Opinion

By Kamal  Alkasim

When Kawu Sumaila decamped from NNPP to APC, it showed that the issue isn’t about party loyalty but about choosing the best leader. Blind loyalty can hinder good governance in Nigerian politics. What matters most is effective representation, not party allegiance. Let’s prioritise good leadership over partisan loyalty and choose the best candidate for the benefit of Kano South.

When choosing between Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a prominent figure in Kano politics known for influencing political dynamics, and Kawu Sumaila, the decision leans towards Kawu due to his genuine service to the people of Kano South. Regardless of the political party Kawu affiliates with—whether APC, PDP, or ADC—his actions demonstrate a commitment to his constituents. 

People recognise Kawu’s efforts and intentions, making party affiliations secondary to his impact. Let’s prioritise choosing the best candidate based on their service and dedication, rather than party loyalty.”

Kwankwaso’s impact will be remembered. Let’s choose leaders based on merit, not loyalty to individuals. In politics, those who deliver tangible benefits to the people should be preferred over those who seek dominance. 

After 16 years of Kabiru Gaya’s tenure, which saw the Kano senatorial district abandoned for personal interests, it’s time for a change. Kawu Sumaila has emerged as a rescuer for our region, and let’s give him the support he deserves.

Let’s choose a leader who creates jobs, empowers youth, provides scholarships, and advocates for our interests in the Nigerian Senate. Prioritise your senatorial district’s needs and be vigilant. A leader who brings in multi-million dollar projects, generates employment opportunities for youth, and develops feeder roads in our communities deserves our support. 

Both Kwankwaso and Kawu Sumaila have legacies that will be remembered, but let’s focus on the one who delivers tangible benefits to our region.

Kamal Alkasim wrote via kamalalkasim17@gmail.com.

By Khadija Hamisu Daninna 

Across Nigeria, kitchens are changing. Gas cylinders stand neatly in urban homes, while charcoal bags fill market stalls. Yet, despite these alternatives, firewood still burns in countless households. Its smoky flames carry taste, memory, and tradition that neither gas nor charcoal can fully replace. For some families, it is also the more affordable choice.

Zainab, a 31-year-old resident of Daura, has never known another way of cooking. “I have never cooked with gas before. All my life, I have been using firewood. I don’t even know how food tastes on gas, but I prefer my firewood. Maybe it is because I grew up with it. I use charcoal sometimes, but firewood is easier for me. Firewood is what I know.”

For Mariam, a 39-year-old housewife, firewood is tied to her husband’s nostalgia. “My husband always says the fried eggs his mother made tasted better on firewood. So I fry eggs on firewood, just to remind him of his childhood.”

Hajara, a 26-year-old food vendor, said firewood gives food a flavour no other fuel can provide. “When I cook jollof rice for parties, I always use firewood. It brings out a special flavour. Gas and charcoal cannot give you that same smoky taste. My customers expect it.”

But even warnings from doctors cannot keep some people away. Amina, a 37-year-old married woman, recalled: “There was a time I was sick, and the doctor told me to avoid smoky areas because of my eyes. But how can I stop? Firewood is what I grew up with. It is not just about cooking. It is about sitting together as a family, sharing stories, and working around the fire. That memory cannot be replaced.”

Cost is another factor. Mallam Usman, a 42-year-old man, explained: “I use both charcoal and firewood. The least charcoal I can buy is ₦200, while firewood is more expensive, up to ₦500. But I prefer firewood. My wife is already used to it. Sometimes I buy charcoal to ease the work, but mostly we use firewood because that is what we have always been using.”

Abdulmumin, a firewood seller in Rumfar Shehu who is over 40, said many people still depend on his trade. “People still come to buy firewood every day. Even though the price is high, food vendors, households, and event caterers still buy it. Firewood is something people cannot abandon. We have been using it since the time of our grandparents, and it still holds memories.”

But experts warn that firewood comes at a cost. According to a 2024 report from the National Bureau of Statistics published in Punch newspaper, 67.8 per cent of Nigerian households still cook with firewood. In Bauchi State, the figure is as high as 91 per cent. Doctors interviewed by Punch Healthwise have cautioned that prolonged exposure to smoke can lead to lung disease, eye problems, and respiratory infections. They noted that women and children, who spend long hours near smoky kitchens, are especially at risk. One pulmonologist, Dr. Abiona Odeyemi of Osun State University Teaching Hospital, explained that smoke from firewood damages the lungs over time, leading to serious health conditions.

Experts have also raised concerns about the environmental impact. Firewood use contributes to deforestation, worsens climate change, and adds to indoor air pollution.

Still, the flames continue to glow. For some, firewood carries memory and tradition. For others, it remains the more affordable choice. And for many, it is simply the way they were raised. Gas may be quicker and charcoal less smoky, but in countless Nigerian homes, firewood still burns, not just as fuel, but as a link between the past and the present.

Khadija Hamisu Daninna wrote via khadijahamisu2003@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Lawal Ahmed

On September 9th, 2023, friends, colleagues and students of Malam Mu’azu Muhammad Yusif, more popularly called M.M. Yusif, gathered to honour and celebrate his long academic service at the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD), Kano, by remembering the old days and reflecting on the transformation the academia has been going through in Nigeria. Malam M.M. Yusif recently retired from the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano, and the occasion was a kind of send-off party.

It was indeed a robust discussion that involved personalities such as Mal. Ibrahim Mu’azzam, Dr. Y.Z. Ya’u, Dr. Nasir Fagge, Prof. Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK), among others. As expected, the debate spiralled from eulogising the celebrant to discussion on the character of students and teachers in the universities in Nigeria, the current system of running the university, the struggles of and in the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), and the neoliberal world order and its effects in Nigeria, particularly on the universities. 

In short, the discussion is a dialectical cross-examination of factors within the university and how their interrelationship is influencing the university education in Nigeria; the relationship between the university and the society (town and gown relationship); and the relationship between the university and the state. The relationship between the university and the state is at the centre of the ASUU issue.

University has been the life of Malam, and as one of the longest-serving chairmen of ASUU, BUK Chapter, ASUU is a union very close to Malam. Therefore, I can imagine his feelings as he witnesses and reflects on the last two battles between ASUU and the government (2020 and 2022) that almost destroyed the public universities in Nigeria. The fundamental issue of ASUU-FGN conflict, in my view, is not the non-payment of allowances but the reductionist approach to governance by the government, which entails decreasing concern for the institutions that provide welfare to the people and total neglect of the idea of ‘public good.’ The result is the systematic collapse of the social contract (and compact) and rising political cleavages, a pre-bendel form of primitive accumulation and rentierism (or sycophancy) which results in the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. 

Consequently, as the rich get richer and the poor get poorer in Nigeria, commodity fetishism becomes the defining feature of the social relations in Nigeria. In other words, money is now the moral compass in Nigeria. The needs and wants of the average Nigerian are reduced to his stomach – you have to eat for you to think, for when you speak to a hungry man, he answers you with his stomach – as such, ASUU is faced with an enormous challenge of mobilising the society to back its course on its battles with the state. 

Moreover, people are tired of the classical tactics of strikes always taken by ASUU, which, in the last two years, have hurt the university education system more than they have salvaged it. Thus, one key takeaway from the gathering is that ASUU needs to reinvent itself. While remaining steadfast to its goals that are of public interest, it has to change tactics.

Similarly, government at all levels has to pay more attention to the educational sector. To improve education, efforts should focus more on qualitative development rather than the current quantitative development, which prioritises establishing tertiary institutions in remote areas primarily due to trivial political reasons. This is not right. Situating schools and tertiary institutions has to take comprehensive cognisance of the environment. The questions such as how the town will support the gown at its embryonic stage and how the gown will support the city at maturity have to be asked. Answering these kinds of questions requires a comprehensive analysis of the infrastructure (both hard and soft), human and physical factors in the environment where the school or tertiary institution is to be situated. The late Sir Ahmadu Bello set a notable example in establishing Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria. He could have stayed in Sokoto or Maiduguri. However, considering several factors, Zaria is strategically better suited to host the university. Such was a good leader who has vision that transcends personal and primordial interest.

Indeed, the issue of education in Nigeria cannot be left to the government alone. It is a social issue; therefore, it requires an All-of-Society-Approach – from parents, to community leaders, traditional rulers, commercial and industrial enterprises, all have to be involved, especially regarding financing the education. The policy of student loans will not work because the socioeconomic condition of Nigeria is not prosperous enough to favour such a policy. In fact, in some advanced countries, the policy is problematic and an obstacle to social mobility, thereby facing harsh criticisms. The students need grants, not loans. And the wealthy Nigerians have to be philanthropic towards our educational institutions, especially the tertiary institutions. There is no more rewarding investment than investment in education,though it takes time to ripen. There is no better way to empower the youth in Nigeria than through education. The proper education enhances the ability of citizens to think. And unless one can think and understand the complexity of the present world, one can not address one’s personal problems, let alone those of society.

The courses taught by Malam M.M. Yusif aim to help students understand this complex world by interrogating the institutions that hold it up. To teach such courses requires a special personality. Therefore, as his recent student, the gathering was an opportunity for me to know more about my teacher. I listened attentively as his friends and colleagues kept mentioning his academic contribution to social issues that include gender studies, labour studies, and military studies, among many. But one standing quality and lasting legacy of Malam is mentorship. Malam put a lot of his energy into guiding his students. 

He utilised his resources to acquire high-quality materials and provide practical work for his students. He is a teacher who loves questioning and never penalises you for your inability to answer a question. For him, the most important thing is for the students to attempt to answer the question brilliantly. He always has time for his students. 

One day, I visited his office to discuss some concepts I didn’t understand. After explaining the concepts to him, I complained, “Sir, I am confused.” He responded, “Do not worry, Ibrahim. This means you are learning.” It was on that day that I learnt that learning is full of confusion. If you are finding learning easy, then you are probably not learning anything new.

It will take time to fill the gap that Malam M.M. Yusif is leaving in the academia, particularly in the Department of Political Science at Bayero University. I am glad and proud that he has had an accomplished academic career. We, his students, cherish the memory and are thankful for the way he has taught and mentored us. May it please Allah that Malam has a peaceful and happy retired life.

By Nuraddeen Nasir

In recent weeks, Kano State’s political atmosphere has been unsettled by a series of corruption allegations targeting senior government officials. From the resignation of the former Commissioner of Transportation, Honourable Ibrahim Namadi Dala, over a bail scandal to the latest accusations linking another top official to the diversion of public funds, the narrative has been one of scandal after scandal, amplified across select media platforms.

While accountability remains a cornerstone of good governance, it is important to ask a deeper question: Are these allegations isolated incidents, or do they point to a calculated effort to discredit the present administration?

A closer look reveals a pattern. Each controversy is picked up, amplified, and sensationalized in ways that extend beyond normal journalistic inquiry. The timing and intensity suggest more than coincidence; it hints at a broader political strategy designed to erode public trust in the governor’s leadership.

By targeting appointees one after another, the opposition may be seeking to create a perception that the administration is engulfed in corruption, regardless of the facts.

The real danger lies not only in the allegations themselves, but in how the administration reacts to them. Governor ABBA KABIR YUSUF has earned a reputation for his swift responses to public concerns. While such responsiveness is commendable, it can also be exploited. Reactionary decisions, especially dismissals or quick condemnations, may serve short-term public applause but risk long-term instability. They can embolden political opponents, who thrive on portraying the government as fragile and divided.

What is needed now is a balance: firm commitment to accountability, but guided by due process rather than media pressure. Investigations into any such incidents must be thorough, transparent, and credible, not dictated by headlines or political intrigue. At the same time, the administration must recognize that governance is not only about policies, but also about narratives. A robust communication strategy is essential, one that highlights achievements, places allegations in context, and exposes the political motives behind orchestrated attacks.

Kano State stands at a critical juncture. The battle is not merely about individual scandals; it is about the credibility of an administration that came to power on the promise of people-centered governance. If unchecked, the systematic discrediting of its officials could weaken the governor’s mandate and distract from his developmental agenda.

The lesson is clear: while corruption must never be condoned, neither should conspiracy be ignored. Seeing the bigger picture is essential. This is more than a string of scandals; it may well be a subtle political war aimed at shaping perceptions ahead of 2027.

Nuraddeen Nasir is a Doctoral candidate from Bayero University, Kano
MD, Data in-use Nigeria LTD

By Bagwai LGA Concerned Forum

Dear Hon. Comrade Aminu Sulaiman Goro,

We write to you with great respect and admiration for your outstanding service to the good people of Fagge Federal Constituency over the past 12 years. Your tenure as a member of the House of Representatives has been nothing short of transformative, marked by unparalleled achievements in job creation, infrastructure development, education, and empowerment for women and youth. Your accessibility, humility, and dedication to grassroots politics have set a benchmark for leadership in Kano State and beyond.

While we celebrate your remarkable legacy in Fagge, we, the Concerned Forum of Bagwai Local Government, humbly call upon you to return to your roots—Rimin Dako, your ancestral town and one of the 10 wards that constitute Bagwai Local Government—to extend your transformative leadership to your place of origin. Bagwai has long suffered from poor governance, inadequate representation, and the mismanagement of its abundant human and natural resources by selfish and incapacitated leaders. Our people yearn for a leader of your calibre—one who is proven to be compassionate, and capable of turning challenges into opportunities.

Your return to Bagwai would not only bridge the gap of quality representation but also allow you to replicate and expand upon the successes you achieved in Fagge. Imagine the impact of your empowerment programs, educational initiatives, and infrastructure projects in a community that has been neglected for far too long. Bagwai is ripe for development, and your wealth of experience, influence, and unwavering commitment to service can ignite the change we desperately need.

Honourable Sir, we urge you to share your leadership with Bagwai, where your journey began in Rimin Dako. By answering this call, you will not only uplift your homeland but also cement your legacy as a true statesman who served his people at every level.

The time is now. Bagwai awaits you with open arms and high hopes. Come home, Hon. Goro, and let us build a brighter future together.

Signed:

Habibu Dan’ana
For: Bagwai LGA Concerned Forum
Kano State

By Ibrahim Suleiman Ibrahim 

It is part of my dreams to one day establish a female-only sports & gymnastics centre that would be managed and run by females, where taking pictures and videos during training sessions would be strictly prohibited.

This is to disprove the ill-conceived notion promoted by mischief makers that northern Nigerian women, particularly the Muslim ones, are deprived of the freedom to engage in sports and fitness activities. 

I’m honestly sick and tired of all the backlash Islam and Muslims are receiving, portraying us as people who do not give women freedom, as though the so-called freedom some other women are enjoying has earned them the needed value and respect from society. 

Unfortunately, these critics don’t consider the position of Islam about free-mixing between opposite sexes, and also the kind of outfit that is morally due for a woman to be seen in by men who are not her ‘Mahrams'(Muslims will understand this).  

It is worthy of note that what makes us religious people is the fact that we are neither freethinkers nor atheists. We have codes of conduct and laws enshrined in our religious scriptures, which we are obligated to abide by.

I don’t like how even some Muslims consider it absurd and barbaric that Muslim ladies are discouraged from participating in some of these secular-oriented sporting activities where women are mandated to appear in skimpy dresses, and intermingle with men indiscriminately. 

At the slightest provocation, they make references to Arabian countries where secularism has almost eaten up the religious aura there.

I understand that situations might sometimes warrant us to compromise and adopt some secular practices (Darooraat), but giving full acceptance to those practices, despite their contradiction with our religious laws, while considering our religious laws as barbaric and extreme, is quite unbecoming of a Muslim. 

Meanwhile, I implore religious organisations to begin investing in some of these necessary but non-Shariah-compliant things, such that we can have a halal version, and save ourselves this noise about us not depriving women of their rights. 

It’s about time we began to think outside the box and come up with solutions to some of these problems. 

Sports and gymnastics are necessary, and establishing a shari’ah-compliant atmosphere isn’t a bad thing. 

Ibrahim Suleiman Ibrahim wrote via suleimibrahim00@gmail.com.

By Salisu Uba KofarWambai 

The latest buzz in Nigeria’s political arena is nothing short of explosive: former President Dr. Goodluck Jonathan is reportedly set to return and contest under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The revelation has sent shockwaves across the nation and beyond. But beneath the headlines, a critical question lingers — what is the real motive behind this sudden political twist?

Before the emergence of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as a viable coalition platform for the opposition, Nigerians had grown increasingly frustrated with what they saw as a weakened opposition front. The PDP, once a vibrant counterforce, had been reduced to what critics call a “toothless bulldog,” accused of being manipulated by President Bola Tinubu through Nyesom Wike, a PDP member who openly works in favour of the ruling party and now holds a position in Tinubu’s government.

Wike’s influence, according to party insiders, has been anything but peaceful. His repeated interventions and internal disputes have reportedly destabilised the PDP, a strategy many believe cost the party dearly in the 2023 general elections. With the backing of the current administration, Wike has consistently won key legal battles, tightening his grip on the PDP’s power structure.

Recognising the deepening crisis, several PDP heavyweights, including the party’s last presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, abandoned the PDP ship, aligning under the ADC banner to form a credible opposition. This development was warmly received by many Nigerians disillusioned by the ruling APC’s economic policies, from the sharp devaluation of the naira to the painful removal of fuel subsidies, policies they say have deepened poverty nationwide.

Alarmed by the growing acceptance of the ADC among struggling Nigerians, the APC-led government appears to be dusting off an old playbook. Just as they allegedly did with the Kwankwasiyya movement in 2023, they now seem ready to field a high-profile figure to split the opposition vote. This time, the role is reportedly being handed to none other than Jonathan — a move seen by many as orchestrated to weaken the ADC’s momentum.

For political observers, the pattern is clear: divide the opposition, consolidate power, and keep the electorate distracted, all while avoiding a united front that could unseat the government in 2027. What stings for some Nigerians is the idea of Jonathan, once the principal, now accepting political direction from his former protégé.

Whether Jonathan’s alleged return is a personal decision or part of a calculated strategy by the ruling party remains to be seen. But one thing is sure: the stage is set for a high-stakes political drama, and Nigerians will be watching closely to see how and where this political gunshot will be fired.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli, ANIPR

There are people whose presence on earth answers questions, silences chaos, and reassures broken spirits that goodness has not lost its place in the journey of humanity. When you meet such a soul, you don’t need persuasion or praise to understand them. Their essence speaks gently but powerfully. Their actions speak more than introductions. And their humility becomes the loudest testimony. Dr. Bala Maijama’a Wunti is one such rare man.

He is not defined by his position. He is defined by his posture toward people, toward purpose, and toward the possibilities that are in building others. He carries influence with a gentleness that disarms pride. He wields intellect with a clarity that speaks in results, not rhetoric. His kindness does not seek the spotlight, yet it lights up lives. In Dr. Wunti, leadership is not a claim; it is an effect. You don’t need to be told he leads; you feel it by what surrounds him: hope, truth, trust.

Dr. Wunti is a thinker. But not one who sits in silence while people suffer. He listens, he observes, and he acts. His success in the energy sector is known by experts across continents, but even more admirable is how he has remained deeply connected to the people beneath the statistics—those whose lives don’t appear in data sheets but whose realities matter the most. He balances global intellect with local empathy, and he does so effortlessly.

Every act of his kindness is not random. It is intentional. It is driven by a deep understanding of pain and a personal conviction that no one should be left behind when it is possible to lift. Many men do charity. Few men carry kindness as a responsibility. Fewer still see it as an identity. For Dr. Wunti, it is not about doing good to impress. It is about being good enough to make a difference that leaves no noise but creates echoes of gratitude.

What sets him apart is not only what he does but how he does it. He makes room for others without shrinking himself. He uplifts without needing to be worshipped. He speaks with such calm confidence that even disagreement becomes a space of learning. There is discipline in his humility, and there is wisdom in his silence. He doesn’t interrupt with his greatness; he simply lets it shine in how he walks into a room, how he listens to the ordinary, and how he never forgets those without titles.

Dr. Bala Maijama’a Wunti is a builder of people, not just systems. He is a man who understands that progress is not only about projects but also about peace. He knows that development is not truly development if it does not carry the human soul along. That is why his style is not loud. It is thoughtful. That is why his touch remains long after he has moved on. People do not only remember what he did; they remember how he made them feel—seen, respected, and valued.

It is no surprise that across regions, communities, institutions, and families, his name is spoken not with awe but with affection. And there is his secret—he earns respect by restoring dignity. He doesn’t walk in front to be praised. He walks beside, so no one is left behind. He does not pretend to know it all, but what he knows, he applies with uncommon honesty.

There is something deeply graceful about a man who does not chase validation yet earns admiration by simply being himself. In a time when too many seek recognition before action, Dr. Wunti has quietly made his life a gift to others. His kindness is not weakness. It is strength in its purest form. A strength that builds rather than breaks. A strength that gives, even when no one is looking.

This world, with all its weight, still finds light in people like Dr. Bala Maijama’a Wunti. He reminds us that being accomplished is good, but being compassionate is better. That having knowledge is necessary, but using it to serve others is noble. That being known is nice, but being remembered for goodness is divine.

As one reflects on his journey, it becomes clear that such a man deserves not just recognition but appreciation, not just applause but prayers. He doesn’t wear his impact as decoration. He lets others wear it as hope. And in doing so, he has built something bigger than status. He has built trust.

May the road ahead for Dr. Wunti remain wide, purposeful, and peaceful. May his type multiply in a world that desperately needs the fragrance of men whose hearts still beat for others. And may his story inspire many more to lead not by command but by compassion.

Because in this world of fleeting moments and forgotten promises, one truth remains: kindness will never go out of relevance. And for that, the name Bala Maijama’a Wunti will always echo where sincerity is treasured.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Kabir Musa Ringim

15/08/2025

My father, Alhaji Musa Muhammad, was an orphan who lost his father at a very young age. He was nicknamed Musa Lare in reference to his mother, Lare. His father, Mallam Mamman Aminu, a staff member of the Nigerian Railway Corporation and a native of Daura in present-day Katsina State, was transferred to Ringim to work at the corporation’s train station. There, he met Lare, a Fulani widow, and they married in the early 1940s.

Their first child, a very handsome boy, was named Musa. Sadly, destiny decreed that Mallam Mamman would not live long enough to have another child or witness his son’s growth and achievements.

Alhaji Musa Muhammad was born in 1945 in Ringim. After completing mandatory Qur’anic school, he was enrolled at the age of seven in Ringim Elementary School (now Katutu Pilot Special Primary School) in 1952, finishing in 1955. In 1956, he proceeded to City Senior Primary School, Kofar Nasarawa, Kano (now Government Girls Secondary School, Shekara, Kano), and graduated in 1958. In 1959, he entered Kano Provincial Secondary School (now Rumfa College, Kano) with school number 230.

His first job came in 1963 when the University of Ibadan, in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources, offered him a one-year temporary position. He conducted a market study on the quality, quantity, and price of selected farm produce – millet, sorghum, and beans – at Kurmi and Sabon Gari markets in Kano. The results were sent monthly to the Nigerian Stored Products Research Institute (NSPRI) Kano for onward transmission to the University of Ibadan. During this period, as a federal government worker, the Emir of Kano, Sir Muhammad Sanusi I, provided him with accommodation at the palace.

In 1964, Alhaji Musa Muhammad joined the Forestry Division of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture as the pioneer Government Forest Guard. He attended the Government Forest Guard Course at the Regional School of Forestry, Jos, after which he was posted to Zaria. In 1966, he was transferred to Kaduna Parks and Gardens as Officer in Charge of nurseries.

When states were created in 1967, he was deployed to his home state, Kano. Following directives from CP Audu Bako, the then Military Governor, he was posted to Kuda Gangara in Kazaure Emirate to establish Bagaruwa plantations for producing pods used in the state’s tanning factories. These plantations were established at Kuda Gangara Forest Reserve along Achilafiya – Karkarna Road.

In 1968, he applied for a change of cadre from Forester to Forest Assistant in training. His application was approved, and he was sent to the Federal School of Forestry, Ibadan, for a six-month Forest Assistant Course, running from May 1970 to October 1971. He completed the course with a Second-Class Certificate and was posted to Kano North Central Administrative Area, headquartered at Dambatta, as Area Forest Officer in charge.

In January 1973, he was selected for a one-year Diploma Course at the Federal School of Forestry, Ibadan. He graduated with a First-Class Diploma, becoming the first Northerner to win a prize in silviculture (the cultivation and management of trees). Due to his outstanding performance, he was posted to Hadejia Administrative Area as Forest Officer in charge. There, he established three new forest nurseries in Hadejia, Diginsa, and Kafin Hausa, upgraded the Birniwa nursery, and created shelterbelts in Diginsa and Birniwa, along with numerous roadside plantations.

In 1975, at the age of 30, while working in Hadejia, he met my mother, who was then fifteen years old. They married that same year and remained together for fifty years until his death.

In 1976, he was transferred to Kano, attached to the Forest Management Division (West), and placed in charge of the Savannah Investigation Unit, which conducted soil and vegetation surveys, produced soil maps, and interpreted aerial photographs.

In 1977, he was transferred to Kano South West Administrative Area, headquartered at Rano, as Forest Officer in charge. In 1978, following the local government reforms, he applied for the position of Head of the Local Government Agriculture Department, in line with a Ministry of Agriculture circular inviting qualified diploma holders to apply. He was appointed and posted to Ringim Local Government as the pioneer Head of Agriculture.

In 1980, he was transferred to Tudun Wada Local Government. While there, he expanded his qualifications by enrolling with the British Institute of Engineering Technology, Aldermaston Court, Berkshire, England, to study Tropical Agriculture, Agricultural Engineering, and Animal Husbandry in the Tropics via correspondence. He completed these courses in three years.

In 1983, he returned to Ringim Local Government, and in 1984, he was transferred to Gezawa Local Government as Head of Agriculture. In 1987, he was moved to Dutse Local Government. That same year, the Kano State Government decided to professionalise the Inspectorate Division of the Ministry for Local Government. Heads of Departments in Agriculture, Works, Health, and Social Welfare were selected on merit through interviews. He was appointed Assistant Chief Local Government Inspector, joining three colleagues.

This role gave him opportunities to attend various courses, including:

1. Project Management Implementation and Control at the Agricultural and Rural Management Training Institute, Ilorin.

2. Rural Development Project Formulation and Management at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

3. Leadership and Management at the Nigerian Institute of Management.

4. Various workshops, seminars, and committee assignments within and outside Nigeria.

Following the creation of Jigawa State in 1991, he was deployed as Assistant Chief Local Government Inspector. With civil service reforms, his post became Assistant Director of Agriculture Inspection. In 1992, he was transferred to the State Council of Chiefs as Council Secretary. He was promoted to Deputy Director, then substantive Director in 1997, a position he held until his retirement on 31 August 2001.

Twenty-four years after retirement, on 3rd July 2025, he passed away peacefully at home in Ringim without any known illness, leaving behind my mother and 19 children. Among his sons are two classroom teachers, four lecturers, and a consultant neurosurgeon.

My late father was a man of strong faith, selflessness, and patriotism. When asked how all his children found good jobs, he replied that it was Allah who provides and that he had prayed for his children’s success. He detested corruption, avoided politics, and never sought personal favours. He refused cash gifts even from his children and was meticulous about keeping records and time, locking his house himself every day at 8 p.m.

He was the healthiest person I have ever known. I never for once saw him bedridden or visiting a hospital. Even at 80, he could drive, walk upright, and retained his senses of smell, hearing, and sight. He ate in moderation – only twice a day – favouring healthy, traditional foods such as fura, zogale, bread, tsire, and tea, with oranges, mangoes, and bananas as his preferred fruits.

While in service, he also farmed, growing millet, sorghum, beans, tomatoes, and other crops for home consumption. After retirement, he devoted his time to prayer and religious duties, declining all job offers. Though considered an elder statesman in Ringim, he kept few friends and preferred to stay indoors, coming out after late morning prayers until Zuhr to interact with neighbours.

His enduring message was: “Be resolute, fear your Creator, and surmount every difficulty to achieve your objective. It is not the beginning that matters but the end.”

May Allah (SWT) forgive his shortcomings, accept his good deeds, and grant him Jannatul Firdaus. Ameen.

By Abdullahi Muhammad Yalwa

As Nigerians lay their former president, Muhammad Buhari, to rest, a lively yet insightful debate has ignited on social media. Buhari’s death on the evening of Sunday, 13 July, has sparked a wave of polarised reactions across Nigeria and beyond. These responses, though all too familiar to ignore, are nonetheless difficult to tolerate either.

Ruling one of the most ethnically heterogeneous populations, the name BUHARI means different things to different people. For some, his death marks the end of a revered statesman’s journey, a disciplined military man turned democrat who embodied integrity and sacrifice. As such, religious apologists and loyalists have rushed to sanctify his legacy, cloaking his tenure in a veneer of divine purpose and moral uprightness. Yet, beneath the watershed emotions, lies a more sobering narrative, an impersonal truth which is hard to accept as it’s bitter to swallow.

For history and to serve as a springboard of truth, Buhari’s legacy is one that history will not so easily forgive nor forget. It’s a force that will be reckoned with in Nigeria’s history. A turmoil journey that lumbered from one crisis to another and finally ended in an overwhelming sense of failure. The truth, though uncomfortable, is therefore that Buhari’s legacy is a tale of squandered goodwill, unfulfilled promises, and a nation left more fractured than he found it.

In 2015, when the Saviour proclaimed his campaign, which would finally mark his ascension to power, Buhari, in a boisterous voice, chanted the “CHANGE” mantra, and citizens across the nation’s divides chanted CHANGE, and so the sound echoed. Hailed as a man of discipline, Buhari, in his usual austere demeanour and military pedigree, promised a break from the corruption and mismanagement that had plagued previous administrations. Equally, he promised to tackle insecurity, root out corruption, and stabilise a faltering economy. We saw in him a Messianic figure who would finally weed Nigeria of its bad seeds and breed a new garden for the poor. Sadly, however, the euphoria that greeted his election was a sad, fragile foundation of selective memory.

Buhari’s economic legacy is perhaps the most damning indictment of his tenure. Although he inherited an economy already strained by falling oil prices, his policies exacerbated the crisis, plunging Nigeria into two recessions within five years. By 2023, inflation had soared from 9% to over 22%, unemployment surged from 10.4% to 33.4%, and the naira lost 70% of its value against the dollar. Nigeria, once Africa’s largest economy, became the world’s poverty capital, with 133 million citizens living in abject poverty by the end of his tenure.

His economic interventions, such as the 2019 border closure to boost local production, backfired spectacularly, spiking food prices and straining relations with neighbouring countries. The naira redesign policies, implemented in 1984 and again in 2022, caused widespread hardship, with long queues and economic disruption for ordinary Nigerians. These measures, while framed as anti-corruption tools, were poorly executed and lacked strategic foresight. The ballooning national debt, reaching $150 billion by 2023, forced Nigeria to allocate 96% of its revenue to debt servicing, a fiscal albatross that continues to choke the economy.

Though it might be argued that Buhari inherited a comatose economy from Jonathan, riddled with corruption scandals like the $2 billion arms deal misappropriation, he promised to come and make a change, not to make excuses. Equally, his infrastructure projects, such as the Enugu-Port Harcourt Expressway and the Nigeria Air initiative, might be cited as evidence of progress. Yet, these achievements pale in comparison to the scale of economic devastation. The reality is that Buhari’s economic policies were not just misguided- they were catastrophic, leaving Nigerians poorer and more desperate than ever.

On the side of security, Buhari’s campaign promise to defeat Boko Haram and restore security was a cornerstone of his 2015 victory. Though there may be some early gains against Boko Haram, including the reclamation of territories, which briefly bolstered Buhari’s credentials, these victories were fleeting. By the end of his presidency, Nigeria was grappling with an unprecedented wave of insecurity, with over 63,000 deaths recorded from violent incidents between 2015 and 2023—an average of 22 deaths per day.

The rise of banditry, kidnappings, and farmer-herder clashes compounded the Boko Haram threat. The #EndSARS protests of 2020, sparked by police brutality, exposed his administration’s heavy-handed approach to dissent. Buhari’s silence during these crises, a hallmark of his leadership style, only deepened public distrust.

Buhari’s anti-corruption crusade was perhaps his most touted promise, yet it remains his most glaring failure. Though some positive outcomes were recorded, Buhari’s administration’s selective prosecution of opponents, such as Dasuki’s, raised questions about its sincerity. High-profile cases, such as the trial of former Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele, who’s one of the key figures during Buhari’s administration, continue to grab headlines, but systemic corruption persists. When the then Kano Governor Umar Ganduje was caught on video stuffing dollars into his robe, Buhari dismissed the evidence as doctored, undermining his anti-corruption credentials. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which he helped lay the groundwork for, became a tool for political vendettas rather than a beacon of reform. Many prominent figures were either pardoned or overlooked due to their political leanings or personal interests. As such, on anti-corruption, Buhari’s promises were a hoax.

Overall, Buhari’s cold, distant, arrogant air — that rigid, dry, unbothered, “I’m above you” type of character — which pervaded his leadership, remains deeply painful in the minds of his subjects. The fact that he spoke to his citizens during their tough times as if he was doing them a favour by acknowledging their existence is a poor record to reckon with as part of Buhari’s terrible legacy as a leader. There should be warmth and humility in public relations.

In the end, history is the most invisible phenomenon. As President Buhari is laid to rest, religious and regional loyalists should not seek to sanctify his legacy, framing him as a patriot who served Nigeria with unwavering dedication. Such eulogies, while expected, gloss over the harsh realities of his tenure. Equally, claiming that Buhari’s policies were sabotaged by external forces or inherited challenges ignores his role in exacerbating Nigeria’s woes. Instead, the uncomfortable truth is that Buhari’s legacy is one of missed opportunities and disappointment. He entered office with unprecedented goodwill, yet left Nigeria more divided, poorer, and insecure. His rigid, authoritarian style stifled dissent and eroded judicial independence, as seen in the prolonged detention of figures like Sambo Dasuki despite court orders. His failure to communicate effectively, evidenced by his silence during crises like #EndSARS and the ASUU strike of 2022, alienated a generation of young Nigerians.

History will remember Buhari not as the saviour Nigeria hoped for, but as a leader who squandered a historic mandate. His presidency teaches a bitter lesson: discipline without vision, and integrity without competence, cannot redeem a nation. As Nigerians mourn his passing, we must also confront the cost of his failures-a fractured nation, a struggling economy, and a generation of youth disillusioned with governance, standing on the brink of a precipice.

Abdullahi Muhammad Yalwa hails from Azare. He’s a graduate of Law from the University of Maiduguri, looking forward to serving his Country.