Opinion

By Hannatu Adarji Patrick

I write this letter to call the attention of Nigerian graduates to the urgent need to learn veritable and viable skills. The realities of today’s world have shown that academic certificates alone are no longer sufficient to guarantee a meaningful livelihood. The growing rate of unemployment in Nigeria calls for a rethink of how young graduates prepare themselves for life after school.

Every year, thousands of students graduate from universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education across the country. Unfortunately, the labour market cannot absorb them all. The available jobs are too few, and competition is fierce. Those who rely only on their certificates without developing practical, marketable skills often find themselves stranded, frustrated, and disillusioned.

It is no longer news that many young Nigerians roam the streets with impressive degrees but little to show in terms of personal enterprise. Some spend years submitting applications that yield no results. Others become dependent on their families, while a few give in to despair. The question that every graduate must ask is: *what can I do with my own hands that can sustain me, even if no one gives me a white-collar job?*

Skill acquisition is the surest answer to that question. Beyond academic knowledge, every graduate needs to learn something practical that the society demands. Skills such as digital technology, software development, photography, tailoring, catering, welding, shoemaking, agriculture, or even content creation can open unexpected doors of opportunities. Many Nigerians who embraced skills early now employ others, including degree holders.

Graduates must understand that the global economy is changing. The age of oil wealth and government jobs is fading fast, while the knowledge and creative economies are rising. Nations now reward innovation, entrepreneurship, and resilience more than mere certificates. Nigeria cannot be an exception, and her graduates must adjust accordingly.

It is also important to stress that learning a skill does not diminish the value of one’s degree. Rather, it enhances it. A graduate of engineering who also learns carpentry or metalwork is far more resourceful than one who waits endlessly for an engineering job. A graduate of English who also learns publishing, editing, or graphic design can create multiple income streams. Education and skills should complement each other.

Moreover, employers themselves now look beyond certificates when hiring. They want problem solvers, creative thinkers, and innovators. A graduate who demonstrates practical competence stands out more than one who merely quotes theories from textbooks. Skills sharpen critical thinking, instil discipline, and provide a sense of independence that certificates alone may not offer.

Dear Nigerian graduates, it is time to rise above excuses and face reality. The government may provide some jobs, but it cannot employ everyone. Waiting endlessly for opportunities is a dangerous gamble. The future belongs to those who take initiative, who refuse to be idle, and who create value through the mastery of viable skills.

Parents and educational institutions also have a role to play. Schools must integrate vocational training into their curricula, while parents should encourage their children to explore talents beyond the classroom. Society at large must begin to respect artisans, entrepreneurs, and skill-based workers as much as professionals in traditional fields.

In conclusion, this letter is not to discourage academic pursuit but to remind Nigerian graduates that degrees alone are not enough in the present world. Certificates may open doors, but skills sustain livelihoods. The graduates who will thrive in today’s Nigeria are those who combine knowledge with practical ability. To every graduate out there, my message is simple: learn a skill today, and secure your tomorrow.

Hannatu Adarji Patrick, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Martha Adamu

I write to call the attention of the newly established National Almajiri Commission and other relevant agencies saddled with the responsibility of tackling the crisis of out-of-school children. The issue has lingered for too long and demands urgent, pragmatic action if Nigeria is to make meaningful progress in education and human development.

For decades, the North has struggled with the twin challenge of the Almajiri system and the rising number of children who are completely out of school. This has created a dangerous cycle of illiteracy, poverty, and social vices. Every street corner in many northern cities tells the same story: barefooted children, bowls in hand, begging for alms instead of sitting in classrooms.

According to UNICEF reports, Nigeria has the highest number of out-of-school children in the world, with over 10 million children excluded from basic education. A significant percentage of these children are from the northern part of the country. This reality is not only a unfortunate but also a time bomb that threatens national security, peace, and development.

The Almajiri system, once rooted in noble intentions of imparting Islamic education, has today become synonymous with neglect, child labour, and poverty. Many parents, unable to cater for their children, send them off to distant towns under the care of teachers who lack the resources to provide proper welfare. The result is a generation of children abandoned to hunger, street begging, and exploitation.

The consequences of this neglect are glaring. Many of these children grow up without formal education, lacking the skills necessary to compete in today’s world. Worse still, they become easy recruits for criminal gangs, violent groups, and extremist movements. Nigeria cannot afford to ignore the dangerous implications of having millions of idle, uneducated, and hopeless youths roaming the streets.

The creation of the National Almajiri Commission is a welcome development, but it must not become another toothless bureaucracy. The commission must develop a clear strategy to integrate Quranic education with modern subjects such as English, Mathematics, Science, and vocational training. This will give the children both spiritual grounding and the practical skills needed to survive in today’s society.

Government at all levels must also invest massively in building functional schools across the North. The lack of infrastructure is one of the reasons many children remain out of school. Where schools exist, they are often overcrowded, understaffed, and poorly equipped. Education must be made accessible, attractive, and affordable for every child.

Equally important is the role of parents. Many parents deliberately withdraw children from school, either due to poverty, cultural beliefs, or ignorance. Sensitisation campaigns are necessary to change attitudes and emphasise the importance of education. No society can progress when its children are left behind.

Religious and traditional leaders must also rise to the occasion. For too long, the Almajiri menace has been treated with silence or indifference. Leaders who wield influence in communities must use their voices to advocate reforms, encourage enrolment in schools, and support initiatives aimed at ending child neglect.

Addressing this menace also requires economic empowerment. Poverty is at the root of the problem. Many families send their children to beg simply because they cannot provide food, clothing, and shelter. Empowering households with jobs, microloans, and skills training will reduce the burden and keep children in school.

Another critical step is the enforcement of child rights laws. Nigeria has the Universal Basic Education policy, but its implementation remains weak. States must enforce compulsory education and punish parents or guardians who neglect their children’s education. Without enforcement, policies remain mere paperwork.

Civil society organisations and international partners also have a role to play. Collaboration is key in building model schools, providing teacher training, and supporting child welfare. With proper synergy between government, NGOs, and communities, the tide can be turned.

The media must equally sustain the spotlight on this issue. The plight of the Almajiri and out-of-school children should not only make news during special events but remain a central theme in public discourse. Awareness is the first step towards action.

In conclusion, Nigeria cannot achieve sustainable development while millions of its children are excluded from education. The Almajiri crisis and the epidemic of out-of-school children must be treated as a national emergency. Education is the foundation of progress, and leaving children on the streets is nothing short of mortgaging the country’s future.

The time to act is now. The National Almajiri Commission and all stakeholders must rise above lip service and deliver real, tangible solutions. The future of the North—and indeed Nigeria—depends on it.


Martha Adamu, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Aliu Loveth Boluwatife

In recent years, loan applications have flooded Nigeria’s financial space, offering quick access to credit with just a few clicks. At first glance, these apps appear to be a lifeline for individuals and small businesses struggling to meet urgent financial needs. However, beneath this surface of convenience lies a troubling reality: loan apps are causing more harm than good to Nigerians.

The rise of loan apps coincided with a period of economic hardship, rising inflation, and shrinking employment opportunities. Many citizens turned to these platforms out of desperation, hoping to find short-term relief. Instead, they found themselves trapped in cycles of debt, harassment, and public humiliation.

Most loan apps in Nigeria operate without proper regulation, taking advantage of weak financial oversight. They charge exorbitant interest rates, often hidden behind glossy advertisements promising “instant loans with no collateral.” By the time unsuspecting borrowers realise the true cost, they are already buried in unpayable debt.

Beyond high interest rates, loan apps are notorious for violating privacy rights. Many of them gain access to users’ contacts and personal data. When borrowers miss repayments, these companies resort to shaming tactics by sending defamatory messages to friends, family members, and colleagues. This invasion of privacy is not only unethical but also illegal.

The psychological toll of these practices cannot be overstated. Countless Nigerians have suffered depression, anxiety, and even contemplated suicide because of the harassment from loan app operators. What started as a financial service has become a weapon of intimidation and abuse.

Another critical issue is the lack of accountability. While banks and licensed financial institutions are regulated by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), many loan apps operate outside official frameworks. This leaves victims with little recourse when they face exploitation. Law enforcement agencies are often slow to act, giving these apps more room to exploit the public.

The culture of quick loans also discourages financial discipline. Easy access to cash tempts many to borrow beyond their means. Instead of solving problems, they accumulate more debt, deepening financial instability both at the household and national levels.

Some loan apps even engage in money laundering and other fraudulent practices. Without strong monitoring, these platforms could become breeding grounds for criminal activities disguised as financial services. This poses a wider risk to Nigeria’s economic and security environment.

For Nigeria to protect its citizens, urgent action is needed. The government should consider an outright ban on unlicensed loan apps. Any financial service provider must be properly registered, monitored, and bound by clear rules that protect borrowers from exploitation.

In addition to banning predatory platforms, regulators should strengthen microfinance institutions and licensed banks to provide accessible and affordable credit. Nigerians need genuine solutions, not traps. If regulated institutions are empowered, citizens can get loans at fair interest rates without fear of harassment.

Public awareness campaigns are also crucial. Many Nigerians fall victim to loan apps because they do not fully understand the terms and risks. Educating the public on financial literacy will help reduce the demand for exploitative services.

The judiciary, too, has a role to play. Cases of harassment, defamation, and privacy breaches should be prosecuted swiftly to set a strong precedent. Victims must know that the law is on their side, and perpetrators must understand that Nigeria will not tolerate such abuse.

International cooperation is equally important. Many of these loan apps are backed by foreign companies that exploit Nigeria’s weak regulatory environment. Stronger cross-border partnerships can help track, sanction, or block such platforms from operating in the country.

Civil society organisations and the media should also remain vigilant. By exposing the harmful practices of loan apps, they can pressure policymakers to take decisive action. Stories of victims must not remain hidden—they should be amplified to drive reform.

Still, Nigeria must balance the need for financial inclusion with the protection of citizens’ rights. Quick loans may appear to solve short-term problems, but if left unchecked, they create long-term damage.

The time has come for Nigeria to act boldly. Predatory loan apps are not a symbol of progress but of exploitation. By banning them and strengthening legitimate financial institutions, Nigeria can protect its people, restore dignity to its financial system, and lay the foundation for a more secure and inclusive economy.

Aliu Loveth Boluwatife, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Lovelyn Emmanuel

Education is a fundamental right for every individual, and without it, ignorance thrives. The true purpose of education is not merely to expand intellectual knowledge but to mold individuals into productive, self-reliant, and responsible members of society. It should empower citizens with the tools needed to contribute meaningfully to national growth and personal development.

Unfortunately, Nigeria’s education system has placed disproportionate emphasis on academic qualifications, often sidelining practical learning. Most institutions are built around theory-driven academic programmes, while real-world career skills—essential for survival in today’s competitive labour market—receive little or no attention.

The consequences of this imbalance are visible in the growing unemployment crisis. Over the last decade, the number of jobless youths has risen sharply. In fact, the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Dr. Chris Ngige, once warned that this trend is likely to worsen in the years ahead. Many university graduates leave school with degrees but lack the practical skills and competencies required to thrive in a rapidly changing society.

This is why vocational education must be fully integrated into the Nigerian curriculum. Students should be equipped with hands-on skills alongside their academic studies to ensure they can navigate economic realities. Ideally, vocational training should start from childhood, giving young people time to nurture and refine practical abilities as they mature. Early childhood centres and primary schools could help set this foundation.

A widespread misconception is that vocational education is only for those who cannot afford “standard” schooling. This is entirely false. In reality, vocational skills are valuable for everyone. Acquiring such skills does not only enhance employability but also provides alternative sources of income. In an economy where traditional job opportunities are shrinking, skills can be a lifeline.

The gap in vocational training remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. Around the world, education is gradually shifting from paper-based qualifications to skill-based expertise that can be applied in the workplace. Nigeria cannot afford to lag behind. Vocational and technical training should be reimagined as a pathway to professional growth.

Lovelyn Emmanuel, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Godwin Philip Malgwi

Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads, facing the looming threat of a severe food crisis that could destabilize its economy, security, and social fabric. Without prompt, coordinated, and strategic intervention, the nation risks sliding into widespread food shortages, skyrocketing prices, and an unhealthy reliance on imports.

A major driver of this crisis is the growing trend of farmers abandoning the cultivation of vital cereal crops such as maize, rice, millet, and sorghum. The causes are clear: the costs of essential agricultural inputs—fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides, and improved seed varieties—have soared beyond what most smallholder farmers can afford. Combined with rising inflation and limited access to agricultural credit, many have been forced to scale back or quit farming entirely.

The situation is further compounded by the declining market value of locally grown cereals. For many farmers, production costs now exceed potential profits, largely due to the unchecked importation of cheaper food products that saturate local markets and undermine domestic production. This double blow—high input costs and weak returns—is eroding farmers’ morale and threatening the foundation of Nigeria’s food system.

To its credit, the Tinubu administration has made progress in improving security, reopening key markets in northern Nigeria, and restoring access to farmlands previously abandoned due to insurgency. However, these gains must be consolidated through urgent, decisive measures that revitalize the agricultural sector and restore farmers’ confidence.

A critical first step should be the subsidization of essential farm inputs to reduce the financial strain on farmers and encourage continuous cultivation. In addition, the government should introduce a national grain-purchasing program to buy surplus cereals from farmers holding unsold stocks from previous harvests. This initiative would help stabilize market prices, stimulate rural economies, and demonstrate tangible support for local producers.

Equally vital is the revitalization of agricultural extension services. Many farmers still lack access to modern farming techniques, climate-smart practices, and efficient post-harvest handling methods. Strengthening these services would enhance productivity and reduce losses across the agricultural value chain.

Furthermore, key government programs like the **Presidential Fertilizer Initiative** and the **Anchor Borrowers’ Programme** must be not only revived but restructured. Transparency, accountability, and inclusivity should be the guiding principles—ensuring that these interventions truly benefit smallholder farmers, particularly women and youth, who are the backbone of Nigeria’s food production.

Ignoring these warning signs would be both an economic and security blunder. A food-insecure Nigeria is a vulnerable Nigeria. History has shown that hunger and poverty often fuel unrest, migration, and instability—consequences that are far costlier than proactive investment in food security.

As Nigeria’s population continues to grow, so too will the demand for food. Ensuring agricultural resilience and self-sufficiency must therefore remain at the heart of the nation’s development strategy. Strengthening food security is not just an economic imperative—it is essential for Nigeria’s stability, prosperity, and survival.

Godwin Philip Malgwi, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Godwill Nandul Ponman

Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, continues to grapple with daunting security challenges that directly undermine its development prospects. From terrorism and banditry to kidnappings and communal clashes, insecurity has created ripple effects across the economy, stifling growth, discouraging investment, and deepening poverty. For the nation to achieve sustainable economic progress, addressing these threats must remain a top priority.

The impact of insecurity on Nigeria’s economy is far-reaching. It has resulted in devastating loss of lives and property. Communities are destroyed, families are displaced, and businesses are forced to close, translating into enormous human and economic costs. In addition, insecurity disrupts day-to-day economic activities. Agriculture—the backbone of Nigeria’s economy—is particularly vulnerable, with farmers often unable to access their lands due to attacks. Similarly, trade and commerce suffer frequent interruptions, weakening productivity and slowing down growth.

Another key consequence of insecurity is its impact on investment. Both domestic and foreign investors naturally seek stable environments to channel their resources, but persistent unrest creates a climate of uncertainty that discourages capital inflows and limits development opportunities. Furthermore, the government spends heavily on security operations, stretching limited resources. Funds that should be invested in education, healthcare, and infrastructure are instead redirected to military and security interventions, slowing down development in critical sectors.

Resolving these security issues is essential for creating an enabling environment for economic transformation. One critical step is addressing poverty and unemployment, which fuel crime and unrest. Expanding economic empowerment programmes, creating jobs, and investing in skills development will help reduce the desperation that drives young people toward violent groups. When citizens are economically engaged, the lure of joining criminal gangs or insurgent movements diminishes significantly.

Another equally important measure is strengthening security governance. This requires reforming security institutions, improving intelligence gathering and coordination, and equipping personnel with the training and resources needed to act effectively. Better governance and accountability within security agencies will translate to quicker, more decisive responses to threats and a stronger overall security architecture.

Community engagement must also be considered a crucial pillar of any security strategy. Building trust between local communities and security agencies through grassroots partnerships, dialogue, and community policing fosters cooperation. When citizens feel included and protected, they are more likely to share vital information, collaborate in maintaining peace, and support government initiatives aimed at securing their environment.

Regional and international cooperation is equally vital. Many of the security threats confronting Nigeria, including terrorism, arms trafficking, and organized crime, are transnational in nature. Close collaboration with neighbouring countries and global partners strengthens border protection and helps to disrupt cross-border criminal networks. Without such partnerships, national efforts remain limited in their impact.

The economic benefits of resolving insecurity are enormous. A safer Nigeria will naturally attract both foreign and domestic investment, enabling new industries to emerge and existing businesses to expand. Enhanced security also creates an environment where commerce can thrive, agriculture can flourish, and productivity can rise. In addition, reducing the need for excessive security spending allows government resources to be redirected toward development priorities such as infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

Stability therefore not only promotes peace but also creates fiscal space for long-term growth. It provides the foundation for sustained economic reforms and fosters an environment where human capital can be developed and innovation encouraged. Countries that have achieved economic stability after addressing security challenges prove the connection between peace and prosperity.

Rwanda stands out as an example where post-conflict security reforms and community-based initiatives created a safer environment that contributed to impressive economic growth. Similarly, Ghana’s relative stability has helped it attract foreign investment and achieve steady development over the years. These cases highlight the fact that security is not merely a national concern but a prerequisite for broader economic progress.

Nigeria can achieve the same results. With the right policies, genuine political will, and committed partnerships, the country can overcome its insecurity challenges and lay the foundation for a more stable and prosperous future. The journey will not be easy, but the benefits far outweigh the costs of continued insecurity.

Moving forward, it is essential that Nigeria develops a comprehensive national security strategy that directly tackles the root causes of insecurity while simultaneously strengthening security institutions. This must include a renewed focus on intelligence gathering, better coordination among agencies, and increased investment in training and equipment for security personnel. At the same time, greater engagement with communities will ensure that local populations remain active participants in the quest for peace.

Collaboration with neighbouring states and international partners must also remain a priority. Nigeria cannot operate in isolation in the fight against terrorism and cross-border crime. Shared intelligence, joint operations, and stronger diplomatic ties will strengthen the overall security framework and boost the chances of success.

Conclusively, peace and stability are not just security goals but economic imperatives. Nigeria’s path to prosperity depends on its ability to secure its people, protect its resources, and build an environment where development can truly thrive. Without addressing insecurity, all other economic reforms will remain fragile and unsustainable. Security must therefore be seen as the cornerstone upon which the nation’s long-term growth and stability are built.


Godwill Nandul Ponman, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Ugochukwu Ugwuanyi

Kanye West, better known as Ye, is an American songwriter and rapper with 24 Grammy Awards under his belt. Some comments he made several months ago have resurfaced on social media when his daughter disclosed her ambition to be a pastor. The convenient coincidence seemed more like a ploy by dark forces to dampen the impact of the piercing message delivered by Northwest, the child of Kanye and Kim Kardashian. 

Joined by her mother in an interview with Entreview Magazine last week, North said it is her passion to learn more about God and sharing the Gospel to help others. The teenager expressed her resolve to “tell people about God, and how problems get solved if they follow His word and His ways”. Indeed, North’s words are didactic enough to strengthen the backsliding believer. It even goes to the heart of her dad’s exasperation when he said the following: “I am a Christian, but I have my issues with Jesus. There’s a lot of stuff I went through, and I prayed but I didn’t see Jesus show up… We’re so into the belief that prayer is all we need to solve our problems. But we ain’t praying our way out of prison. These prayers ain’t working. We have to apply actual physical work.” 

If that were the way to go, Luke 18:1 wouldn’t have demanded that “Men ought always to pray and not faint.” With North asserting that people’s problems get solved when they follow God’s word and His ways, isn’t it wondrous how God has used the daughter to correct her father? From God’s Word, you will know His ways, the application of which is the solution to our problems. Let’s hope that Ye has repented of his issues with Jesus. If only he had sought to know God better, as his daughter recommended, he would have realised that nothing is as effective as prayer. That’s what the Word of God says. Let God be true and every man a liar. 

Now, many a Christian must have at one point, or another found themselves in Kanye’s quandary, thinking that this faith thing isn’t working. They must have cried their hearts out to God for intervention without answers, as if it isn’t the same God about whom Matthew 7:11 testified: “If you then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask Him!” 

Whenever there is no proof of prayer, the supplicant should, before giving up on God, check how they went about praying. With Jesus declaring in Matthew 6:7 that “when you pray, do not use vain repetitions as the heathen do,” how then do you expect God to answer prayers made as animists would to their god? If He does, won’t those gods take the glory? 

The concluding part of the scripture pointedly says, “For they think that they will be heard for their many words.” To be clear, repetition of a prayer request isn’t what is being condemned here. After all, Jesus, in the Garden of Gethsemane, prayed three times, “O My Father, if it is possible, let this cup pass from Me; nevertheless, not as I will, but as You will” (Matthew 26:39). The unacceptable “vain repetitions” in reference is rendered in other translations as “babble,” “empty phrases,” “ramble”. The Contemporary English Version defines it as: “talk on and on as people do who don’t know God.” In other words, the phrase means saying many things of nothing! 

The point must be made that too much talking isn’t necessary for effective praying. Christians only betray ignorance of their identity in Christ and shallow confidence in God when they babble at the prayer altar. When they pray as if they need to convince God, it’s because they don’t see Him as their Father. This makes them beat about the bush (pardon the cliche) when they should go straight to the point. Duration doesn’t determine the potency of prayers because much of that time is usually spent blabbing.

Why use too many words to convey your plight to the God who Matthew 6:8 says already knows what’s in our hearts before we ask Him?  We shouldn’t be praying to inform God since He is more informed about our predicament and needs than we will ever know. We can barely present our causes to Him because our language of expression is deficient, hence our need for the Holy Spirit to intercede on our behalf (Romans 8:26). 

The saints’ approach to prayers must show their conviction that they are asking of the Lord with the capacity to meet all their needs according to the riches of His glory in Christ Jesus (Philippians 4:19). We don’t have to pray to convince God because He is liberal and gives liberally. James 1:5 says, “God gives generously to all without finding fault.” He is therefore kind enough to give without us asking, as has been the case with our basic needs. 

Here is something else that seems rather simplistic yet is a proven route to receiving answers to prayers: the lifting up of holy hands while praying. The same way that the stretching of arms skyward exercises the body, especially while standing, that is how it exercises your faith when done in the place of prayer, praise and worship of the Lord. Lifting holy hands isn’t merely a gesture but a spiritual signal of triumph. Since faith requires a corresponding action to deliver, outstretched arms can be the catalyst for victory.

This calls to mind what happened during Israel’s battle with Amalek as documented in Exodus 17. Israel prevailed as long as Moses’s hands were lifted, but when his hands grew weary and came down; their opponents dominated the war front. The hands of Moses were so instrumental that Aaron and Hur cleverly devised a means for Moses’s hands to be perpetually lifted. That way, the Israelites carried the day. What a winning strategy the stretching of hands towards Heaven is! 

It is the Eagle that stretches its wings that gets to soar above stormy clouds. There is a sense in Apostle Paul recommending the lifting of hands while praying (1 Timothy 2:8). The psalmist even likened the posture to evening sacrifice, which is very pleasing to the Lord (Psalm 141:2). So, before concluding like Ye that prayers don’t work, also try lifting holy hands every so often and behold the turnaround that follows! Suffice to add that this throwing up of hands also symbolises total surrender unto the Lord Almighty as admittance that one has hit their wits’ end. It is at such a point of desperation and humility that God usually steps in to save the day.

VIS Ugochukwu is a Sage, Narrative Architect and Branding Strategist who responds to feedback via X @sylvesugwuanyi.

By Haroon Aremu,

In a vox pop, when they asked a simple question on the streets of Europe and America: “Which country is the poorest in the world?” The answers came quickly, confidently, and shockingly wrong.

“Africa.” “Africa is the poorest.” “Africa.” Not one voice hesitated. Not one voice paused to rethink. And therein lies the tragedy not of Africa, but of global ignorance because Africa is not a country. Africa is a continent. And more dangerously, Africa is not poor.

The birth of lies of how Africa became a Global stereotype. For decades, Africa has been reduced to a single, distorted image: poverty, hunger, conflict, corruption, and helplessness.

In global media narratives, Africa is often portrayed as a land of endless crises children with distended bellies, dusty villages, and hopeless economies. These images have travelled faster than facts, shaping how the world perceives the continent.

But stereotypes are not truths. They are shortcuts of ignorance. The reality is far more complex and far more powerful. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, is often caricatured as a land of scams, insecurity, and chaos.

Yet Nigeria is also one of Africa’s biggest economy by GDP, global hub of music, film, and tech innovation, home to billion-dollar startups and Africa’s largest film industry (Nollywood), and one of the world’s leading producers of oil and gas. Nigeria’s problem is not poverty of resources it is poverty of governance.

Ghana is frequently portrayed as a quiet, underdeveloped state. But Ghana is one of Africa’s most stable democracies, a major producer of gold and cocoa, a growing tech and fintech hub, and a country with rising middle-class influence and strong diaspora impact. Ghana is not poor. It is strategically under-recognised.

South Africa is often stereotyped as a crime-ridden society haunted by racial inequality. But in reality South Africa is also Africa’s most industrialised economy. It is a home to advanced infrastructure and global corporations and also one of the world’s largest producers of platinum, gold, and diamonds. Its challenge is inequality, not lack of wealth.

Kenya is a “Tech Savannah Ignored”. Kenya is often reduced to safaris and wildlife documentaries. But Kenya is East Africa’s innovation capital, home to M-Pesa, one of the world’s most revolutionary digital payment systems. Kenya is a regional hub for startups, logistics, and global investment. Kenya is not backward. It is digitally ahead of many Western economies.

Countries like Sierra Leone and Benin Republic are often dismissed as “poor African states.” But Sierra Leone has rich mineral resources, including diamonds and iron ore. It is a growing post-war economy and youthful innovation sector.

Benin Republic has strategic trade routes and ports with a vibrant informal economy and cultural influence across West Africa. Their struggles are historical and structural—not natural. 

Here is the irony the world refuses to confront, Africa holds an enormous share of the world’s natural wealth. The continent possesses about 30% of the world’s mineral resources, including gold, diamonds, cobalt, platinum, and uranium. Africa is home to vast reserves of oil, gas, rare earth minerals, and agricultural land that the world depends on. 

One of the most persistent and misleading stereotypes about African countries is the belief that Africans are largely uneducated, technologically backward, and incapable of innovation without foreign intervention. This narrative suggests that modern ideas, digital skills, and scientific breakthroughs are imported into Africa rather than created within it.

Yet this claim collapses under reality: African youths are building global tech startups, engineers are designing fintech systems used by millions, filmmakers are reshaping global entertainment, and researchers are contributing to science and medicine across continents. 

The problem has never been a lack of intelligence or creativity; it has been the lack of global recognition and supportive systems to amplify Africa’s homegrown brilliance. 

If wealth were measured by resources alone, Africa would not be poor. It would be unbeatable. So why does the world think Africa is poor? Because poverty is not just economic, it is political.

Africa is not poor in resources. Africa is poor in systems, leadership accountability, and equitable distribution of wealth. And that is not the fault of ordinary Africans.

The truth is painful, Africa is rich, but Africans are made poor by mismanagement. Africa is powerful, but its power is fragmented by borders and politics. Africa is wealthy, but its wealth is exported cheaply and imported expensively.

The vox pop passers-by responded to is a classic case of when ignorance meets reality. When people on Western streets say, “Africa is the poorest country,” they are not entirely guilty. They are victims of narratives created by western media framing, historical colonial distortions, and Africa’s own failure to tell its story convincingly.

The real question is not why foreigners think Africa is poor. The real question is why has Africa allowed the world to believe a lie? Imagine if Africa were one country. What if Africa was not divided into 54 countries? What if Africa spoke with one voice, traded with one currency, and defended its interests collectively?

Even in its current fragmented state, Africa remains the world’s most resource-rich continent. If united, it would not beg. It would dictate.

Africa is not poor, Africa is plundered. Africa is not the poorest place on earth. Africa is the most misunderstood. Africa is not lacking in wealth. Africa is lacking in systems that protect its wealth. Africa is not a burden to the world. Africa is the world’s hidden backbone.  

Until African governments rise to prove this reality, not with speeches, but with structures, the lie will continue to travel faster than the truth.

But history has a way of correcting lies. And when Africa finally tells its story in its own voice, the world will discover a shocking truth: The poorest continent was never Africa. The poorest thing about Africa was how the world chose to see it.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a Nigerian writer and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Daniel Nduka Okonkwo

Reports of killings, beatings, intimidation, harassment, and violent attacks on migrant communities, including incidents affecting children, allegations of denied hospital access to pregnant women, and the targeting of foreign-owned businesses, raise serious concerns about South Africa’s ability to uphold basic human rights. Despite a population surpassing 63 million in 2024, with a youthful demographic and steady growth, the state faces ongoing challenges in protecting the estimated 2.4 to 3.9 million foreign-born residents, who make up about 5.1% of its population.

Migrants, largely from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Ghana, and other African nations, are widely reported to contribute significantly to the economy, often bringing skills, entrepreneurship, and labour. Yet xenophobic violence and social exclusion continue to persist in some areas. Critics argue that government responses have been insufficient or inconsistent, raising concerns about gaps in protection and accountability.

South Africa’s leaders frequently emphasise democracy, freedom, and equality. However, for many migrants, lived experiences are described as marked by fear and uncertainty. Nigerians are sometimes portrayed negatively in public discourse despite their economic contributions. Zimbabweans who fled economic hardship often face precarious working conditions, while Malawians, Mozambicans, and Basotho migrants also report experiences of discrimination. Observers say that inconsistent responses to xenophobic incidents risk creating the perception of official indifference.

Migrants are not a homogeneous group, and many contribute meaningfully to South Africa’s economy. Some studies indicate that immigrant-headed households may, on average, earn higher incomes or have higher levels of post-school qualifications. They also fill labour gaps and support small and medium enterprises. However, public narratives in some quarters continue to frame migrants as competitors for scarce resources, contributing to social tension instead of focusing on broader structural challenges such as unemployment, inequality, and governance issues.

Responses to xenophobia have sometimes fallen short of addressing root causes. Allowing the destruction of businesses or failing to respond swiftly to violence, they argue, reflects weaknesses in enforcement capacity. Others point to the need for stronger governance, improved economic policies, and clearer communication to counter misinformation and division.

South Africa can reinforce its role as a continental leader by strengthening protections for all residents within its borders, or it risks continued reputational and social challenges if violence and exclusion persist. The effectiveness of its response will likely shape both domestic stability and international perception.

Addressing recurring xenophobic incidents remains a significant responsibility for the government. While frameworks such as the National Action Plan against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance exist, implementation has been described as uneven. Law enforcement responses are sometimes criticised as delayed or insufficient, leaving victims vulnerable and raising concerns about accountability. These issues point to broader institutional challenges in treating xenophobia as a sustained national concern.

Systemic factors also contribute to tensions. Reports of discriminatory policing, the presence of vigilante groups, and political rhetoric linking migrants to unemployment and crime have influenced public attitudes. Groups such as Operation Dudula operate within this environment, while enforcement actions targeting undocumented migrants are sometimes perceived as contributing to broader hostility toward foreign nationals.

Xenophobic violence in South Africa has developed into a recurring and complex issue. Foreign nationals, particularly African migrants, continue to face risks of violence, intimidation, and exclusion. Commonly link these developments to socio-economic pressures combined with institutional limitations.

High unemployment, poverty, and competition for limited resources have created conditions of tension. Many citizens view foreign nationals, especially undocumented migrants, as competitors for jobs, housing, and services. Concerns about border control and immigration enforcement further shape these perceptions. In some cases, these frustrations manifest in vigilante actions by community groups.

Authorities have not fully addressed these underlying tensions, allowing xenophobia to persist. Over time, foreign nationals have often been scapegoated for broader socio-economic challenges such as crime and inadequate service delivery, contributing to exclusionary attitudes and, in some instances, violence.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly condemned xenophobic attacks and called for adherence to the principle of ubuntu, emphasising shared humanity and mutual respect. He has also highlighted the need to distinguish between undocumented migrants and lawful residents who contribute to society. Despite these statements, concerns remain that migration management and law enforcement responses could be strengthened.

Government responses continue to face scrutiny for inconsistency. While policies exist, implementation gaps remain a concern. Law enforcement agencies are sometimes criticised for delayed responses, while limited prosecutions may contribute to perceptions of impunity.

Concerns about systemic challenges persist. Reports of harassment by some authorities have contributed to mistrust among migrant communities. Vigilante groups have, in certain instances, operated with limited intervention. Movements such as Operation Dudula and Put South Africa First have gained attention for campaigns that emphasise citizenship verification in access to jobs and services, raising debates about exclusion and legality.

Political rhetoric has also shaped public perception. Statements linking migration to unemployment and crime have reinforced negative stereotypes in some quarters. While enforcement against undocumented migration may be lawful, broader messaging is sometimes interpreted as contributing to public hostility toward foreign nationals.

The historical pattern of xenophobic violence highlights the persistence of the issue. In 1998, three foreign nationals were killed in Johannesburg. In 2008, widespread attacks resulted in over 60 deaths, more than 1,700 injuries, and the displacement of approximately 100,000 people. Violence in 2015 required military intervention. In recent years, organised groups have continued to disrupt communities and enforce exclusionary practices.

Regional and international responses have varied. The African Union has faced criticism for what is perceived as a limited response. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights has condemned xenophobic attacks as violations of fundamental rights. Nigeria has called for improved security measures, accountability, and diplomatic engagement.

Several structural factors continue to influence xenophobia: weak law enforcement, political pressures, economic inequality, and social acceptance of vigilantism all play roles. A limited coordinated regional response may also reduce external pressure for reform.

Xenophobia in South Africa is not solely a spontaneous reaction but reflects deeper structural and institutional challenges. Addressing it will require stronger governance, consistent law enforcement, and sustained accountability. Long-term solutions will depend on coordinated national action and regional cooperation grounded in human rights, dignity, and African unity.

Daniel Nduka Okonkwo is a Nigerian investigative journalist, publisher of Profiles International Human Rights Advocate in collaboration with Daniels Entertainment, and a policy analyst and can be reached at dan.okonkwo.73@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Saturday, 25th April 2026, coordinated attacks by gunmen in Mali are frightening and call for serious reflection. Several news outlets have reported that insurgents have attacked multiple locations across the country, including the capital, Bamako, and nearby Kati, as well as Gao and Kidal in the north, and the central city of Sévaré.

Observers say these attacks are well coordinated and “unprecedented.” Reports also indicate that fighting is ongoing in several locations, including areas near the airport in Bamako, an alarming development that underscores both the scale and audacity of the assaults. The ability of insurgents to strike multiple, geographically dispersed targets almost simultaneously suggests not only careful planning, but also a growing level of sophistication and operational confidence.

These coordinated assaults, particularly in the Malian capital, should be a cause for concern for everyone in West Africa, especially in the Sahel, a region already grappling with the activities of numerous armed groups linked to extremism, separatism, and organised crime. What is unfolding in Mali is not an isolated crisis; it is part of a broader regional security challenge that continues to evolve in both intensity and complexity.

If underfunding, weak training, corruption, and poor intelligence are persistent problems within the military, then such daring and large-scale attacks become not only possible but inevitable. The situation raises critical questions about the preparedness and effectiveness of Mali’s security architecture. It also highlights the urgent need for institutional reform, better coordination among security agencies, and a renewed commitment to professionalism within the armed forces throughout the Sahel

Assimi Goïta, the current military leader and head of state of Mali, seized power in 2020 and again consolidated control in 2021, largely on the grounds of addressing severe insecurity. His rise was justified as a corrective measure to restore stability and reclaim territory from insurgents. Yet, under his watch, Mali is now witnessing some of its most brazen and coordinated attacks, even right in the heart of Bamako.

This reality presents a stark contradiction. It forces both the leadership and the public to confront difficult truths about the current trajectory of the country’s security situation. Has the strategy changed in a meaningful way? Are the structural weaknesses being addressed, or merely managed? And perhaps most importantly, is the state regaining control, or gradually ceding more ground?

Beyond Mali, these developments carry serious implications for neighbouring countries across the Sahel and West Africa. Borders in the region are porous, and armed groups have repeatedly demonstrated their ability to exploit weak state presence to expand their reach. What happens in Mali rarely stays confined within its borders.

This moment, therefore, should serve as a wake-up call, not only for Mali’s leadership but for the entire region. It demands stronger regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, and a unified approach to tackling insecurity. Without this, the cycle of violence risks deepening, with consequences that could destabilise an already fragile region.

The attacks in Mali are not just headlines; they are warnings. And ignoring them would come at a high cost.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.