Northern Nigeria

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

It is the realization that Nigeria’s presidency cannot be won by the sole or combined agencies of personal fame, resources or regional influence that informed the ideation of a merger of political parties that eventually birthed the APC. 

And the essence of this merger, as it were, was the pursuit of a formidable confluence between Nigeria’s most politically active blocs – northern and south-western regional voting blocs. This resulted in the officiation of an alliance through the instrumentality of a transnational political platform capable of displacing the political hegemony of the PDP. And the central representative figures of the two voting blocs were unarguably Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Ahmed Tinubu. 

Evidently, the merger would not have been successful without the uncompromising commitment and consensus of these central figures. Lack of such a consensus was the sole reason why attempts at the merger failed in 2011. And the eventual consensus was what translated into a successful merger that ousted PDP in 2015. One could say both of them are indispensable for as far as the merger is concerned. 

In both instances, the dynamics of running mate selection constituted a major challenge; one that stalled the entire merger process in 2011 and almost jeopardized the efforts again in 2015 if not for last minute compromises. And for the purpose of this article, our referential premise would be the events that characterized the selection of a running mate for Buhari in 2015. 

The resumption of merger talks was principally premised on the assurances of improved mutual understanding and primacy of deliberation and mutual agreement on all issues before implementation. Resultantly, the issue of VP selection was agreeably deferred to the ACN side of the merger. And being the leader of the ACN and a southerner, Bola Tinubu was the first point of call. 

However, such a supposition was put to test by the concern of certain stakeholders largely from the non-ACN merging parties over the feasibility of flying a Muslim-Muslim ticket to victory against the PDP. And based on this singularity of a justification defined strictly on the bases of religious [in]compatibility questions, Tinubu was dropped for Osinbajo whose credentialed affiliation to the leadership of Nigeria’s Christian establishment was seen as a suitable match to Buhari’s perceived religious fanaticism. 

7 years later, the same political platform faces same dilemma. Tinubu, the initial choice of Buhari’s running mate in 2015 and flag-bearer of the APC for 2023 presidential elections is faced with the daunting task of choosing a running mate. The dynamics that defined his emergence was largely characterized by ethnic considerations and the process of choosing his running mate seems to be greatly saturated by the influence of the overbearing conflict of ethno-religious interests. 

Ironically, the hypocritical ultimacy of political convenience as against principle has never been this blatant. Scores of politicians who vehemently opposed the idea of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in 2015 are seen today to be championing the cause. Even more perplexing is the dismissal by some of these supporters of issues of religious affiliation(of the running mate) as irrelevant. This group’s advocacy centers around the supposed primacy of merit and capacity to deliver without deference to ethno-religious considerations. The contradiction here is that same group agitated for a Tinubu presidency in fulfillment of a zoning agreement strictly based on an ethno-regional arrangement. 

As the elite slug it out, they keep deliberately torrenting the conflict down to the level of the masses whose minds have over time fallen victim of manipulative conditioning by the elite. As a result, the Christian establishment and followership, especially in the North demand uncompromisingly that the VP be picked amongst their brethren. While the Northern Muslim establishment and followership in the usual feeling of mutual insecurity and distrust have threatened to actively oppose a ticket with a Northern Christian as VP. 

It sadly almost seems as though whoever clinches the VP slot officially and institutionally enhances the presence and validity of the religion he belongs to. But is that accurate? How is a peasant Muslim farmer going to be better off with a Muslim as VP? And how’s the Christian peasant farmer in the opposite situation? What of security? Buhari is president yet the North suffer from insecurity the most. What of Justice? 

This conflict is largely an in-house Northern conflict. And we’ve consistently been falling victim to these manipulative tendencies because we’ve failed to understand certain political and social realities. But the most important among such realities is the glaring yet often forgotten fact that the allegiance of almost every elite in Nigeria is more to the power superstructure than it is to religion.

“This game of masks!”, as Yusufu Bala Usman, of blessed memory, described it only adopts religion as a manipulative enabler and agency for continued relevance within the power cycle. That is all! Religion should not be a manipulative tool. And it is high time we understand that it is never about religion but about power and the spoils that accompany its acquisition. The Muslim community should also be able to distinguish between manipulation and genuine allegiance to religious interest. 

In his seminal work ‘Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: The Relevance of Values’ whose content is drilled in philosophical and ethical theorization of Sokoto Caliphate’s breed of leadership and public policy with an exposition of the imperative of pillaring contemporary political and social value systems on the pristine belief systems and culture of our people; Mahmud Tukur, of blessed memory, explained that affiliation and allegiance to the Islamic belief system and values formed the foundational basis of community identity during the caliphal era. He puts “working hard in co-operation with fellow members to achieve the higher values of society or service in the interest of the community’s raison d’etre” as the archetypal basis of communal belonging. 

Muhammadu Sanusi II in his review of Tukur’s work deduced Islam – as a corpus of teachings(and values) rather than of actions of persons – to be the definitive basis for identity of the Northern Muslims. To quote his deconstruction of this principle, “… the fact that a “northerner” or a “Muslim” or a “Fulani” is the subject of a political issue is not sufficient to make that issue a “northern”, “Islamic” or “Fulani” one. The bottom line is how consistent is the issue at stake with the teachings of Islam as incorporated in the value-systems underlying the caliphate. In effect, every other identity is subsumed under our Islamic identity, and the Islamic values are the ones worthy of defending. These are not to be sacrificed in the name of “nationalism” or “northern politics” or even “Muslims”.

I find these delineations very instructive for it exposes religious manipulative systems and presents us with the philosophical framework for subjecting our political actions as Northern Muslims to intellectual scrutiny. It provides the basis for validation(or not) and examination of the consistency of our collective actions with the pristine Islamic value-systems. In the context of this article, it affords us the opportunity of examining the consistency of our agitation for VP slot(supposedly in the interest of religion) to our foundational Islamic values; is having a Northern Muslim Vice President fundamentally an Islamic interest? And are the Muslim northerners considered for the slot worthy of supporting strictly based on Islamic affiliations and considerations? Will fielding them in anyway lead to achieving the higher values of the Islamic community? 

These are the fundamental questions that require our dispassionate attention. By answering them, we’d be able to realize whether or not we are yet again falling for religious manipulative machinations. It will also reveal to us those social and political realities of ours that render us susceptible to this manipulative tendencies. However, one thing is clear, that the divarication and fragmentation of the formerly United North (into Muslim and Christian North) is our greatest source of susceptibility to manipulation and even marginalization. Even as the Union was not devoid of internal skirmishes, we were presentable as a United, influential front externally. This dichotomization only weakens our influence and negotiating position of advantage. 

Our collective problems as the North do not respect such bifurcations same way the results of incompetence of both Muslim and Christian political leaders of Northern extraction do not too. And good and ethical leadership are not exclusive preserves of any of the two religions. In fact, there’s a strong convergence of both religions on issues of political values, leadership ethics and principles of good governance. Insecurity; poverty; economic underdevelopment; inefficient educational and healthcare systems; infrastructural inadequacies; etc are our collective challenges and our collective resolve should be of getting competent leaders to reverse the situation. Ours should be geared towards sustaining and consolidating the unmatched northern political negotiating base and influence and leverage that to ensure we force the leadership to stick to their side of the social contract. 

To these manipulative elites, religion is only but an agency for the sustenance of relevance and power for self-aggrandizement. We must rise above such manipulative machinations and focus on building a formidable consensus capable of enforcing on the leadership a Northern agenda for development regardless of who becomes VP. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political/public affairs analyst, he writes from Zaria and can be reached via haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Zahraddeen Mallam Saleh.

The rise of kidnappings in Alakleri is one of the most pressing security issues in Bauchi State, yet underreported. Many villages in Gwana, Duguri, and Pali Districts suffer from the devastating criminal activity of kidnappers and cattle rustlers. As a result, kidnappings for ransom have become more common and a security concern in recent years in those communities.

A few days ago, kidnappers attacked Garin Bono in Maimadi ward and Sabon Gari in Pali ward, along Alkaleri/Futuk road, killing four people and injuring others. Scores of kidnapping incidences have recently occurred in Gwana District, from abducting prominent personalities to the commoners who found it difficult to feed their families. Nowadays, kidnappers target all people, irrespective of whether they are rich or poor, because wealthy individuals from rural areas migrated to urban cities to live in peace and harmony with their families.

Four children were kidnapped at the outskirt of Yalo. Yalo is less than 100 kilometres away from Alkaleri, the council headquarter. In Kargo, Malam Hamza was abducted at his residence in neighbouring Mansur. In addition, three farmers were kidnapped while working on their farms. As I write this piece, information reaching us revealed that four people were abducted today, 23^rd June 2022, at Bakin Layi, a suburb of Yalo town.

All these victims cannot pay the ransom or their proxy relatives. Evidence shows that most of today’s victims are poor villagers, a departure from the earlier kidnapping of wealthy individuals. This category of victims loses their lives in the process due to their inability to pay the ransom because of relative poverty.

It was estimated that from January 2022 to date, in Gwana District alone, more than one hundred (100) cases of kidnappings were reported to the office of the District head of Gwana, located in Futuk. This depicts the ugly nature of the situation where most armless commoners are indiscriminately taken for ransom. People live in distrust and fear due to this ugly picture of our security situation. Members of different bandit groups have been seen carrying heavy arms around Jada forest in Maimadi ward, a forest that comprises part of Yankari forest, harassing locals and farmers. A development that compelled many farmers to abandon their farms for fear of being kidnapped. For instance, Aliyu Inuwa (Messi), a resident of Futuk, left his maize farm despite spending a considerable amount of money. 

In her effort to curb the menace, the Bauchi state government procured and distributed motorcycles across the affected areas in the state. In addition, Hilux Patron vans were also distributed across all local governments. In Gwana District, in particular, the local security architecture has Patrol Hilux and several motorcycles provided by this administration in order to facilitate security surveillance and end criminal activities in the entire community. Hence, this intervention from the state government is highly commendable and appreciated. However, the situation demands a more formidable security architecture in curtailing this disease.

Equally, the military detachment in Futuk, Digare, and Mansur and the recent deployment of an anti-kidnapping squad in Yalo and Kargo aimed to reduce criminal activities in our areas. But the existing security architectures showcased their professionalism in collecting N20, N30, N50 and N100 from the motorists and motorcycle riders daily than dealing with monsters called bandits/kidnappers. We are not denying or undermining their role in protecting lives and property. I’m just reporting what I saw with my naked eyes on my recent trip from Futuk to Mansur to collect primary data for my postgraduate study.

Bauchi state government should put more effort into securing its people before it metamorphoses into what is happening in Zamfara, Katsina and Sokoto. In addition, the government should encourage and promote education.

Zahraddeen Mallam Saleh wrote from Futuk, Gwana District, Alakleri LG. He can be reached via zahradeenmsaleh@gmail.com.

By Tijani Hassan

A corps member serving at Al-Furqan Learners’ Academy, Potiskum, Yobe State, has trained and empowered twenty widows on fashion design and tailoring skills in an effort to eliminate poverty and unemployment amongst women in the society.

The corps member, Chidimma Atuchukwu Obiageliaku, who hails from Anambra State, said the gesture was born out of her passion and desire to assist the vulnerable and less privileged in society.

The Commissioning and Presentation Ceremony held on Thursday, 30 June 2022, at the school premises,  witnessed the presentation of certificates, wrappers, sewing materials and seven new sewing machines to the trainee widows. This came after 6 six weeks of intensive dress-making training and other entrepreneurial skills.

Other projects initiated by the Corps member included renovating and stocking a 40-seater school library to boost students’ learning capacity. She said, “whenever you read a book, it equips you with the knowledge and power to become whoever you aspire to be”, hence, donating the library to the school to equip the students to become great in the future.

In his welcome address, the School Director, Alhaji Ibrahim Mohammed, represented by Alhaji Suleiman Dauda, commended all the Corps members serving under his watch and specifically the project initiator Chidimma. He added that she was the first of her kind to execute a project of this considerable repute.

The state Coordinator of NYSC Yobe State, Hajiya Hafsat Yerima, represented by the Head of Community Development Service, CDS, Mr Abimbola Akin, expressed her satisfaction with the project carried out by the Corps member and hinted that the state would never forget her in a hurry while urging other Corp members to emulate her good gesture.

In his contribution, the Provost, Federal College of Education (Technical), Potiskum, represented by the Head of Digital and Visual Library of the College, Mallam Abubakar Hassan, explained that education is the bedrock of every meaningful society which deserves the contribution of all stakeholders.

Hassan, on behalf of FCE (T), Potiskum donated a reasonable number of textbooks to the school as part of their contribution to the project.

The benefiting widows, who were highly pleased, thanked the Corps member for the humanitarian support. The leader of the widows, Mrs Ladi, said the training is a lifetime investment that has transformed their lives beyond imagination. She prayed to Almighty God to grant their benefactor success in her future endeavours.

Other attendees included the Commissioner, Basic and Secondary Education, Yobe State, Dr Muhammad Sani Idris, representative of the Emir of Fika, His Royal Highness (Dr.) Muhammadu Idrissa Ibn Abbali, Humanitarian organisations, parents and students.

In his closing remarks, the School Director thanked the initiator of the projects and the sponsors and offered her automatic and pensionable employment with accommodation and other benefits after her National Service.

The Community Development Service is one of the key components of the NYSC, designed to have a beneficial influence on the lives of the host community.

By Kabir Fagge Ali

Almajiri is a system of Islamic education practised primarily in Northern Nigeria. The term is also used to denote a person who is taught or undergoing learning within this system called “Almajiranci.”

Almajiri is derived from the Arabic “Al-Muhajjirun”, an “Emigrant” who migrates from his home to a particular Islamic school in the quest for knowledge.

Over the years, it has been a normal feature, a cultural norm to have seen children roaming the streets in certain parts of (mainly northern) Nigeria, all in the name of seeking Islamic Education through the system of Almajiri.

Before the arrival of British colonial masters, a system of education called ‘Tsangaya’ has since prevailed in the Kanem-Borno Empire. It was established as an organised and comprehensive education system for learning Islamic principles, values, jurisprudence and theology.

Established after madrasahs in other parts of the Muslim world, Tsangaya was primarily funded by the state. Islam traditionally encourages charity, so the community readily supported these Almajiri. In return, he (Almajiri) gives back to society through manual labour.

The system also produced the judges, clerks, and teachers who provided the colonial administration with the needed staff. The Almajiri schools provided the first set of colonial staff in Northern Nigeria.

The Colonial masters abolished state funding of Tsangaya, arguing that they were religious schools. “Karatun Boko”, western education was introduced and funded instead. With this loss of support, the system collapsed.

A 2014 UNICEF report put the number of Almajiri in Nigeria at 9.5 million, or 72 per cent of the country’s 13.2 million out-of-school children. Unfortunately, this is a disaster unfolding before our eyes, as some estimates claim that the number of out-of-school children in the country has risen past the 15 million mark, most of whom originated from the North.

Regrettably, the Almajiri culture has since outlived its purpose and has become a breeding ground for child begging and, in extreme cases, potential materials for recruitment into terrorist groups. Moreover, the pupils who were meant to be trained to become Islamic scholars have now had to struggle to cater for themselves, begging rather than learning under the watch and supervision of some semi-literate Quranic teachers or Mallams who themselves lacked the requisite financial and moral support. Hence, the system runs more as a means of survival rather than a way of life.

This is because the Qur’anic schools became hapless, unable to render any help. After all, the head of the school is not also financially stable. This ultimately leads him to enforce a rule that ensures the students get him food or money. The most annoying part is making it mandatory, as punishment is enforced on anyone who fails to turn in what is expected from him.

Deprived of a normal and decent upbringing, Almajiri children, usually little boys between the ages of 4 and 15, may have been direct products of polygamous marriage or broken homes or simply due to economic challenges that hit the family. They lack adequate family cover as children are sent out to the streets under the guise of Almajiri as soon as the family’s resources are overstretched.

The Almajiri grows up in the streets without their parents’ love, care, and guidance; his struggle for survival exposes him to abuse (homosexuality and paedophilia), used as a slave, brainwashed, and recruited for anti-social activities, and used for destructive and violent activities. This is the picture of the pitiful plight of an Almajiri child in Nigeria.

Additionally, Almajiri culture epitomises child abuse, social exclusion, and chronic poverty in all ramifications. Because the system is believed to be rooted in Islamic religion and Fulani cultural practices, many attempts to reverse the trend or end such abuse of humanity have always hit a brick wall.

The fact that Islamic teaching strongly forbids begging, except in exceptional circumstances, which include a man’s loss of properties or wealth in a disaster or when a man has loaned much of his money for the common good, such as bringing peace between two warring parties already proves that Almajiri system as it is being practised today is unIslamic. A child neglected by his parents is vulnerable to diseases and social crimes. To survive, he often has to beg from ‘dusk to dawn’, after which he returns to the Tsangaya (Almajiri school).

For the past years, the Almajiri system has created a cover for criminally minded individuals to abuse Nigerian children through trafficking and expose them to anti-social behaviours such as forced labour and sex slaves.

Even former President Goodluck Jonathan designed a program under which a few Almajiri Model Boarding schools were established, which was aimed at integrating conventional western education into Islamic education, only turned out to be merely ‘removing a spoonful of water from a filled tank’, it wasn’t enough to adequately address the problem. As a result, less than five per cent of the children were captured by the Federal Government’s program meant to remove the Almajiri off the streets.

Therefore, as urgent, the government should take reasonable measures to address the Almajiri system in Nigeria to take them off the streets, even if it means banning the culture.

Unless it is banned or adequately reformed to meet the modern challenges and realities, the problems of underdevelopment, educational backwardness, and mass poverty in (northern) Nigeria will worsen. People will continue to bear children they do not have the resources to cater for, knowing that they could easily push such children out into the Almajiri system.

To conclude that the Almajiri system has deviated from its original purpose and is currently giving Nigeria a bad image in the international community is to admit the obvious.

This problem is a ticking time bomb waiting to explode at any time. And when it does, it will consume us all. But, it is still not late. So, something can be done to stem the tides.

Fagge is a student of Mass Communication at Skyline University Nigeria. He sent this via faggekabir29@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

A Nigerian lady, Halima Ali Shuwa, has been recognised by the reputable University of Manchester and awarded with Student of the Year Award.

Ruth Macarthy, a doctoral researcher at Salford University, announced this on LinkedIn on Wednesday. 

“Sitting in Whitworth Hall today, at the prestigious University of Manchester, was one of my proudest moments as a Nigerian. It was the moment Halima Ali Shuwa was called up [to] the podium to receive the “Student of the Year” award from the President of the university.” Ms Macarthy wrote.

While presenting the award, the President of the university stated that Halima was chosen because of her dedication and selfless commitment to research excellence.

The President added that Halima dedicated a huge amount of time to researching the immune response in the blood of hospitalised COVID-19 patients – and predicting which patients will further develop long-term covid complications.

She was the first to publish on the associated long-term changes with fatigue and breathlessness in patients who would subsequently develop long covid.

Halima, a recipient of the prestigious Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) scholarship, hails from Shuwa town of Madagali Local Government Area of Adamawa State. She was born, brought up and schooled in Maiduguri, Borno State.

Halima studied Bachelor of Medical Laboratory Science at the University of Maiduguri, MSc Immunology at Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, and then got a PTDF scholarship to the University of Manchester, where she did her PhD in Immunology. 

Halima has published seven papers in high-impact journals during her studies and has four more papers under review. 

Towards the end of her PhD, Halima managed to secure multiple job offers from the University of Manchester and several pharmaceutical companies. Finally, she accepted the job offer from GSK (GlaxoSmithKline), where she’ll continue her cutting-edge research to discover an alternative cancer treatment targeting B cells in Immuno-Oncology settings.

By Tijjani Muhammad Musa

Our primary problems in Northern Nigeria (Arewa) as far as the media landscape is concerned are a lack of support and patronage for our own media outlets, shallow-mindedness of our Arewa celebrities and self-centeredness of our social media influencers. Let me briefly explain these.

When a media outlet is floated, whether physically or online, many of our intelligentsia would choose to ignore it and refuse to contribute to its development, survival or sustenance. Some even find it offensive to see their writings featured on such platforms. So how can you imagine them making any effort towards reaching more people via such channels with their brilliant ideas?

This lack of encouragement by the intellectual elites of the Arewa region eventually quashes the zeal of the owners of the medium. So they end up laying their medium to rest, and nobody bothers to ask them why.

Next, our Arewa celebrities are primarily uneducated, digitally unsophisticated or advanced in thinking enough to realize the importance of their newfound status.

Instead of leveraging their popularity to drive home the concerns and aspirations of their people, their region and religion across the country or even globally, most of them just let the star status get into their heads. Thus, they end up as an ill wind that blows nobody good.

Finally, our Social Media influencers, most of them except for a minute few, are more or less acting like local champions, without any focus on using their influence to change the mindset of their followers.

These so-called influencers are constantly striving to create and upload content that only keeps the fire of attention from their followers burning, thereby getting them more and more Likes, comments, and emotes.

Very few among the influencers bother to target being a voice of the masses they represent. In contrast, their voices could be heard echoing the primary issues that concern their embattled region on a national and global scale so that something is done about it.

And they also would refuse to echo and make a trend of burning matters that affect their people, region and religion. A typical example is the acquisition of PVC for the 2023 elections. Have you seen any Arewa Social Media influencers making it a topic of importance? Almost none!

That attitude is unlike that of their counterparts across the divide and globe, who would each lend their support and credence to any trending topic of local, state, regional, national and global concern. Create and add their voices to any other SMI’s effort, so it assumes a loudness nobody can ignore.

Ours would instead choose to write or talk about what will keep their fans entertained, no matter how mundane that is.

Tijjani Muhammad Musa, alias Poetic Tee, is the Chairman of the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA) Kano Chapter. He can be reached via mmtijjani@gmail.com.

By Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani

Every 26th day of June is the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking as identified by the United Nations. This year is not unprecedented due to the menace that keeps rising, which sadly causes untold hardship to our communities and the world in general.

The date is to commemorate Lin Zexu’s dismantling of the opium trade in Humen, Guangdong, ending on June 25, 1839, just before the First Opium War in China. The observance was instituted by General Assembly Resolution 42/112 of 7th December 1987. The global observance of the day aims to raise awareness of the major dilemma that illicit drugs represent to society. Indeed, the aim is an expression of the United Nations’ determination to strengthen action and cooperation to achieve the goal of an international society free of drug abuse.

Justice and health are two sides of the same coin when it comes to addressing drug problems. The pertinent question is: what have we done in our immediate communities to address this situation that is posing a danger to our survival as a society and a nation? Are we to maintain silence while the future of our children and that of unborn children is on the brink? No! Most of the crimes committed were done after the criminals took drugs and illicit trafficking caused, according to sociological trumpets.

In Nigeria, the Boko Haram in the Northeast, ungodly bandits and kidnapping in the North West, and the IPOB terrorists in the southeast have something in common, which is criminality, havoc and destruction. However, the acts were mostly committed after taking unprescribed drugs, which are injurious to the health and well-being of the people.

Perhaps, those taking illicit drugs don’t know the dangers and injuries they create for their lives and, at the same time, for society. It’s the drug that impels them to commit crimes against humanity, which, of course, triggers instability in the world. However, there has never been a better time to convert this serious threat into a human cooperative existence than now. But, to achieve this, we must destabilise the sources of illicit drugs.

For one thing, you can’t discourage and combat illegal drugs and trafficking without addressing irresponsible parenting; how could God bless you with juveniles and then neglect their proper upbringing? In our society, you see someone with ten youngsters or more without taking care of their full responsibility. We must take the bold step and tell ourselves the truth. Never produce what you can’t take care of. Their moral upbringing is a primary responsibility of every parent. The association of pair groups in such a way trains your wards to be good ambassadors to society. for them to be productive citizens of the country and the world. 

The Nigerian drug law enforcement agencies must take their obligations with all seriousness. Indeed, perpetrators must be punished according to the law of the land. This is the only way that will serve as a deterrent to all with similar horrible intentions, and of course, at the same time, our justice system must be overhauled.

It’s clear in the northern part of the country, some hawkers go round selling illicit drugs, expired and villagers are taken with their hard-earned resources without doctors’ prescriptions, which post hazards to the health care system. This and similar illegal actions should be properly checked. Indeed, health is wealth. We should all play our part in spreading awareness to make our environment clean and live in a prosperous world.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani wrote from Galadima Mahmoud Street, kasuwar Kaji Azare, Bauchi State.

By Adamu Abubakar Kumo

Mentorship has been the way through which a more experienced, more skilled and usually more elderly person passes his experience, expertise, knowledge etc. to the younger ones. From education to politics, business to occupation, mentorship is instrumental to the continuance of the flow of wisdom from one generation to another.

The history of Nigeria’s founding fathers is undoubtedly that of heroes and legends who wrote their names in gold in the books of history. But, looking at today’s Nigeria, one would be right to say that the wisdom of those great men has not been successfully passed down to today’s generation.

Among the six geo-political regions of the country, South-West has distinguished itself. The region seems to uphold the principles of mentorship. From Sir Herbert Macaulay, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Samuel Akintola, Aare M.K.O. Abiola and now Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Yoruba leaders have been producing leaders who subsequently would take over from them. They deliberately ‘build’ people; they sow the seeds and look after them until they grow into large formidable and strong iroko trees that can hardly be trampled or tempered with by just lilliputians if I were to borrow Shattima’s word.

The successful emergence of Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu is a testimony of the presence of mentors and the continuance of political mentorship in Yoruba land.

Asiwaju, for the past two decades, has been working, influencing the appointment of some of his mentees in strategic government positions, politically supporting his allies and subordinates to attain power and building political bridges and structures across the country. The man waited patiently until when it is time, the time for the Jagaban to reap the fruits of his labour, the time when Amaechi has support from within; the time when Lawan seems to have the blessings of some party juggernauts, the time when some northerners feel that only a Northerner can defeat the opposition’s candidate. At this precious time, Bola Ahmed ‘summoned’ his mentees across the length and breadth of the country and alas, they answered! They come in their thousands with all the vigour and support the Jagaban needs.

Despite the eloquence of Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, the grammar of Ayade, the bluntness of Yahaya Bello, the doggedness of Rotimi Amaechi and the ‘appeal for sympathy’ of the aspirants from the South East, Bola emerged victorious, defeating them hands down.

This ‘political war’ fought and won by the  Southwesterner may compel one to ask, where are the Asiwajus of other regions? Can somebody from North-East, North-West or North-Central brag about having the capacity to do something similar to what this septuagenarian did?

The likes of Sirs Sardauna and Balewa don’t exist anymore in the North. Moreover, nobody is following the footsteps of Hassan Usman Katsina, Sir Kasim Ibrahim, Malam Aminu Kano and many other patriots – the mentorship thread is broken. Though North has been boasting of having great and influential leaders, the problem remains that none is willing to ‘nurture’ his successor.

While Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was busy contesting to become the president right from 2007, Kwankwaso was busy fighting Ganduje and so on. On his part, Bola Tinubu was busy, making sure his candidates become governors in Ogun, Oyo, Lagos, etc. He was influencing ministerial nominations, making sure he appointed Vice President. He was equally working to bring Dimeji Bankole, Ahmed Lawan, Femi Gbajabiamila etc. In other words, Tinubu was busy ‘building’ people. Because he believes even if some choose to betray him, many others will not.

The lesson Asiwaju taught most of our leaders, especially from the North, is that, if you have a plan of twenty years, start mentoring people who will help you achieve it right from today. More importantly, look beyond your family and kinsmen when choosing your proteges.

Another point of note is that you will mentor a person who may rise to a position that you have never attained. This is normal. Don’t get upset when the person tried to rub shoulders with you. Instead, be focused, determined and strategic in your dealings.

Dear Northern leaders, make sure you mentor another person who may likely take over from you. Succession is natural, if you did not breed anybody, someone may grow on his own and come to fight and overtake you one day. Mentor your proteges today to have loyal mentees that will always be proud of you tomorrow.

Adamu Abubakar Kumo wrote via akumo89@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Yusuf

In our dear country Nigeria, the responsibility of providing health care to local communities is shouldered upon Local Governments through primary health care. State Governments are responsible for taking care of any facility under secondary health care, while Federal Government on the other hand is responsible for handling Tertiary Health Care Institutions which include (federal or state) university teaching hospitals or Federal Medical Centers (FMCs).

Contemporarily, there are 22 FMCs in Nigeria located in different states of the federation. In operationalizing the policy of providing health care services to Nigerian citizens, the Federal Government decided to establish one tertiary health institution in each state in which FMCs were established in states that do not have a University teaching hospital. However, there was an exception in the case of Lagos State which has both a University Teaching Hospital and FMC at the same time. This might be due to its population density and the commercial activities in the state.

Kaduna is the third most populous state in Nigeria with more than 5 million people as per 2006 census data. The number could be double today. Rigasa, a ward under the Igabi Local Government Area, is considered the fastest developing area in terms of population, with approximately 3 million people according to Wikipedia.

People living in Rigasa commonly faced limited access to good health care, having just two primary health care centres and one general hospital which are not enough to cater for the health need of the populace. There are quite a numbers of private hospitals which supports the provision of health care to the people of the community but could only be patronized by well-to-do members of the society.

With regards to the limited accessibility of quality health services by the people of Rigasa, the senator representing Kaduna central Mallam Uba Sani sponsored a bill for an Act to establish the Federal Medical Center Rigasa. According to him, this will bring much-needed relief to inhabitants of the hugely populated area, who for long have to travel long distances to get medical attention. This is a commendable effort by Senator Uba Sani and history will never forget his kind gesture towards the people of Igabi Local government and Kaduna State at large.

In 2019, if we can remember, Senator Uba Sani raised a motion with regards to a measles outbreak in Wusar village, which is under the Gwaraji ward of Igabi LGA. The Senate directed the Center for Disease Control (NCDC) and National Primary Health Care Development Agency to take measures that would address the outbreak. It also directed the NCDC to set up an office in the local government as a matter of urgency.

The bill for an Act to establish Federal Medical Center Rigasa passed its first reading on the 19th of November, 2019. And subsequently, passed its second reading on the 17th of December, 2019. The bill passed its third reading on the 3rd of December, 2020. It is currently awaiting assent by President Muhammadu Buhari, which will pave the way to the commencement of the work.

The boon of establishing FMC Rigasa can not be overemphasized as it will bridge the gap of accessibility of quality health care services by the people of the community and the state at large. It will also provide easy access to more sophisticated healthcare services by making available technologically advanced machines and equipment for the diagnosis and treatment of diseases of all kinds. It will also provide intensive manpower in taking care of patients and operationalizing the sophisticated health care services.

Socioeconomically, the establishment of FMC Rigasa will undoubtedly boost the macro and micro economy of the state by reducing the rate of unemployment among the graduates, promoting business activities of SMEs and increasing revenue generation for the state government. The huge economic impact of the Rigasa Train Station on the inhabitants of Rigasa and Kaduna State at large is obvious to all. Moreover, this impact will surely duplicate itself beyond expectation when the FMC is established.

It has been a well-known fact that Rigasa inhabitants are die-hard supporters of President Muhammadu Buhari, and they have never compromised their support regardless of the situation of the country. This is a great chance for  Mr President to reciprocate the gesture and prove his appreciation for his long-standing support by okaying the bill for commencement of work.

In conclusion, I will like to appeal to all concerned individuals who in one way or the other can support the actualization of this dream to help in pushing this agenda till it becomes a reality. Kaduna state government under the leadership of Mallam Nasir ElRufai have done a lot for Rigasa. Still, we will not relent in soliciting this one more favour concerning actualizing FMC Rigasa. Zazzau Emirate under the leadership of Amb Ahmad Nuhu Bamalli as well can help in facilitating this agenda, and finally Federal Ministry of Health under the leadership of the Honourable Minister of Health, Dr Osagie Ehanire should kindly help in facilitating the actualization of FMC Rigasa.

Abdullahi Yusuf is a student in Human Kinetics and Health Education Department, Bayero University Kano. He wrote from Rigasa, Kaduna, via abdoolphd@gmail.com.

By Usama Abdullahi

I’m not actually driven by religious extremism, nor do I consider politicians based on their religious leanings. One’s religion or region shouldn’t determine their politics. When we look at politics through the prism of faith, we do ourselves no justice. I understand that the APC’s presidential nominee, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is conflicted with the idea of picking a running mate. 

Because Nigeria is a multi-religious nation, people suggest that the slot of the Vice-President for the APC presidential candidate be given to a northern Christian. According to them, a Muslim-Muslim ticket is abominable in Nigerian politics. And some people are endorsing Plateau State’s Governor Simon Lalong for the VP slot.

People are unaware of something. It’s easy for people to say who should the APC pick as running mate to Tinubu. But do we deem our favourite candidates suitable for such a seat because of the blind love we have for them? Or should we only nominate a person because of his ethno-religious affiliation? These are critical questions which need not be left unanswered. However, we all know these aren’t the criteria for selecting a genuine leader. 

Leaders are best chosen by how competent they are. Competence goes beyond our myopic views. Another big blunder we should avoid is choosing a leader because of his background. Now back to the equation. Is Lalong suitable for the vice-presidential seat? Well, I don’t think so. 

One thing people ought to acknowledge before they consider Lalong fit is his performance so far in the state he runs. What has he done remarkably to attract public attention? His performances are all that must be examined before we leap to a conclusion. Honestly, Simon Lalong hasn’t done that much that will earn him such a high position.

I’m not trying to de-market him, but for fairness’ sake, Lalong isn’t the right man for the job. A person whose tribal bigots administer the Local Government Council (LGC) doesn’t merit the title of a Governor, let alone aim for a much higher position. If you aren’t from his tribe, you lose the chance of winning an election for credible offices in his LGC.

I come from the same LGC as him, yet I can’t risk getting a mere indigene form. This is so because I’m not from his tribe. So to even have myself appointed by the local authorities, I must renounce my pedigree.

He knows all this. As an incumbent governor entrusted with the care of  people of diverse beliefs and ethnicities, he should have done something different. But, worst still, he chooses to go mum over such unfair treatment. He never talks about it. His silence isn’t golden. It either suggests his approval or his lackadaisical attitude towards that. 

However, before his ascent to power, he had sworn to install a village head in Yelwa during his campaign. Yelwa is a very popular village that contributed massively to his votes which saw his ascension from a dethroned speaker to a governor. The town is thrice the size of his hamlet and is within a shouting distance from his. Unfortunately, his first tenure ended without him making everything alright in that village. So my people decided to trust him again by voting for him for the second term, thinking he would redeem their precarious state. And now, we are just a few months away from the expiration of his tenure. Yet, he remains uncommunicative and insufficiently active.

Lalong has failed the people who helped his rise to power. So, how would you wish a ruling governor who silently fuels tribal prejudices among his people to be singled out as a running mate for the party with high chances of winning?

I won’t be worried about any other person that will be cherry-picked as a running mate to Tinubu as long as he is capable and has good track records. It isn’t that I seem purely envious of Lalong. On the contrary, I fear having a VP who has been speechless for the past seven years over the growing ethno-religious bigotry in the state he governs.

Usama Abdullahi can be reached via usamagayyi@gmail.com.