings can take place peacefully.

Conclusion

The yearly Maulud celebration in Kano serves as a reminder of the need for vigilance and fairness in governance and security. It underscores the importance of safeguarding the rights of citizens against the machinations of those who seek to exploit political differences for personal gain. As the people of Kano continue to stand united, it is essential for all stakeholders, especially security agencies, to prioritize their constitutional responsibilities and act in the best interest of the state and its citizens.

Alhamdulillah, this year’s Maulud has proven that unity, faith, and determination can overcome even the most insidious of challenges. May such successes continue to inspire peace and harmony across Kano State and Nigeria at large.

Dr. Mansur Hassan is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mathematics, Northwest University Kano and he can be reached through mhassan@yumsuk.edu.ng

Dear Prof. Sagir Adamu Abbas, 

Although I doubt you could access this letter, I consider it necessary after two failed attempts to obtain relevant information from the office of the registrar of Bayero University, Kano (BUK).

After following this issue for over six months, expecting the school to do the needful, I am disappointed that this great institution continues to give the public room to question its integrity, especially when such involves deceiving a newly established institution by inflating figures and withholding surplus money belonging to students.

It has been alleged that the management of BUK inflated the figures of students’ school fees in the data shared with the National Education Loan Fund (NELFund). As a result, students applying for loans to pay their registration fees met higher amounts already pre-entered on their dashboards and submitted their applications since there was no option of altering the figures. Consequently, NELFund sent the pre-entered amounts to BUK to cover the students’ registration fees and expects each applicant to repay the same after graduation.

I know a student who needed N95,500 to pay his registration fees, but when he wanted to borrow from NELFund, he met N110,000 on his application dashboard. He submitted it like that, and his application was approved in June 2024. However, owing to pressure from BUK, he sought money and paid his registration fees, believing in the school to do the needful once it received money from NELFund.

Fast-forward to January 2025. The school refunded him N95,500 (the exact amount he paid as registration fees) without explaining the N14,500 surplus it received from NELFund. 

Another student who needed N101,500 was forced to borrow N105,000 from NELFund, with BUK keeping the extra N3,500. 

In addition to contacting these two students, I have read dozens of posts and comments by BUK students on social media (concerning this issue) between August 2024 and now, with no single student mentioning having information about their missing money. However, some students are afraid of victimisation, hence warning their mates to be careful with their expressions regarding the issue.

Sir, each of these poor students is expected to repay the exact amount BUK received on their behalf. As a consequence, it is absolutely wrong for the school management to keep the money.

I must mention that the BUK’s singular act of providing wrong data to NELFund could jeopardise the chances of a lot of other potential beneficiaries because the Fund could distrust other institutions henceforth.

I considered this letter necessary after taking some steps, notable of which are as follows:

On June 30, 2024, NELFund responded to my questions via X (formerly Twitter) as follows:

“All institutional fees on the portal were provided by the institution who (sic) themselves are autonomous under the law and not by NELFUND. Should you have any questions regarding your institution fees, kindly contact the competent authorities of your institution.

“According to the Establishment Act, NELFUND reserves the right to determine the interest payable on every loan. In this case, NELFUND have (sic) determined that the interest rate is zero.”

Also, on January 16, 2025, I emailed the registrar of BUK to seek clarification regarding the missing funds belonging to students. Fortunately, I received the following response about an hour later.

“Good morning Ishaka, 

Thank you for your email. I will review the issue you’ve raised and respond accordingly. 

Kind regards

Haruna Aliyu 

Registrar”

Nonetheless, after waiting for six days without receiving any feedback, I sent a reminder. However, at the time of writing this letter, I have still not received any relevant information.

An institution like BUK is supposed to be the epitome of accountability and transparency, so I humbly request that you consider doing the following as soon as possible.

Consider sending the surplus money to the rightful owners—the affected students. 

After that, explain the reasons for the wrong figures and the delay in disbursing the surplus to them.

Lastly, explain to NELFund why the school sent the wrong figures to represent the value of students’ school fees.

It is worth stressing that all of the above actions are necessary damage control strategies, so each should be carried out and openly communicated. In addition to helping BUK improve its public image, these strategies could help the authorities of the institution to avoid probable consequences of their unethical and illegal actions.

Yours sincerely,

Ishaka Mohammed