Nigeria

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

Moses E. Ochonu, Boko Haram: The Past of the Present Upheaval, University of California Press, Oakland, 2026.

There are books that inform, books that provoke, and, rarer still, books that compel you to interrogate not merely their subject but the assumptions through which it has long been misread. Moses E. Ochonu’s Boko Haram: The Past of the Present Upheaval belongs, in large measure, to this last category. It is a serious, learned, and often illuminating work. It is also, at a foundational level, a work that mistakes genealogy for inheritance. In a region where the stakes of historical narrative are measured in mass graves rather than academic citations, that error deserves honest reckoning.

Let me be clear from the outset: Ochonu is no lightweight, and no serious reviewer should pretend otherwise. His central argument, that Boko Haram did not emerge in a historical vacuum but must be situated within a long tradition of Islamic reform, dissidence, and theological contestation in Northern Nigeria, is not only defensible but necessary. His four-phase map of postcolonial Muslim dissidence, from Sheikh Abubakar Gumi’s pragmatic shiga a gyara (enter to reform) politics, through the revolutionary “Islam Only” radicalism of the 1980s, to the Salafi fence-sitting of the 1990s, to the full-blown jihadism of Muhammad Yusuf, is genuinely useful. His insistence that Boko Haram be studied as a rational, calculating actor rather than dismissed as inexplicable barbarism reflects an intellectual courage sorely needed in the debate. All of this deserves acknowledgement. 

But respect for a scholar’s craft does not require silence about where it occasionally leads him astray. After sustained engagement with this book, I find that Ochonu’s historical genealogy – meticulous and intellectually compelling as it is – ultimately commits the cardinal error of confusing proximity with equivalence. That the Fodiawa jihad and Boko Haram invoke similar texts, deploy similar vocabulary, and emerge from overlapping cultural landscapes does not make them participants in the same civilisational project. Resemblance is not identity. And a genealogy is emphatically not a pedigree.

The fact that Boko Haram claims Dan Fodio does not mean Dan Fodio claims Boko Haram. Throughout history, movements of radically different character have invoked the same ancestors. Revolutionary France invoked Rome. Such invocation tells us about the claimant; it tells us nothing reliable about the legacy claimed.

The Missing Dimension: What the Genealogy Leaves Out

Ochonu’s framework operates almost entirely along the axis of theological and political dissidence, the reformist impulse, the grievance against corrupt rulers, and the appeal to textual authority. What it leaves almost entirely out of view is the civilisational dimension of Northern Nigerian history: the long, patient, and extraordinarily durable process by which the Hausa-speaking world built not only political orders but also moral architectures, shared systems of meaning, obligation, hierarchy, and dignity that survived dynasties, empires, conquest, and colonial transformation alike.

That moral architecture did not originate with Dan Fodio. It was already ancient when the Fodiawa arrived. The old Hausa city-states and the Kanem-Bornu, which Ochonu himself acknowledges as a sophisticated Islamic civilisation predating Sokoto by centuries, had already created the conditions for a complex society organised around recognisable concepts of hierarchy, obligation, and social responsibility. The Fodiawa did not create this order. They found it, deepened it, gave it sharper Islamic articulation, and codified it in law and administrative structures. This is the real achievement of the nineteenth-century jihad, not that it overthrew the existing order, but that it built upon and consolidated what was already there. The Caliphate succeeded because it was, in the deepest sense, continuous with the civilisation it reformed.

At the centre of that civilisation lies a concept absent from every reformist movement Ochonu analyses, whether in the Fodiawa corpus, the MSSN anthems, or a single Boko Haram sermon. It is the concept that the late Anthony H. M. Kirk-Greene famously described in his landmark essay, “Mutumin Kirki: The Concept of Good Person in Hausa.” Mutumin Kirki, The Good Person, is the civilisational ideal at the heart of Hausa moral order.

The Mutumin Kirki ideal captures something no purely theological analysis can adequately convey: that social legitimacy in Hausa society derives not from ideological purity or reformist credentials, but from kirki, the cluster of virtues encompassing mutunci (dignity), kunya (shame as a moral conscience), responsibility, restraint, and recognition of one’s obligations within the social order. The framework placed duties on Sarakuna and Malamai alike, gave meaning to the roles of Attajirai and ordinary farmers, and even extended its logic to those society defined as marginal. Everyone knew where they stood. Everyone knew what was expected. Dignity required discipline. Power required restraint. And knowledge without wisdom was understood to be incomplete, even dangerous.

Colonialism, for all its violence and extractive logic, largely preserved the structure within which this framework operated. Indirect rule in Northern Nigeria worked precisely because the existing institutions already possessed legitimacy. The Emirates, the Alkali courts, and the hierarchies of office were incorporated into, and in some respects reinforced within, the colonial administrative framework. The resulting order was imperfect, as every historical product is. But it remained broadly legible to the moral universe the Kirki framework had constructed over centuries. In this sense, each successive political order, from Kanem-Bornu to the Sokoto Caliphate to colonial administration, can be understood as a successive tenant of the same civilisational operating system, adapting it, straining it, but ultimately operating within its logic.

The Verdict: Why Boko Haram Is Different, Categorically

Against this backdrop, the comparison between Boko Haram and the Dan Fodio jihad does not merely strain; it collapses. The Fodiawa jihad, whatever its human costs, was oriented towards institution-building. It produced a legal system, an administrative hierarchy, an educational network, a scholarly tradition, a literary culture, and a deepened moral framework that placed obligations on rulers and ruled alike. It expanded the universe of the Mutumin Kirki ideal; it did not attack it.

Boko Haram has done the exact opposite, systematically. It has attacked schools, murdered scholars, destroyed markets, abducted children, and reduced entire communities to rubble. It has not built a single institution that a future generation will inherit with gratitude. It has not produced a single scholar whose work will outlast the insurgency. It has not deepened the social hierarchies in which dignity and obligation are mutually reinforcing; it has weaponised those on the margins of society and enslaved those it was supposed to protect. Whatever else this represents, it is a direct assault on the civilisational operating system that both Kanem-Bornu and the Sokoto Caliphate spent centuries constructing.

Ochonu acknowledges this divergence; he explicitly notes that Boko Haram’s positions “directly contradict major aspects of the Fodiawa reformist creed and statecraft.” Yet within his framework, these divergences occupy a subordinate position. Structurally and rhetorically, the main assertion is the connection. And it is that connection, Boko Haram as participant in Northern Nigeria’s reformist DNA, that lingers in the mind and provides precisely the legitimacy Boko Haram’s ideologues have always craved. This is not a small risk. It is the central vulnerability of an otherwise admirable intellectual project.

Those of us who have observed Northern Nigerian politics, society, and intellectual life across decades, including pundits and commentators who know this civilisation not only from the archive but from the inside, find this framing, however sophisticated its execution, essentially uninitiated. It reads like the work of someone who has mastered the grammar of Northern Nigerian Islamic history with enormous care but has not quite absorbed its spirit: the civilisational confidence, the deep institutional memory, and the quiet but unmistakable recognition shared by virtually every segment of Northern Nigerian society not affiliated with Boko Haram that this movement does not belong to the tradition it claims. It is not reform. It is rupture, a specifically anti-civilisational rupture that the region’s history has not witnessed in any comparable form.

A movement may quote the same texts as its predecessors and still negate them. The Dan Fodio movement built what endured. Boko Haram destroys what was built. That distinction is not a footnote to the history of Northern Nigeria. It is the history of Northern Nigeria.

Final Reckoning: The Question History Is Actually Asking

Ochonu’s book asks: Where did Boko Haram come from? It is a vital question, and the book answers it with real skill. But the deeper question, the one the civilisational history of this region most insistently raises, is: What does Boko Haram’s existence reveal about the resilience of the moral architecture it attacks?

The long view of Northern Nigerian history suggests this: the Kirki operating system has survived before. It survived the disorder preceding the Fodiawa jihad. It survived the internal rebellions of the post-jihadi Caliphate period. It survived British conquest and the dismantling of the Sokoto political order. It survived the postcolonial state’s repeated failures to honour the obligations the Caliphate tradition placed on rulers. It did so because it is not merely a political arrangement or a theological position. It is a civilisational inheritance, embedded in culture, language, social practice, and moral imagination, that no single insurgency, however violent, has yet to erase.

Moses Ochonu has given us an important, serious, and deeply researched book. He has expanded our understanding of the landscape in which Boko Haram emerged, and he has done so with intellectual integrity. But genealogy, to repeat, is not pedigree. The real story of Northern Nigeria is not the story of rebellion. It is the story of civilisation, the long, patient construction of a moral society anchored in dignity, responsibility, learning, and character. Measured against that standard, Boko Haram appears not as the culmination of Northern Nigerian history but as its most violent recent attempt at self-erasure.

And on that measure, the verdict of civilisation itself remains, as it has always been, clear: this is not our inheritance. This is our wound.

By Abdurrazak Mukhtar

The late John Okafor, popularly known as Mr Ibu, spent decades making Nigeria laugh. He gave his best years to Nollywood, entertaining millions across Africa with his unique comic genius and irreplaceable screen presence. He was more than an actor. He was a cultural institution. Yet today, the story surrounding his estate and his family’s welfare is anything but funny. It is a tragedy of greed, betrayal, and inexcusable injustice.

Mr Ibu rose from humble beginnings to become one of the most recognisable faces in Nigerian cinema. His comedy was not merely entertainment. It was a mirror held up to society, reflecting the struggles and absurdities of everyday Nigerian life with warmth and wit. When he fell ill, Nigerians did not hesitate. From all walks of life, fans, colleagues, and well-wishers contributed generously to his medical bills, demonstrating the depth of love this nation had for him. That outpouring of support was a testament to the kind of man he was and the joy he had brought to so many homes.

Reports indicate that Mr Ibu left behind significant assets, including properties in Lagos, Enugu, and Asaba, several cars, and substantial funds. Beyond his personal estate, generous Nigerians donated large sums during his illness to cover his medical treatment. Additional funds were raised at the time of his burial. By all reasonable accounts, there was more than enough to ensure that his widow and young children would be protected and provided for in the years ahead. But that is not what happened.

His son, Somotochukwu, came forward with a deeply troubling allegation. He claimed that his stepmother, Stella, sold a Lagos property for ₦60 million, an Enugu property for approximately ₦17 million, and another in Asaba for ₦11 million, yet he received only ₦40,000, presented not as his rightful share of his father’s estate, but as a personal gift. Furthermore, family members accused one another of embezzling the very donations that kind-hearted Nigerians had sacrificed to give during Mr Ibu’s illness.

The consequences of this alleged mismanagement are not abstract. They are visible and heartbreaking. Mr Ibu’s widow is reportedly fetching water from a well because she cannot afford her rent. Three young children, aged 10, 12, and 14, have been forced to drop out of school. The family’s electricity was disconnected for months, leaving them to depend on neighbours to charge their phones. These are the children of a Nollywood legend, reduced to conditions that no Nigerian child should endure.

This is not a private family matter to be quietly swept aside. It is a public failure with public consequences. The funds donated by ordinary Nigerians for Mr Ibu’s treatment were not gifts to any individual. They were acts of collective love for a man who belonged to the nation. Those who received and managed those funds bear a moral and legal responsibility to account for every naira. Silence in the face of such allegations is not neutrality. It is complicity.

The Actors Guild of Nigeria, Nollywood stakeholders, and relevant authorities must not look away. If funds donated publicly were misappropriated, the law provides remedies, and those remedies must be pursued. Transparency is not optional in matters such as these.

To the family of Mr Ibu, this moment calls for maturity, unity, and honesty. Whatever grievances exist between the widow and the children from other relationships, they must not be settled at the expense of the innocent. Those children did not choose the circumstances of their birth. They did not create the disputes dividing this family. They deserve access to education, shelter, and a dignified life, not as charity, but as their rightful inheritance from a father who worked hard all his life.

It is strongly advised that all parties submit to a transparent, legally supervised process for the distribution of Mr Ibu’s estate. A lawyer or court-appointed administrator should be engaged immediately to protect the interests of all dependents, especially the minor children. Settling this matter in the media through emotional appeals and counter-accusations serves no one, least of all the children.

The story of Mr Ibu’s family is not an isolated one. Too many Nigerian entertainers have died, leaving their families in poverty, not because they did not earn, but because there were no structures in place to protect what they built. The entertainment industry must begin to take the welfare of its members seriously, not only in death but in life. Wills, estate planning, life insurance, and welfare funds are not luxuries. They are necessities that every serious professional body must promote and facilitate.

The Actors Guild of Nigeria and similar bodies should establish a dedicated welfare framework that provides legal and financial guidance to members, ensuring that what happened to Mr Ibu’s family does not become a pattern.

Mr Ibu gave Nigeria laughter when it needed it most. He gave the film industry his talent, his energy, and ultimately his health. In return, the very least Nigeria owed him was the assurance that his children would be cared for and that his legacy would be honoured with integrity.

It is not too late to make it right. Mr Ibu’s children are still young. They still have futures ahead of them. Whoever holds the keys to their father’s estate must open that door with justice, fairness, and the fear of God. Because a man who made millions smile deserves far better than to be remembered as a cautionary tale about family greed.

He deserved better. His children deserve better. And Nigeria must do better.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

An Ekiti State High Court has sentenced 2 men to death by hanging over the abduction of an official of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Omoboade Adesina.

The incident happened on April 22, 2022.

The convicts, identified as Ibrahim Abubakar and Abdullahi Abubakar, were found guilty of kidnapping the NYSC staff member.

However, the court cleared a third defendant, Usman Abubakar, after ruling that prosecutors failed to prove his involvement in the crime.

The 3 suspects were earlier arrested by operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) before they were arraigned in court.

Chief Judge of Ekiti State, Lekan Ogunmoye, delivered the judgment. He held that the prosecution successfully established its case beyond reasonable doubt.

The judge said evidence from the identification parade and call data analysis linked the 2 convicts to the kidnapping.

Ogunmoye thereafter sentenced Ibrahim Abubakar and Abdullahi Abubakar to death by hanging.

The court also discharged and acquitted Usman Abubakar due to lack of sufficient evidence connecting him to the offence.

By Maimuna Katuka Aliyu

Imagine your body as a bustling city, an intricate network of systems powered by one indispensable element—water. Think of waking groggy, with a mouth as parched as desert sand. You might blame a late night or too much caffeine, but often it is your body’s quiet alarm bell, warning that its most vital fuel is running low.

Just as electricity keeps a city alive, water is the current that powers every cell. When it runs short, it is like a blackout in a metropolis, order gives way to chaos, systems slow down, and the risk of breakdown multiplies.

Dehydration rarely storms in with fanfare. It slips in unnoticed, first a dry mouth, then a slight headache, then a fog that blurs your thoughts. Even mild dehydration can dull your memory, weaken your focus, and pull down productivity.

The brain, that grand conductor of your daily rhythm, begins to miss its cues. For students, it may mean struggling to concentrate; for adults, the risk of poor decisions at work grows sharper.

In a hydrated body, blood flows like a gentle river. But when water is scarce, blood thickens into sludge, forcing the heart to labour harder. Soon, dizziness, weakness, and muscle cramps follow.

The skin, often dismissed as just a covering, loses its glow and elasticity, while the kidneys, the body’s tireless custodians, send out distress signals in the form of dark urine.

Our fast-paced lives only sharpen this risk. Long days under the burning sun, intense workouts, endless travels without a sip of water, each chips away at the body’s reserves.

And here lies the irony: by the time you feel thirsty, you may already be dehydrated. That is why hydration is not just a habit; it is preventive care, the quiet maintenance that keeps the “city” of your body humming, your mind sharp, your heart steady, and your skin radiant.

The symptoms of dehydration must never be taken lightly. It may begin with thirst and fatigue, but left ignored, it can escalate into confusion, rapid heartbeat, or even life-threatening complications.                                                  

Kidney stones, urinary tract infections, and heatstroke are some of its harsh penalties. The body’s cry for water is one alarm you cannot afford to silence.

Water is the simplest cure, but sometimes the body demands more, electrolytes to restore balance, oral solutions to replenish salts, or, in severe cases, intravenous fluids under medical care.

Hydration is not merely about pouring in water; it is about restoring the delicate balance that sustains life. Yet in the rush of daily living, hydration often takes the back seat. We forget that this basic elixir is both personal and societal.

In regions where clean drinking water is scarce, dehydration becomes a public health emergency, threatening the young and elderly most. Governments are pressed to act, building infrastructure, ensuring access, and educating citizens.

The cost of neglect is staggering. Health systems already stretched thin must spend resources treating preventable conditions, diverting funds from education and wellness.

Economies pay the price as productivity falters and budgets strain. Hydration, so simple and so often ignored, becomes not just a personal duty but a societal challenge.

Climate change sharpens the danger. Rising heat, shrinking water sources, and punishing droughts expose millions to the harsh reality of thirst. Water, once taken for granted, is now a policy priority, a sustainability crisis, and a public health concern rolled into one.

But the solutions lie within reach. Choosing water over sugary or caffeinated drinks. Carrying a bottle as a habit. Eating water-rich fruits like cucumbers and watermelon. Schools, offices, and public spaces can lead with hydration stations and campaigns.

When society makes water accessible, it empowers individuals to make the right choice. Ultimately, prevention remains the wisest cure. Sip steadily through the day, not just when thirst demands it.

Treat water not as a chore but as a daily act of self-care, a quiet gift that renews every cell. The next time you lift a glass to your lips, see it as more than hydration—it is your lifeline, your body’s power source, the fuel that keeps you thriving.

Hydration is not just a lifestyle tip. It is the foundation of health, the difference between fatigue and vitality, between a body faltering and a body flourishing. It is the lifeline every human being needs to live fully and thrive.

Maimuna Katuka Aliyu wrote via munat815@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

Bayero University, Kano (BUK), has called on Nigerian universities to move beyond conducting research solely for academic publication and focus on transforming research findings into commercially viable products capable of addressing national development challenges.

The Vice-Chancellor of BUK, Professor Haruna Musa, made the call on Tuesday during the university’s First National Conference and Exhibition on Research and Development, which concluded after two days of deliberations involving researchers, industry experts, policymakers and development partners.

Speaking on the significance of the conference, Professor Musa said Nigerian universities must adopt deliberate strategies to showcase and commercialise research outputs rather than limiting them to academic journals.

According to him, many researchers across Nigerian universities concentrate on publishing their findings without sufficient efforts to translate them into products and services that can benefit society.

“Our research efforts should not end on the pages of journals. We need deliberate initiatives to convert research findings into commercially viable products that can contribute to national development,” he said.

The vice-chancellor explained that the university, through its Directorate of Research, Innovation and Partnership (DRIP), organised the maiden conference and exhibition to create a platform where government agencies, industry players and academics could collaborate on commercialising research outcomes.

He expressed satisfaction with the innovations and inventions displayed at the exhibition, describing them as evidence of the immense talent available within Nigerian universities and research institutes.

“What I have seen here shows that Nigerians are talented and that our universities and research institutes are producing research capable of addressing our developmental challenges,” he added.

Also speaking at the event, the Director-General and Chief Executive Officer of the National Office for Technology Acquisition and Promotion (NOTAP), Dr. (Barr.) Obiageli Edith Amadiobi, emphasised the need to strengthen linkages between academia and industry to ensure that research addresses real-world problems.

She said the gap between universities and industries could be bridged through deliberate partnerships and programmes that encourage industry-driven research.

According to her, NOTAP’s Industry Technology Transfer Fellowship Programme was designed to support PhD candidates working on research topics identified by industries, thereby ensuring that research outcomes respond directly to market needs.

She noted that research should be problem-oriented and capable of providing practical solutions.

“If there is no problem, there can’t be any solution. The challenges facing industries are better handled by researchers in universities, and that is why we are working to strengthen the linkage between industry and academia,” she said.

The NOTAP boss further stressed the importance of moving from what she described as “research for the shelf” to “research for the market.”

She observed that research loses much of its value when its findings remain unused, adding that universities across the world increasingly support research that can be translated into products and commercial ventures.

Amadiobi also highlighted the importance of intellectual property protection and patent registration for researchers.

She explained that original innovations should be patented to ensure inventors retain ownership rights and benefit from their discoveries.

“Whatever you research into and it is original, you have to own it. By patenting it, you secure your rights and can continue to benefit from the intellectual property,” she said.

She urged universities to establish comprehensive intellectual property policies that clearly define ownership rights, revenue-sharing arrangements and responsibilities relating to research outputs and innovations.

Earlier, Chairman of the Local Organising Committee, Professor Muhammad Maina, described the conference as a successful first attempt at creating a national platform for discussions on research commercialisation and innovation.

He said the event exceeded expectations and provided valuable lessons that would help improve future editions.

“This is the first national conference and exhibition on research and development in Bayero University. We have tested the waters and can now improve on what we have done, widen participation and attract more exhibitors in the future,” he said.

Maina noted that organisers intend to expand future editions to accommodate more students, researchers and institutions from across the country.

He added that recommendations and observations made during panel discussions would be carefully reviewed and incorporated into the university’s future research and innovation strategies.

According to him, issues relating to intellectual property, research partnerships and commercialisation featured prominently during discussions and would help shape the activities of the Directorate of Research, Innovation and Partnership.

“We have taken note of all the important contributions made during the conference. They will help us recalibrate our standards, improve our operations and strengthen research and development activities within the university,” he said.

The conference, themed “Bridging Knowledge and Enterprise: Intellectual Property, Partnership and Research Commercialisation,” brought together academics, innovators, government officials and industry stakeholders to explore ways of transforming research outputs into products and services that contribute to economic growth and national development.

By Uzair Adam

Kano State Government has shut down two privately owned health training institutions in Nasarawa Local Government Area for operating without the required approvals and failing to meet regulatory standards.

The development was disclosed in a statement issued on Tuesday by the Public Relations Officer of the Kano State Ministry of Health, Nabilusi Abubakar K/Na’isa.

According to the statement, the affected institutions are IBN SINA College of Health Science and Technology, located at Dakata Kawaji adjacent to a Juma’at Mosque, and Life Line College of Health Science and Technology, situated in the Dakata Industrial Area along Bela Road, Tsamiyar Gare, Mai Sikeli Street.

The ministry said the decision followed a comprehensive assessment which found that both institutions fell short of the minimum requirements for the establishment and operation of health training schools in Kano State.

It stated that the institutions were operating without verification and approval from the Kano State Ministry of Health and had not secured accreditation from the relevant professional and regulatory bodies responsible for health education and training in Nigeria.

The assessment further revealed serious shortcomings, including a shortage of qualified teaching personnel, inadequate learning facilities, poor infrastructure and non-compliance with educational and operational standards required for effective health manpower development.

The ministry also observed poor adherence to professional ethics, regulatory guidelines and other mandatory requirements aimed at ensuring quality healthcare education and producing competent healthcare professionals.

Speaking on the closure, K/Na’isa said the ministry remained committed to protecting students, parents and the wider public from institutions that undermine educational quality and professional standards.

“The training of healthcare workers must be conducted only in institutions that meet approved standards and regulatory requirements,” he said.

He added that the government would continue to enforce compliance among health training institutions across the state to safeguard the quality and credibility of healthcare education.

The state government also warned proprietors of health training institutions to strictly comply with all legal and regulatory provisions guiding their operations.

According to the ministry, shutting down non-compliant institutions is necessary to protect students, promote quality healthcare education and maintain excellence in healthcare service delivery across Kano State.

By Uzair Adam

No fewer than 18 farmers were killed and several others injured following a fresh attack by gunmen on Kawel village in Mushere District of Bokkos Local Government Area of Plateau State.

The attack, which occurred around 11:30 p.m. on Sunday, was confirmed by the Bokkos Youth Leader, Christopher Luka, on Monday.

Luka said he received a distress call from a youth leader in the area shortly after midnight, informing him that armed attackers had invaded the community and opened fire on residents.

“A youth leader called around 12 a.m. and reported that gunmen had attacked the community and shot more than 20 people. So far, 18 deaths have been confirmed,” he said.

According to him, security personnel stationed in Bokkos were immediately alerted after he received the report.

“I contacted the security agencies, and they confirmed that they had already been informed and were heading to the affected community,” Luka added.

He described the attack as unprovoked and urged security agencies to take decisive measures to prevent further violence in the area.

The latest incident comes less than a week after the District Head of Gwande in Bokkos LGA, Saf Samuel Alaket, was killed in an ambush along the Sha District axis bordering Daffo community.

Alaket was reportedly returning home from a traditional council meeting when he encountered the attackers.

As of the time of filing this report, security authorities had yet to issue an official statement on the latest attack.

Efforts to reach the spokespersons of the Plateau State Police Command and Operation Enduring Peace, SP Alfred Alabo and Captain Polycarp Auta, were unsuccessful.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A human rights activist has called on the Inspector-General of Police to launch an immediate investigation into allegations that police officers in Maraban Jos, Kaduna State, handed over a female suspect to an angry mob that subsequently lynched and burnt her to death.

In a petition addressed to the Inspector-General of Police, Human Rights Activist Hamza N Dantani, Esq, demanded a thorough probe into the circumstances surrounding the death of Ummulkhair, an Islamic school teacher accused of child theft.

According to the petition, the deceased was apprehended by members of the public and taken to the Maraban Jos Police Division for her protection and to facilitate proper investigation. However, reports indicate that a large crowd later stormed the police station, demanding that the woman be handed over to them.

The situation has been further complicated by allegations from the deceased’s husband and another woman who publicly testified that Ummulkhair was alive while in police custody. They further alleged that the Divisional Police Officer personally took custody of the woman before she was allegedly handed over to the mob.

If these allegations prove true, the activist argues, they constitute a “shocking violation” of constitutional and statutory responsibilities imposed upon members of the Nigeria Police Force.

The petition cited Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees the right to life, and Section 34, which guarantees the right to dignity of the human person. It also referenced the Police Act, 2020, which places a clear obligation upon police officers to protect lives and property.

“Every person accused of a crime remains entitled to the protection of the law and is presumed innocent until proven guilty by a competent court of law,” the petition states.

The activist cited several Supreme Court decisions, including Nasiru Bello v. Attorney-General of Oyo State (1986) and Fawehinmi v. Abacha (2000), which reaffirmed the sanctity of human life and the supremacy of fundamental rights.

The petition also referenced Nigeria’s obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, particularly Articles 4, 5, and 7, which guarantee the right to life, respect for human dignity, and the right to a fair hearing.

“The deceased, irrespective of the allegations against her, was entitled to these protections. No allegation of criminal conduct can justify mob justice or extra-judicial execution,” the activist stated.

The petition called for the preservation of all station records, detention registers, occurrence books, communication records, and any available CCTV footage. It also requested that all officers on duty, including the DPO, be invited to make statements and account for their actions.

The activist further demanded that witnesses, including the husband of the deceased and other persons with material information, be provided adequate protection to ensure they can assist investigators without fear of intimidation.

“This matter goes beyond the death of one individual. It touches on the integrity of the criminal justice system, the constitutional obligation of the Police to protect lives and the fundamental principle that no citizen should be condemned or executed without due process of law,” the petition concluded.

The activist has urged that the outcome of the investigation be made public and that any officer or individual found culpable be prosecuted in accordance with the law.

By Uzair Adam

Notorious bandit leader Bello Turji has claimed responsibility for an attack that left soldiers dead and others injured in Sokoto State.

The attack occurred on Saturday when an improvised explosive device (IED) detonated on a military vehicle carrying troops to Bargaja community in Isa Local Government Area.

The soldiers were reportedly responding to a distress call after bandits attacked the village in the early hours of the day.

Residents said the assailants stormed the community between 12:30 a.m. and 3:00 a.m., firing sporadically and forcing villagers to seek military assistance.

A resident, who requested anonymity, alleged that the attackers planted the explosive device along the Isa–Bargaja road before the arrival of the troops.

In a video released after the incident, Turji expressed satisfaction over the attack, claiming that members of his group had successfully targeted those conducting operations against them.

He said his fighters had recovered livestock allegedly seized during security operations and described the development as a victory.

Turji further claimed that some of those involved in operations against his group in Isa, Sabon Birni and surrounding areas had been killed.

However, the claims contained in the video could not be independently verified.

Meanwhile, fresh security concerns have emerged following allegations that Turji is expanding his fighting force and acquiring new weapons along the Sokoto–Zamfara border.

The allegations were made by Basharu Altine Guyawa Isa, Sokoto State Coordinator of the Movement for Social Justice and Good Governance, in a Facebook post on Saturday.

He claimed that Turji’s fighters were holding gatherings and conducting weapons training exercises in communities stretching from Bingabale Kudu through Bafarawa East to Bargaja.

According to him, the group has acquired new weapons, some of which were allegedly used during recent clashes with security forces.

He also alleged that newly arrived fighters with suspected links to Boko Haram had joined the group to provide combat and weapons training.

Basharu further claimed that intelligence reports indicated that a night-vision device recently purchased by Turji was among the equipment delivered to his camp.

He also linked the movement of the weapons to two alleged bandit commanders, Kachalla Haru Dole and Kachalla Ibrahim Chimo.

The activist expressed concern over what he described as a growing alliance between Turji and Chimo, warning that it could strengthen bandit operations across eastern Sokoto and potentially lead to coordinated attacks on local government headquarters in the region.

Hours after making the allegations, Basharu shared another video on Facebook which he claimed showed some of the newly acquired weapons in Turji’s possession.

He alleged that the footage was released by Turji on June 20 and was intended to showcase successes recorded against security forces operating along the Isa–Bargaja axis.

Efforts to obtain comments from the Sokoto State Police Command were unsuccessful, as calls and messages sent to the command’s spokesperson, DSP Ahmad Rufai, were not answered as of the time of filing this report.

By Muhammad Abubakar

A renowned mathematician and infectious disease modeller, Professor Abba B. Gumel, has been elected President-Elect of the Society for Mathematical Biology (SMB), becoming the first African to attain the prestigious position.

The announcement was celebrated by academics and researchers across the world, including Dr Salihu Sabiu Musa, who described the achievement as a major milestone for mathematical biology and African scholarship.

The Society for Mathematical Biology is one of the world’s leading professional organisations dedicated to advancing research and education at the intersection of mathematics and the life sciences.

Professor Gumel is internationally recognised for his pioneering contributions to infectious disease modelling, particularly in the study of epidemics and public health challenges. His work has influenced scientific understanding of disease transmission and informed public health responses globally.

According to Dr Musa, Professor Gumel’s election reflects his outstanding scholarship, leadership, and commitment to mentoring students and early-career researchers. He noted that the professor has inspired and supported countless scientists worldwide through his research and academic guidance.

Scholars have described the development as a significant achievement for Africa, highlighting the growing global impact of African researchers in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

Professor Gumel is expected to help shape the future direction of mathematical biology as the field continues to play an increasingly important role in addressing global health and environmental challenges.