Nigeria

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of eight new Federal Permanent Secretaries to fill in existing and impending vacancies in some states and geo-political zones in the top administrative cadre of the Civil Service of the Federation.

The new Federal Permanent Secretaries appointed after a diligent selection process by the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation are:

Dr. Emanso Umobong Okop – Akwa-Ibom 

Obi Emeka Vitalis – Anambra 

Mahmood Fatima Sugra Tabi’a – Bauchi 

Danjuma Mohammed Sanusi – Jigawa  

Olusanya Olubunmi – Ondo 

Dr. Keshinro Maryam Ismaila – Zamfara 

Akujobi Chinyere Ijeoma (South-East)

Isokpunwu Christopher Osaruwanmwen (South-South)

The President anticipates that the new Federal Permanent Secretaries will exercise absolute dedication, diligence, and fidelity to the nation in discharging their functions and ensuring optimum service delivery to the Nigerian people.

By Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido

The history of Islam – and religion in general – in post-colonial Nigeria is incomplete without a detailed analysis of the Muslim Students Society of Nigeria (MSSN). All the important Muslim figures, including politicians like Sir Ahmadu Bello Sardauna and MKO Abiola; scholars like Sheikh Mahmud Gummi, Sheikh Sherif Ibrahim Saleh and Sheikh Dr. Ahmed Lemu; intellectuals like Professor Oloyede, Dr. Usman Bugaje, Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman and Prof. Salisu Shehu; traditional leaders like Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II of Kano, Emir Maigwari of Birnin Gwari; Aree Musulmi Abdul Azeez Arisekola Alao; accomplished Muslim women like Alhaja Latifat Okunnu and Hajiya Aisha B. Lemu or distinguished business persons and technocrats; will all have a mutilated history of religious engagement if the chapter of their engagement with the MSSN is removed from their biographies.

These people (mentioned above) interacted with the MSSN as mentors, some as members, some as patrons, others as leaders, and so on. However, their relationship with the MSSN is vital because it is direct, mutually beneficial, and socio-religiously impactful. In case you did not know, the MSSN nominated Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi for the prestigious King Faisal International Award. When Hajiya Aisha Lemu came to Nigeria, she asked her husband, Sheikh Lemu, to link her up with the MSSN. And so is the story with almost every educated Muslim in Nigeria.

As an intellectual, reformist, ideological, moderate and resilient Islamic movement, the MSSN, in the last 70 years, remained the primary engineroom of Muslim intellectual development and the religious focus for Muslims. MSSN promotes the pursuit of Western-style education without compromising the Islamic faith. It encourages Muslims to learn from the West without being Westernized, to pursue “secular” education without embracing secularism, and to excel in all specializations without deviation. In MSSN, people learn how to learn, plan, earn, and live a life of faith, health, and wealth. It strikes a balance between the spiritual and the mundane, the worldly and the otherworldly. MSSN, in short, is a blessing to the Muslim Ummah and the entire Nigeria.

The primary operational arena of the MSSN has always been the academic institutions. While secondary schools are the recruitment centres of new members and the place where they are vaccinated with a sufficient dosage of spiritual, ideological and moral training, the higher institutions, particularly Universities, have remained the bastions of advancing the intellectual capacity, religious consciousness, leadership acumen and civilizational alertness of Muslim students. The Universities, in particular, have been the arenas where the philosophy of MSSN is built, its vision formulated, its projects designed, its programmes implemented, its members developed, its objectives pursued, its impact felt, and its strength consolidated. This has been the case since the 1960s when it was only about a decade old.

In this regard, three universities in particular distinguished themselves as the strongholds of the MSSN in its early history (especially from the 1970s to the 1980s): Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), University of Ibadan (UI) and Bayero University Kano (BUK). Details of how this happened are beyond this piece. But what suffices here is the fact that ABU and BUK took centre stage as the rallying point of young MSSN intellectuals, especially those who grew to be (among) the topmost Muslim intellectuals of the North, especially from the 1970s, at the peak of the booming days of communism and Marxism on Nigerian university campuses. It was then that emerging scholars like Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman, Dr Hamid Bobboyi, Prof. Auwal Yadudu, Dr Usman Bugaje, Prof. Ibrahim Naiya Sada, and a host of other MSSN leaders took the pen and the pain to counter the bane of the Ummah: they faced the challenge posed by the anti-religious radical left-wing Marxist socialist intellectuals. They wrote papers, presented lectures, engaged in debates, published magazines, made press releases and participated in on-campus and off-campus national discourses.

At the peak of the intellectual engagements of the MSSN in the late 70s came the Iranian Revolution. Since MSSN is an Islamic reformist movement, it was easy for it to join the global Muslim community in celebrating the emergence of the Iranian Revolution spearheaded by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 while the first generation of the MSSN intellectuals had graduated from the universities, even as they maintained contact with the Society’s leaders and members.

When Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, who was then the Vice President (International) of the society and among the few remaining older members on campus, represented it at an event in Iran, little did anyone know that the visit would open a new chapter not only in the MSSN movement but in the entire history of Islam in Nigeria. What did he do in Iran? How was he received? How did he receive their reception? What did he do after his return home? How, when, where did he start promoting Shiism? What was the reaction of the MSSN intellectuals? What then happened? The answers to these and many related questions are still scantly discussed, even in the highly scanty historical documentation of the MSSN itself. This is despite the importance of that discourse in the history of MSSN and Islam in Northern Nigeria.

By April 18 2024, MSSN had turned 70 years in its history. As part of the celebration of the Platinum Jubilee, a book was launched with the title MSSN @ 70: The Evolution, Success and Challenges of the “A” Zone, Northern States and the FCT. In this book, many actors like Dr. Usman Bugaje, Prof. Idris Bugaje, Barr. Muzammil Hanga, Alahaji Babagana Aji, etcetera shared illuminating perspectives about the MSSN in the 1960s, 70s and 80s. The book provides valuable insights into the events that culminated in El-Zakzaky’s embracing Shiism and his subsequent everlastingly irrevocable divorce from the MSSN. The book contains a rich rendition of events in the MSSN. Due to this, I wrote its review (on June 6 2024) on Facebook, mainly referring to El-Zakzaky’s Shi’ism-MSSN matter.

In the review, I referred to “how El-Zakzaky clandestinely planned to divert the MSSN to Shiism and how men like Dr. Bugaje and others were able to tackle him and save the Society from his sinister objectives”. But that led to a fascinating written conversation with Dr Abdulbasit Kassim; that bookworm was highly prolific and inquisitive but often interpreted by some as a “controversial” emerging Nigerian intellectual. Dr. Kassim is interested in African Islamic movements and has written extensively on important contemporary topics like Boko Haram, Salafism, Arabic manuscripts, Islamic intellectual developments in sub-Saharan Africa, and other issues. He raised questions. Our elder scholar-intellectual, Malam Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa, made clarifications. I responded. And the conversation continued. I share the interesting scholarly engagement with you here verbatim.

Dr. Abdulbasit Kassim wrote:

“Brilliant and timely! This book is an excellent sequel to Professor Siraj Abdulkarim’s “Religion and Development: The Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria and its Contribution to National Development,” published in 2014. I highly recommend that MSSN A Zone create a digital archive of all the issues of Radiance Magazine and other publications published throughout the 80s and ’90s. If digitized, this repository would be a vital primary source collection for those seeking to learn more about the evolution of the organization and the ebbs and flows of ideational shifts of its leaders. 

“While I wait to read this book, I have a brief comment about the oft-repeated attempt to single out Zakzaky for his supposed “clandestine role of smuggling Shiism into MSSN.” This framing of Zakzaky, in my opinion, is a half-truth. A close reading of all the catalogue of articles our fathers published in the 80s and 90s about the Islamic Revolution in Iran belie the narrative they sometimes portray about their ignorance of the creedal orientation of the Iranian government. 

“Zakzaky was not a lone actor in that milieu. Several leaders of the MSSN, including my honoured father, Mallam Ibraheem Suleiman, wrote articles in New Nigerian, Triumph Newspaper, and Radiance magazine that were covertly and overtly sympathetic to Shiism. On March 3 1989, Dr Aliyu Tilde wrote “On the Path,” praising Zakzaky for leading the Iranian-style Islamic revolution in Nigeria. Dr Tilde wrote this letter nine years after Zakzaky publicly espoused his Shii affiliation at the Funtua Declaration on May 5 1980. Inayat Ittihad, the spokesman of the Iranian Revolution, was a regular keynote speaker at the International Islamic Seminar on Muslim Movements organized by MSSN at BUK in the early 80s. Inayat was public about his Shii creedal orientation. He preached the “Khomeini Model” to the MSSN members. At the same time, Sayyid Sadiq Al-Mahdi advocated for the Mahdiyya model in the struggle to achieve Islamic change.

“Although most MSSN leaders have embraced new ideological currents, it is important for our fathers to be honest in acknowledging their transitional phases and the seismic shifts in their orientations rather than scapegoating Zakzaky alone. The ebb and flow of ideations was not limited to Pantami alone. The ‎التراجعات was a common feature of all the prominent Muslim figures in the 80s and 90s, including Mallam Ibrahim Ado, whose translator’s introduction of Jihad in Kano captured the prevalent thought in that milieu. Even Zakzaky has passed through different ideological phases, such as Mallam Abubakar Mujahid et al. It is important to tell the complete story and explain the nitty-gritty nuances.

“I hope this book sheds light on the relationship between MSSN and IIFSO. I am also quite curious to read what the MSSN leaders wrote about the ideological proteges of Aminu Kano and the firebrand radicals who inherited the radical struggle against the feudal rulership in northern Nigeria, the likes of Balarabe Musa, Abubakar Rimi, Gambo Sawaba, Bala Muhammad, Sule Lamido, Ayesha Imam, Bala Takaya, Shehu Umar Abdullahi, Bala Usman and Yohanna Madaki. Some of these figures were the ideological adversaries of the MSSN leaders. 

“Congratulations to you, Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward all the contributors who have documented the history of MSSN.

The following is my repose: 

Dr. Abdulbasit Kassim!  

Thank you for this intervention. As always, I like your consistency in trying to checkmate our intellectuals, especially what you see as their “methodology” of rendering historical narratives, which often presents “half-truth” and “belied” narratives. I believe your intervention is a continuation of your championing of suppressed history. Of course, just as you question these scholars and activists for always trying to give “half-truth” or one-sided aspects of history, so are others quick to read the same bias in virtually all your interventions on such matters. But that is what perspectives always mean.

You see, while I like us always to try to query narratives and ensure we get all the bits of it to have a comprehensive, nuanced reading of history, I doubt if defending the supposed “other side” at all costs will help us either. What seems clear is that you mistake being “sympathetic” to the Iranian Revolution or the “Khomeini Model” as being the same as accepting the “creedal orientation” of Iran. This, indeed, is misleading. Again, what escapes you is that Zakzaky never agreed to accept that he was Shia at that early time. He, in fact, “overtly and covertly” rejected being associated with Shi’ism. He was always quick to insist he was Sunni, Maliki. You can check that. However, even the Iranians who kept sending books to the students only sent books on Revolution, governance, justice, civilization, etc. 

By the way, I have not seen in your intervention here any substantial evidence to support your claim that “a close reading of all the catalogue of articles our farmers published in the 80s and 90s belie the narrative they sometimes portray about their ignorance of the creedal orientation of the Iranian government”. What I expected to see was where Malam Ibraheem Suleiman, Dr Tilde or any one of them declared or promoted the Shiite creed, not just showing sympathy to Iran. And I still need evidence to understand how “Zakzaky was not alone in that milieu”. Who and who were with him in promoting Shi’ism at that early stage? At least those “our fathers” have told us that not sooner than Zakzaky returned from his visit to Iran did they realize he had shifted from only romancing the Iranian Revolution to promoting strange ideologies. Immediately, people close to him started to caution the younger ones. And what I found in the narrative of Malam Baba Gana Aji in the MSSN @ 70 book is how Zakzaky got the opportunity, after most elders had left campus, to be virtually the only elder around and, therefore, take total control of contact with the younger ones.

Now, is it also part of the “belied” narratives that El-Zakzaky was alone when he started organizing what came to be known as “extension” after the Islamic Vacation Course (IVC)? Who was with him, please? Is it also “half-truth” that people like Dr Bugaje and others who later formed the Muslim Ummah were against him immediately after Zakzaky started his Shi’ism? Any evidence to the contrary? Is it also not true that people like Ustaz Abubakar Mujahid only continued to be with Zakzaky for some time because they liked the Iranian Revolution even as they disliked the Iranian Ccreed Are you saying there were no people who followed Zakzaky for some time while insisting they were Sunnis? Why were some people called yan karangiya by those in Zakzaky’s camp due to their anti-Shiism-pro-revolution posture even later? 

It is good that we study the issues and learn more about history than our assumption of reading “all the catalogue of articles” from the 80s and 90s. When we do so, perhaps we will be more educated about the matters and then see the apparent difference between sympathizing with the Iranian Revolution and embracing Shi’ism, especially at that time. 

But the fact that the MSSN was a group of people trying to bring societal change based on Islam, it should not be difficult for one to understand how easy it was for the MSSN to sympathize with whoever declared an Islamic Revolution at that time. By the way, praising and sympathizing with the Iranian Revolution was a common thing in the Muslim world, even among the global Sunni population. Even Azhar scholars could agree to work with Iran to unite Muslims and many of them after the Revolution. Scholars like Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi also joined their call for taqreeb. They only abandoned that project and often declared them hypocrites or so after discovering that they were using that to spread their Shiite creed. Could these scholars accept the “creedal orientation of the Iranian government”? 

You see, to date, some of the older MSSN people will still insist that they like the “Khomeini Model” of establishing an Islamic government, but they never like his creedal “model”. At least you have read one from one of our elders here. 

So, please, let’s expand our reading of the issues and understand them more.

Mal Ibrahim Ado Kurawa wrote:

“Professor Abdulbasit Kassim, I agree with you entirely, even though I haven’t been privileged to see the MSSN book. It is not unusual for people to follow different trajectories. I visited Iran in 1983. I didn’t like their Shiism but still respect their Muslim solidarity, so we indeed need a complete story. When the Iranians came to Nigeria, they didn’t begin by openly preaching Shiism. They even promised to translate the books of the Sokoto Jihad leaders, which they had never done then. They began propagating Shiism after Zakzaky accepted to become one. My last physical encounter with Zakzaky was in Makkah in 1984. Some of us left him to seek knowledge in Egypt and Saudi. Therefore, I cannot recall what transpired thereafter.”

After the above intervention by our elder brother, Dr. Abdulbasit Kasim wrote 

“Jazakallahu Khairan Amir Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward you for your intervention and continue to guide and direct our affairs. Amīn. There is a famous saying that فللسؤال أهمية كبرى في طلب العلم فالأسئلة مفاتيح العلم (questioning is of great importance in seeking knowledge, for questions are the keys to knowledge.). This phrase is similar to what Imam al-Bāqillānī said العلم قفل ومفتاحه المسألة (Knowledge is a lock. And its key is questioning) and the well-known saying of Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī العلم سؤال وجواب (Knowledge is question and answer). The key to knowing for a seeker of knowledge is to ask questions with بلسان سؤول وقلب عقول (the tongue of a questioner and the heart of a thinker).”

My previous submission is devoid of malicious intent (an apology for the use of the word “belie” or “half-truth”) or an attempt to validate predetermined frames and outcomes. Instead, it is solely aimed at reconciling competing and sometimes contradictory interpretations of events that took place in the past. Alhamdulillah, no figures in MSSN I described as honoured fathers have ever ascribed ulterior motives to my questions. Since 2006, they have continuously accommodated the micro-details I pick up on and the torrent of questions I submit. I am indebted to them for granting me access to their libraries, encouraging critical historical questions, and helping me and other younger folks better understand where we are coming from and how we got where we are now. May Allah reward them abundantly in this world and the hereafter. Amīn. 

”How do we know what happened in the past? This mutual exchange is aimed at reading against the grain, reading between the lines, paying attention to what is not said, and listening to silences and absences by carefully engaging in comprehensive evaluation and chronological interrogation of a portfolio of primary sources generated contemporaneously that provide evidence or first-hand testimonies about the events in the 80s and 90s. While we respect our honoured fathers for their service to Islam, we must ask questions and subject the verbal and written testimony of events they present to us to thorough scrutiny by weighing, cross-referencing, or bringing their accounts into conversation with other disparate source materials and distinct authorial perspectives. This was the intent of my submission.

”The 11th February Revolution of Khomeini had a global appeal in the Muslim world. It had the Bin-Laden effect. What started as hysteria over the successful defeat of the Western colonial powers and their Arab secular puppet (the Shah regime) later transitioned into disillusionment after the creedal orientation of Khomeini became self-evident despite his call for Islamic unity. In Nigeria, the timeline of events could be traced from January 1980, when Zakzaky visited Iran and was reported to have personally met Imam Khomeini on his sickbed, to July 10 1994, when Shaykh Abubakar Mujahid and his followers in JTI successfully broke away from Zakzaky. 

“There was clear opposition from the MSSN leaders towards Zakzaky’s attempt to spread Shiism. This position was made clear by Shaykh Abubakar Mujahid during his 1998 interview when he said:“When he (Zakzaky) started he had not got any feeling towards Shiism. But at one point, when he started collecting money from Iran, they started bringing Shiism. What we did, we said no. Their beliefs and our beliefs are not the same. We operate the Mālikī School of Thought. They operate the Jaʿfarī School of Thought, so a clash will occur. Why don’t we go on with our revolutionary zeal, which was gaining momentum at the time, rather than bring this Shia? The people at the beginning were accusing us of being Shia, which we were not. Then they understood we weren’t so they started joining, and if we turned around and became Shia, we would be deceiving them. In 1989, he came back from prison in Port Harcourt. When we saw these moves in Shiism, we started to preach against them. That is, the members of the group who were entering Shiism, we preached against them, saying we are not Shia. We will not do Shiism, we will do the Maliki School of Thought.” [End of Quote]

“Before gaining further clarity from you, Amir, and our honored father, Mallam Ibrahim Ado, I struggled to reconcile the clear oppositional stance of the MSSN leaders towards Zakzaky’s Shiism with their admiration and reproduction of articles on the central tenet of the “Khomeini Model of Islamic Governance,” which revolved around the concept of “Wilāyat al-Faqīh.” My brain could not process why MSSN leaders would preach against Shiism yet write editorials and articles on Wilāyat al-Faqīh – a political theology Khomeini popularized in Iran with copious citations from the works of Shi’i theologians, including Mullah Ahmad Naraqi, Muhammad Hussain Naini, and Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. If I could recall accurately, Mallam Ibraheem A. Waziri and Dr. Muhammad S Balogun once had an exchange about this subject in the past. 

“No doubt, our honored fathers yearned for Islamic models for societal change. They read and learned about Muslim movements across different historical periods, seeking a common method of formation, mobilization, and strategy that Muslims could utilize in the struggle to achieve Islamic change. The Khomeini, Fodiawa, and Mahdiyya models were some of the models they wrote about in the 1980s and 90s in their attempt to awaken the Muslim population to Islamic societal change. 

“What I learned from this exchange is that even when the MSSN leaders wrote about the “Khomeini Model of Islamic Governance” and the concept of “Wilāyat al-Faqīh,” they approached the idea as a political model without embracing the Shi’i creedal component Khomeini deployed to legitimize the concept as a political theology. 

“Let me conclude by saying once again Jazakallahu Khairan for providing safe spaces of dialogue and intellectual engagement where curious seekers of knowledge can ask the who, what, where, when, why, and how historical questions without invoking the binary of he belongs to “our side vs. their side” or “us vs. them” dichotomies. As Ibn Hazm said صفة سؤال المُتعلِّم هو أن تسأل عمَّا لا تدري لا عمَّا تدري (The characteristic of a learner’s question is to ask about what they do not know, not about what they do know.) The more we ask questions and try to reconcile competing ideas and narratives, the more we gain a comprehensive picture of the past.

Abdullahi Lamido responded 

Abdulbasit Kassim Masha Allah Prof. May Allah reward us all and bless our little efforts. You know, we are all passengers in the train of never-ending learning or what is called life-long learning. Interestingly, that is the first thing we learnt from the MSSN; that learning begins from the cradle and only ends in the grave. So, we always pray to Allah for more knowledge using the “And say O Lord increase me in knowledge” formula. We “ask those who know” so as to unlearn, learn and relearn.  

Through our usual lengthy, fruitful phone engagements with you (which often take us between two and four hours), I know that you are not only a scholar but one who is serious about learning. I have also understood that your questions are born out of an insatiable curiosity, a burning desire to know more and more and more. And I understand this further through your acceptance of every single issue where stronger evidence becomes clear to you. Unfortunately, not every social media friend of yours has the opportunity to have such heart-to-heart, deep, mutual scholarly engagements with you. 

However, the more interesting thing to me is the quantum of knowledge I gain from you via such amicable, mutual exchanges. I often deliberately bombard you with questions to trigger powerful, fact-supported responses that are usually backed by numerous references from books I have never read. I do not even have the time and energy to read them. You read too much!

Back to the “Khomeini Model” and the “Wilayat al-Faqih” question. As you rightly said, Wilayat al-Faqih is essentially a political concept and a convenient political instrument Khomeini used to establish the legitimacy of his Revolution and government. It is not fundamentally a theological concept. That is why he was comfortable spreading it even before starting to export his Shiite creed. And by the way he needed it at that time… 

Secondly, you seem to think that our fathers who were in the MSSN at that time had a prior sufficient knowledge of what Shi’ism entailed. No. Shi’ism had never been present in our community. So, nobody knew it. After all, those our fathers were not even necessarily deep in the knowledge of Sunnah and even the dominant Maliki jurisprudence back then. Their main sources of Islamic knowledge were the English translations of ikhwan books coming from Egypt and those coming from Pakistan. You should not expect them to just easily detect the traces of Shi’ism by mere reading a seemingly innocent political concept even when it was supported by Shiite authorities who, by the way, were not known here. 

I thank you very much and pray that this useful intellectual discussion will continue. And I look forward to reading your review of the MSSN @70 Book Insha Allah. 

Greetings to the family. 

Wasallam 

Finally, Dr. Abdulbasit Wrote

“Jazakallahu Khairan Amir Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward you for helping me and other young folks to better understand the complexities of the history of Islamic thought. 

“Thank you for being generous with your time. I appreciate your patience and willingness to clarify all the torrent of questions on Wilāyat al-Faqīh that came up during our lengthy phone conversation. 

“May Allah reward you and all our fathers at MSSN who served the organization with the sole aim of uplifting the Dīn. May Allah bless the publisher, editors and contributors who worked on the book project. In sha Allah, I look forward to learning more from you and all our honoured fathers. 

“As promised, In sha Allah, once I receive the copies of the MSSN @70, I will distribute the book to different libraries where more people can access, read, and cite it in their research and writing. 

“Extend my Salam to the family. 

Wa Alaykum Salam.”

Conclusion

I have learned from the above engagement that there is a need to write more about the MSSN and its evolution and contributions to national development. A lot is missing and in need regarding the written history of MSSN and other Islamic organizations in Nigeria. May Allah bless our little efforts and grant us enormous rewards for them.

 Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido can be contacted via lamidomabudi@gmail.com.

By Jamilu M. Magaji

In the weaving of life, exceptional individuals leave a lasting impression on the hearts and minds of those they meet. Today, I grieve the loss of a truly extraordinary person who exemplified greatness through his steadfast dedication to his beliefs, compassion for humanity, and inspiring leadership that influenced many lives.

I was tidying up titbits for the June issue of FUBK Chronicle Magazine when I received a call from my former senior colleague, Mal. Abubakar Adamu recently retired from Federal University Birnin Kebbi (FUBK). He delivered the shocking news that prevented me from continuing my work until the following day. Social media was flooded with continuous updates on the tragic event. I hurried to pick up my children from school and return home, filled with sorrow and dismay.

When I joined the services of FUBK in 2014, I questioned the future of my career progression in the newly established institution. I pondered the obstacles of starting a new department, particularly as a founding staff member. My encounter with Prof. Yusuf Saidu proved to be fruitful. I worked closely with him for nearly seven years, serving as Chairman and Secretary of various committees. He was crucial in establishing the Federal University Birnin Kebbi Seminar Series as the founding Chairman in 2015.

Prof. Yusuf Saidu exemplified integrity and exceptional qualities. His extensive administrative and professional expertise positively influenced my professional development and the institution we both served. I believed he was destined for greater achievements. His diligent work ethic and inspiring nature served as a beacon of motivation for many. His leadership approach was exceptional, earning trust in carrying out demanding tasks assigned to him.

Yusuf Saidu is a Professor of Nutritional Biochemistry at the Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto (UDUS), Nigeria. He graduated in 1990 with a B.Sc. degree in Biochemistry from UDUS, winning the Northco Holdings prize for the best-graduating student in Biochemistry. He obtained an M.Sc. in Biochemistry from the University of Jos in 1994 with distinction and had his PhD in Biochemistry from the UDUS in 2005. 

Bandits killed Prof. Yusuf Saidu on June 24, 2024, en route to Kaduna for an official engagement. Until his sudden death, Prof. Saidu was the Deputy Vice-Chancellor, Research, Innovation and Development of UDUS. He was the Director Research, Innovation and Development, UDUS and the University Governing Council member representing Convocation. He served as a member of the TETFUND Standing Committee on Research and Development and a member of the National Research Fund Screening and Monitoring Committee. He was equally a member of the Education and Training Committee of the International Union of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology. Prof. Saidu was the Head, Department of Biochemistry, UDUS (2018-2020) and the pioneer Head of the Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Federal University Birnin Kebbi. He also led many other ad-hoc and standing committees at UDUS and FUBK.

Prof. Saidu, a Fellow of the Nigerian Society of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology (FNSBMB), was widely published with over 100 papers and three (3) patents to his credit. He attracted research grants from the Education Trust Fund (now Tertiary Education Trust Fund), Abuja, Nigeria; the International Foundation for Science (IFS), Sweden; Raw Materials Research and Development Council (RMRDC) and Science and Technology Education Post Basic (STEP-B). His research interests are in oxidative stress and pathogenesis of diabetes mellitus/hypertension, as well as the elucidation of the mechanism of action of medicinal plants used to manage diabetes mellitus and infant and preschool children.

As a visionary leader, Prof. Yusuf Saidu motivated others to achieve their full potential and strive for excellence in all their endeavours. He set a remarkable example, guiding them with wisdom, patience, and unwavering support. His ability to lead with integrity and humility earned him the respect and admiration of all his colleagues, leaving behind a legacy of empowerment and growth that continues to influence those he mentored.

In 2021, I paid tribute to his appointment as the pioneer Deputy Vice Chancellor of Research, Innovation, and Development at UDUS. I recalled a citation from Prof. Sahabi Danladi Mahuta during Prof. Yusuf Saidu’s inaugural lecture in 2017, where he boasted of having a great friend in Prof. Saidu. I, too, celebrated and acknowledged him as a remarkable mentor. Today, with a sense of longing, I mourn the loss of my esteemed mentor.

Prof. Saidu was a leader, mentor and guiding light in a world often clouded by darkness. His remarkable attributes, profound religious dedication, compassionate qualities, and forward-thinking leadership have had a lasting impact on all who know him. As we say goodbye to a cherished mentor and father, let us carry on his legacy of love, empathy, and leadership, ensuring that his memory remains alive in those he influenced and guided.

I express my sincere condolences to the immediate family of the deceased. I also sympathise with all his extended family members in the academic community at UDUS, UNIJOS, FUBK and the entire country.

May his spirit continue to inspire us, his light keep shining brightly, and his legacy of exceptionalism always be cherished in our hearts. May Allah (SWT) grant him eternal bliss in Aljannah. Ameen

Malam Jamilu Magaji, Head of Information and Public Relations at Federal University Birnin Kebbi, wrote via mjmagaji@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini 

The military high command has established new commands in Kaduna State to address insecurity. 

The three new commands are located in Samaru Zango-Kataf, Giwa, and Birnin-Gwari. Additionally, the Air Force will establish a base in Millennium City, in Chikun local government area. 

The Southern Kaduna Journalists’ Forum (SKJF) has praised the collaboration between the State governor, Uba Sani and the Chief of Defense Staff, General Christopher Musa, for their efforts in addressing insecurity in the State. 

In a statement issued by SKJF chairman, Ango Bally and Secretary, Lilian Silas, the forum expressed joy over the establishment of the military bases. 

The statement read in part: “These strategic moves will significantly help in addressing the protracted banditry, kidnapping and other security threats in the region and enhance agricultural activities in the State”. 

The Forum expressed optimism that the deployment of additional military personnel will significantly improve security and enable farmers to access their lands without fear, especially in communities like Maro-Kajuru, Kauru, Sanga, Giwa and Birnin-Gwari, which have been witnessing persistent banditry attacks.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Nigeria Customs Service’s special team, Operation Whirlwind, has intercepted 21,810 liters of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) along the Seme-Badagry road in Zone ‘A’.

The National Coordinator, Comptroller Hussein Ejibunu, announced this during a press briefing at the Seme Area Command on Monday. 

“The operation Whirlwind Teams’ effort geared towards curtailing the menace of illegal smuggling of PMS product in Zone ‘A’ axis resulted in the interception of 21,810 Litres of PMS product,” Ejibunu said. 

The seized items include 43 kegs of PMS, a tanker with 15,200 liters of PMS, and several vehicles with specially built bunkers loaded with PMS.

The total value of the seized items is equivalent to 21,810 liters of PMS. Ejibunu stated the devastating effects of smuggling, including distortion in the supply chain and contribution to insecurity.

“The smuggling of PMS has two dangerous effects: economic and security.

So, we want to cut the supply chain by all means possible,” he said. 

He urged Nigerians to provide timely information to support the battle against petrol smuggling, which requires a concerted effort from all.

By Haroon Aremu

On a peaceful Sunday afternoon, I found myself immersed in the music of Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a pioneer Fuji maestro known for his deep and meaningful lyrics that reflect Nigeria’s socio-political landscape. As I listened to a track titled “Adieu MKO,” which began with Nigeria’s newly adopted anthem, I was inspired to delve deeper into MKO Abiola’s legacy in relation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presidential journey and the adoption of the new anthem, as I began to wonder if all this could be a strategic message to Nigerians.

Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a renowned Fuji musician, frequently added societal issues into his music, notably addressing the life and contributions of MKO Abiola. Barrister’s songs portrayed Abiola with admiration, acknowledging his philanthropy, political influence, and commitment to democracy. Barrister shared personal anecdotes, portraying Abiola as a humble figure despite his wealth and influence, creating a multifaceted portrayal of the Nigerian icon.

According to Historical research, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola began his journey from humble beginnings. Born into a low-income family in Abeokuta, Ogun State, he started earning money at a young age by performing odd jobs, including singing and drumming at events. His exceptional intelligence earned him a scholarship to attend the prestigious Baptist Boys’ High School in Abeokuta. Later, he received a government scholarship to study at the University of Glasgow in Scotland, where he earned a degree in accountancy.

Beyond his political aspirations, Abiola was a successful businessman who built a vast business empire with interests in telecommunications, oil, and banking. He founded the telecommunications giant ITT Nigeria and was also involved in the publishing industry, owning newspapers like Concord Press. His philanthropy earned him the title of “Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland,” a highly esteemed traditional title.

Abiola is most famous for his presidential bid 1993, which is widely believed to have been the most free and fair election in Nigeria’s history. Despite winning, the election results were annulled by the then-military government led by General Ibrahim Babangida, leading to a significant political crisis. After declaring himself the rightful president of Nigeria, Abiola was arrested in 1994 by the military regime of General Sani Abacha. He remained in detention for four years and died under suspicious circumstances on July 7, 1998, the day he was due to be released.

Despite the controversies surrounding his death, Abiola’s legacy as a champion of democracy in Nigeria is honoured. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari posthumously awarded him Nigeria’s highest honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), and declared June 12 as Democracy Day in recognition of his contribution to Nigeria’s democratic struggle.

Abiola was also a cultural figure with deep connections to the Yoruba cultural renaissance and promoted Nigerian culture globally. His influence extended beyond politics and business, impacting social and cultural spheres in Nigeria. He maintained extensive international connections in business and politics, improving Nigeria’s relations with other countries.

MKO Abiola embodied the patriotic spirit that “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” represented. As a businessman, philanthropist, and political leader, Abiola’s efforts were always aimed at uplifting Nigeria and contributing to its progress and unity.

The newly adopted anthem’s lyrics, emphasising unity and patriotism, reflect Abiola’s vision for Nigeria. He consistently advocated for a united Nigeria, free from the divisions that plagued the country. His presidential campaign in 1993 was a significant demonstration of his commitment to national unity and democracy.

Abiola’s contributions to Nigerian culture and his promotion of the Yoruba cultural renaissance align with the pride and national identity celebrated in “Nigeria, We Hail Thee.” He supported cultural initiatives to foster a sense of pride and belonging among Nigerians.

The anthem’s call to serve the nation resonates with Abiola’s extensive philanthropic activities. He invested in education, healthcare, and community development, reflecting the anthem’s spirit of dedication to the well-being of Nigeria and its people.

The period during which “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” was the national anthem corresponds with a formative time in Nigeria’s political history, including the early years of independence. Abiola’s political career, especially his role in the 1993 presidential election, continues the struggles and aspirations encapsulated in the anthem.

With some sense of factual comparison, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s relationship with MKO Abiola reflects a shared commitment to democracy, justice, and the advancement of Nigeria. Both leaders believed in the country’s potential and actively worked towards its progress. Tinubu and Abiola were influential figures in Nigeria’s political landscape, with Abiola’s 1993 presidential bid resonating with Tinubu’s political aspirations and being associated with the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Abiola’s leadership qualities, philanthropy, and vision for Nigeria deeply inspired Tinubu, who likely admired Abiola’s ability to connect with the masses and his unwavering dedication to democratic ideals. 

Like many other pro-democracy activists, Tinubu supported Abiola’s mandate and condemned the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, forging a bond rooted in shared democratic principles. Tinubu continued to champion democratic values, electoral reform, good governance, and the rule of law, echoing Abiola’s vision for a democratic Nigeria. 

Furthermore, both leaders have been actively involved in philanthropic activities and community development initiatives, aligning with Abiola’s legacy of social responsibility. The Fuji icon King Wasiu Ayinde Marshal has sung about Tinubu following Abiola’s legacy, highlighting their enduring connection and further reinforcing the significance of Abiola’s impact on Nigeria’s political landscape. 

Considering the recent anthem change by the president, one could perceive it as a message of togetherness and an assurance of following Abiola’s legacy, given the similarities between Abiola and Tinubu, including their association with Muslim-Muslim tickets and other shared values.

To President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I implore all citizens to wish and pray to God to grant him insight and foresight. Imight (strength) need to realise the democratic journey that Abiola envisioned.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a youth Corp Member with PRNigeria centre, Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

 By Sabiu Abdullahi

A recent report by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has revealed that Nigerians are increasingly relying on loans to survive the harsh economic conditions, with consumer credit jumping by 12% to approximately ₦3.9 billion in January 2024. 

According to the CBN’s monthly economic report, the total consumer credit outstanding increased to ₦3,823 billion in January 2024, with personal loans accounting for 79% of consumer credit and retail loans accounting for 21%. 

The report noted that personal loans increased by 14.3% to ₦3,028 billion, while retail loans rose by 4% to ₦795 billion. However, consumer credit as a share of total credit from Online Data Capture Systems (ODCs) declined to 7% from 8% in the preceding month. 

The surge in demand for loans comes as the headline inflation rate hit 33.95% in May, forcing the CBN to hike the interest rate consecutively to 26.25%. 

A study by SBM Intelligence found that 27% of Nigerians across different income categories now resort to loan apps to keep up with their living expenses in the wake of record inflation. 

“The severe impact of the unyielding inflationary pressures on the daily lives of Nigerians, especially those already grappling with limited financial resources, is evident in the surge in demand for loan apps,” the report noted. 

As the cost of living continues to escalate, Nigerians are finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet, with many resorting to loans as a survival strategy.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

A couple of days ago, the Lagos State government officially entered into an agreement with the Netherlands government to establish a waste-to-energy firm. 

The initiative was said to get rid of heaps of waste across the Lagos metropolitan area (about 2250 tons daily) and generate between 60 and 75 megawatts of electricity annually, providing some 40,000 homes. 

In addition, the Lagos State Governor Sanwo-Olu said the project will help cut down the country’s carbon footprint, as about 550,000 metric tons of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gasses emitted daily from the dumpsite will be addressed. 

Singapore is one of the countries that is an embodiment of waste to energy. Singapore is said to have zero waste, thanks to its waste-to-wealth program. They completely convert their waste, partly into energy and other parts into recycling.  

Trust developed nations; they always think ahead. In Denmark, an innovative twist was added to this technology. Due to the extensive space occupied by the conversion centre, the top area of this facility would be transformed into a game reserve and tourist attraction. Who said you can’t kill two birds with one stone?

As Sanwo-Olu highlighted, the world is currently grappling with climate change, so several countries have been resorting to generating energy from biomass. This includes food crops (maize, sugarcane, cassava, etc.), lignocellulosic materials (e.g., woods), and waste (a mixture of biomass, petroleum products, and metals), the latest being the most expensive for conversion. By using waste to generate energy, countries would not only clean the environment but also cut down their carbon budget, hence mitigating the effect of the looming climate change. 

The most widely used technology for waste-to-electricity conversion is the combustion integration into steam turbines. In this process, the waste is burned in the boiler unit to generate steam, which generates steam channels to power the turbine and the movement of turbine generic electricity. But that is not all; the exhaust steam is channelled into a condenser unit, where the steam is converted back to the water, then finally the water is pumped to the boiler to complete the cycle.  

Applications of the laws of thermodynamics in each unit allow the energy usage analyses to make each step more efficient, that is, reduce energy waste in each section (boiler, turbine condenser, and pump). This technology is known as a steam turbine, one of the heat engines based on the principle of the Rankine cycle. A closely related heat engine is a locomotive rail or refrigeration and Air conditioning system based on Rankine cycles. 

 The second way to convert waste to energy is pyrolysis. In pyrolysis, waste is converted to oil instead of directly burning them. As mentioned above, these oils can then be burned in a boiler to generate steam and the cycle proceeds. Catalysts like zeolite can be used to upgrade the oil for use, such as petroleum.  The difference between pyrolysis and combustion is that in the former, oxygen is not allowed; in fact, pyrolysis means a lack of oxygen. In the former, oxygen is necessary; without oxygen, combustion will not occur, or there will be incomplete combustion if it is inadequate. 

The last category of technology for waste conversion is gasification; in this process, waste is converted to carbon monoxide and hydrogen (syngas); these gasses can be burned in a boiler to generate steam, and the process proceeds just as mentioned. Similarly, the syngas can be upgraded to synthetic fuels using metal catalysts like iron through popular technology known as Fischer-Tropsch. Depending on the quality, synthetic fuels produced may be used as petroleum, too. Gasification differs in combustion in the oxygen usage; in the former, oxygen is meticulously controlled.

Wise students will check out abundant videos on YouTube demonstrating these three categories of biomass conversion: combustion, pyrolysis, and gasification, the principles of Steam Turbines, Heat Engines, the Rankine cycle, and the Carnot Cycle, the applications of the laws of thermodynamics, and the catalysis involved in the bio-oil upgrade and the Fischer-Tropsch process.

If you are in the secondary or early years of a degree program and already aware of this information, then you are a step ahead, and you are not only fortunate than your peers but most of us at your level.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Kano State Police Commissioner, AIG Usaini Gumel, has refused to enforce Governor Abba Yusuf’s directive to evict the deposed Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, from the Nasarawa mini palace.

Gumel cited a pending court case filed by the state government, scheduled for June 24, 2024, as the reason for not complying with the governor’s order. 

“The police will not evict the deposed Emir because the same government has filed a case at the State High Court on the eviction order, which would come up on Monday, 24th June 2024,” Gumel explained in a telephone interview with newsmen.

“The government is jumping the gun because the same government has filed a case on the eviction order, which is coming up on the 24th of June, 2024. So, if we carry out the order, it is like we are pre-empting the court because we don’t know what will happen at the court.” 

Despite the police commissioner’s stance, security has been beefed up around the Nasarawa mini palace, with additional personnel deployed to the area.

The deposed Emir remains in the palace, receiving traditional greetings from loyal supporters.

A source close to Bayero debunked rumors of a bulldozer being stationed at the palace for demolition, calling it “social media propaganda.” 

The standoff continues, with the police refusing to act until the court has ruled on the eviction order.

The situation remains tense, with supporters of the deposed Emir and the state government awaiting the outcome of the legal battle.

Company: Jammaje Productions

Director: Ali Nuhu

Producer: Abubakar Bashir Maishadda

Language: English

Cast: Nancy Isime, Sani Muazu, Sola Sabowale, Ali Nuhu, Enyinna Nwigwe, Rabi’u Rikadawa, Segun Arinze, Abba el-Mustapha, Asabe Madaki, Abba Zaki, etc.

Release date (Nigeria): 16-6-2024

After successful screenings in Turkey and the United States, the reportedly most expensive Kannywood movie, Nanjala, has finally hit our domestic screens. The movie is a groundbreaking attempt to bridge the gap between Northern Nigeria’s Kannywood and “mainstream” Nollywood by bringing actors from both industries together in a neutral setting and on an equal footing.

The film narrates the story of Nanjala (Nancy Isime), whose father, Captain Sembene (Sani Muazu), harbors a deep-seated disdain for female children. He, therefore, neglects his three daughters, focusing his care only on his son, Dititi (Abba Zaki). Nanjala has been a voracious reader with dreams of becoming a journalist since her childhood. However, her father’s constant discouragement makes his friend, Captain Jammoh Jummoh (Rabi’u Rikadawa), adopt her to help her realize her dreams.

Years later, Captain Sembene’s family falls apart. His favorite son, Dititi, becomes a drug addict, and his daughter, Jarry, leaves home, fed up with his mistreatment. Meanwhile, Nanjala achieves her dream of becoming a journalist but encounters problems with people in authority who want her to stop exposing their corrupt government.

How does the story unfold from there? Find out for yourself at Platinum Cinema.

The film addresses themes of women’s empowerment, the endurance of the human spirit, corruption, and moral decadence. It debunks the chauvinistic belief that female children are mere burdens to their parents and incapable of achieving greatness. We see how Nanjala suffers, initially at the hands of her chauvinistic father and later as a journalist hunted by a corrupt government. Despite these challenges, she overcomes her fears and insecurities to eventually emerge triumphant.

Nanjala is indeed a compelling film that has enough to hold viewers’ attention throughout its runtime. However, while it may lack attention-grabbing twists and turns, the wonderfully constructed screenplay and perfect use of flashbacks make it an enjoyable experience that you wish would never end. The cinematography is also spectacular, fully doing justice to the film’s scale. I haven’t enjoyed any Kannywood movie as much as this one recently. One must applaud the makers for their courage and financial strength in bringing such a big project to life.

The eponymous character seems to be inspired by Kenyan political analyst and activist Nanjala Nyabola. She also shares similarities with a character played by actress Miriam Osimbo in the Kenyan comedy series Hullaballoo Estate. Therefore, the film is likely to resonate with a broad African audience for that reason, and for its setting (a fictitious East African country), casting, character names, and universally relevant thematic preoccupations.

The film also deserves distinction marks for its English dialogue. The diction and flow of words are exceptional. What is even more interesting is how the Kannywood actors deliver their lines as flawlessly as their Nollywood counterparts in the cast. Thanks to Mallam Kabiru Musa Jammaje, the executive producer who pioneered the trend of “Kannywood films in English.”

In terms of performances, Nancy Isime fully immerses herself in the character of Nanjala and plays it exceptionally well. Sani Mu’azu is excellent as her chauvinistic father, delivering his dialogue with expressions that prove his acting skills. Rabi’u Rikadawa will win your heart as Nanjala’s foster father, who stands by her through thick and thin.

Asabe Madaki (Majuma), the character of Jarry, and Abba Zaki (Dititi) are first-rate as Nanjala’s siblings, but their mother, played by Sola Sobowale, does not live up to expectations. However, Enyinna Nwigwe is admirable as an accomplished author who later becomes Nanjala’s love interest. Segun Arinze, Ali Nuhu, and Abba el-Mustapha all shine in their brief roles. But it’s Hajara Haidar (Falmata) who will impress you with her adorable looks and fluent English, giving her small role a huge impact.

In conclusion, Nanjala has opened a new page in Nigerian cinema. It is a “Pan-Nigerian” film that will resonate across the country and beyond. I strongly recommend this insightful and inspiring film to every parent, young ladies, and, of course, anyone who enjoys seeing Africans speaking English on screen.

Habibu Maaruf

Kano, Nigeria abduhabibumaaruf11@gmail.com.