Insecurity In Nigeria

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

Whenever I think of Nigeria, my mind swiftly veers towards the plot of author Adamu Kyuka Usman’s book “Hope in Anarchy.“ A book that explores the disastrous effects of poverty in Beku City where Ahoka, the main character, finds himself, and how this impoverishment, caused by the enormous economic disparity between the rich and poor, injustice, and political disillusionment, slowly tore into the fabric of society, creating a Republic of criminality and lawlessness, consequently proving that injustice and poverty largely birth insecurity.

Security in a country can’t be underestimated. It is a thread stitching other things together. It is what lets a nation thrive; without it, the potential of a people is diminished, as fear is one of the greatest potential killers. Unfortunately, this menace bedevils our country today, disorganising everything and everyone, causing citizens to lose their lives and means of livelihood. While the state appears to be attempting to tackle this, little success has been recorded, leaving most in utter despair and repeatedly asking: When will this nightmare end?

Similarly, I am writing this piece with the question: When will this mayhem cease? But while also seeking accountability from the government, in addition to challenging them to bring an end to this menace, though I do not want to point accusing fingers at some malicious politician as being in the know of the root cause of this instability or as having direct involvement with the current status quo for one selfish reason or another—primarily to enrich themselves or capitalising on the insecurity to gain political leverage during elections. I firmly believe that we’re not as helpless as we portray.

To quote a PhD student of Political Science, Hamza Aliyu, who is also a political analyst, “Sometimes if there’s a prolonged state of insecurity in a nation, the government is aware of its actors.” Backing former military president Gen. Sani Abacha’s quote, “Any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” While these claims may be exaggerated, and I do not want to make myself believe such statements, I strongly insist that we cannot continue like this. As such, with the right attitude, there’s a way forward.

And this is why I am calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to put necessary mechanisms in place to fight these insecurities presenting themselves in multiple shades: from ethnic and religious tensions to kidnapping. Doing so will certainly elevate his reputation in the sight of the people; otherwise, the current groaning continues. Moreover, it is wise to do so as a leader who intends to recontest in 2027. If Nigerians were to vote for him, on what basis would that be? The bloodbath, harsh economic policies, or delivering to the people based on the 2023 campaign promises? I think it’s time to look beyond the politics of money (vote buying) because Nigerians are tired of having an endless trail of failed leadership.

Additionally, the Northern part of the country remains the hardest hit, and it is disheartening to see the lack of ingenuity of Northern politicians who care more about sustaining their lavish lifestyles along with those of their families. At the same time, their region is aflame, doing very little to develop the region. I’m using this medium to call on the Arewa Elders’ Forum and Northern politicians and businessmen to put self-interest aside and work tirelessly and collectively towards ensuring regional security. 

And among other things, one of the ways forward is reforming the Almajiranci system of education; Almajiris, being citizens who have become easy targets for electoral violence and other acts of criminality, must be integrated into society and equipped with the necessary basic education and skills to become useful citizens of the country.

Insecurity affects everyone, rich or poor. For this reason, they should invest primarily in securing the region and attract foreign investors, in addition to creating a conducive environment for economic development for hardworking entrepreneurial Nigerians, even if this means devising strategies typically unheard of.  

Difficult situations call for drastic measures. Whether Nigeria has failed as a state and people to secure the nation is not up for debate at this point, but prioritising the security of our people and the way forward is the goal.

If this means seeking foreign intervention from well-equipped and well-trained military mercenaries like the Russian Wagner group to train our security personnel and enhance our security apparatus, I think we should take the plunge. Critics, however, might argue that this move is myopic, as doing so is akin to inviting foreign intervention into the country, which has suffered at the hands of colonialism. 

Moreover, arguments like indulging private mercenaries come at a price, mainly that of exploiting natural resources in exchange for security services. As such, the mercenaries might work against, instead of for, the betterment of the country by worsening the insecurity and prolonging it to continue gaining access to solid or liquid minerals, as seen in CAR, Sudan, Libya, and Mali, where the Russian Wagner group has had some presence. An argument that holds water to an extent, but is essentially not solid in the face of the realities staring Nigeria in the face.

Besides, political meddling by foreign powers, especially the United States and its other Western allies, has been constant in Africa. While ideally, this is a time for the continent to be ridding itself of foreign aid in its multifaceted nature, we have failed to give hope and instil confidence in our people.

As a young military leader, Ibrahim Traore seems to be the only leader currently making waves and admirable political reforms on the continent. However, he might not be the best example to cite for some because his leadership is undemocratic. But who cares about democracy? While the governance system is suited for the West, we Africans must find a system that works to drive significant change and development, fostering capacity building in Africa. It could be a modified form of democracy suited for our place, people, and time – there should be several routes to the market.

Having said that, I am calling on northern politicians to wake up. We do not need more bloodbaths before the fog is parted from our eyes to see the glaring realities of the North. Particularly, the way our elites display wealth, wining and dining in luxury, while their masses are subjected to inhumane conditions at the hands of criminal gangs and biting poverty. The wedding ceremonies of the sons and daughters of elites, intimidatingly littered across social media platforms, with wads of crisp hard currencies on display, sleek exotic cars, and palatial wedding halls, prove our misplaced priorities. We can do better. All that money could go a long way in developing the region, investing it into something that profits the population.

So, I’m calling on the youth of the North as well. The younger generation must try to outdo their fathers, ensuring they work for the good of the nation and not to satisfy their greed. We do not want a country like the Beku City Republic, as rightly portrayed by Adamu Kyuka Usman in “Hope in Anarchy,” where: “The Republican police were sent to arrest armed robbers but did not return. It was later learned they had joined the armed robbers. Eventually, the police and the armed robbers were brought to the judges for trial, but the judges joined them. This is the order of things in our Republic today.” A country “where everyone will prosper by the strength of their arms or perish by the lack of such strength.”

However, while there’s huge dysfunctionality in the nation, I want to convince myself that Nigeria may not be a failed state, despite the anarchy; I’m trying to hold on to hope. But it is undoubtedly unapologetically swaying its shameless hips towards that direction. But we, the masses, cannot afford that. I believe even the rich do not want to wake up to the realities of a nation where deep resentment, as a result of poverty, drives an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the rich.

If President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador can round up notorious criminal gangs, we can restore Nigeria’s peace and security. Therefore, in this spirit, I am calling on Northern youth, Nigerian youth – rich and poor – the nation’s development is in your hands. Rise.

Sa’adatu Aliyu is a tutor at DLC Ahmadu Bello University, pursuing a Master’s in Literature. She writes from Zaria, and can be reached via this email: saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Hauwa Mohammed Sani PhD

The phrase “No women, no peace” has become a rallying cry for those who recognise the critical role of women in peacebuilding. Yet, in conflict-prone regions like rural Northern Nigeria, this vision often feels like a distant dream. During my recent visit to communities of displaced women, coinciding with the Ramadan period in March 2025, I witnessed heartbreaking realities. Despite the challenges, I remain convinced that positive change is possible and that women hold the key to it.

My first heartbreak came from witnessing the deplorable conditions in which these women live; hunger, poverty, ignorance, and social exclusion were evident in their lives. 

The second heartbreak occurred when a child fetching water fell into a deep, uncovered well. I have never felt a more profound sense of helplessness. 

Although these women may not be able to read, write, or comprehend my work, this article represents my humble contribution to the society I belong to, with the hope that it will reach the ears and eyes of those it may concern.

As a researcher, I am supported by the Science for Africa (SFA) Foundation in Nairobi, Kenya, and the Carnegie Corporation through the Preparing Outstanding Social Science Investigators to Benefit Lives and Environments in Africa initiative (POSSIBLE Africa) Postdoctoral Fellowship. My research aims to go beyond portraying women as victims to spotlight their potential as active peacebuilders in Northern Nigeria.

The statistics are staggering: In the conflict-prone zones of Northern Nigeria, women and girls suffer disproportionately from conflict, displacement, and violence. They flee their homes, lose their livelihoods, and often face trauma that leaves lasting scars. During my visit, I saw this pain firsthand. The tears I shed were more than emotional; they were a testament to the suffering I witnessed.

It is pathetic to recount that these women’s expectations have shrunk to a single plea: “May the government come to our aid.” When I inquired about their own efforts toward peace, they shared that they engage in regular prayers and fasting. Yet, they feel that their tormentors are always one step ahead because they are often accompanied by clerics. Still, they seek spiritual protection and divine intervention, clinging to faith as their last refuge. 

Some even recounted instances where women, in acts of desperation and courage, pretended to be mentally unstable or “mad”, hoping that such displays might scare off their oppressors, which in many instances worked.

This mindset illustrates the psychological toll of prolonged violence and displacement. Over time, a person’s sense of agency may erode. Many begin to see themselves solely as victims, dependent on external rescue.

But women are not just victims of conflict. They are also agents of change. In some rural Northern Nigeria, women are organising themselves into cooperatives, advocating for their rights, and supporting one another to rebuild their communities and foster peace.

How can we support these women in their quest for peace and development?

Amplify their voices: Provide platforms for storytelling, problem-sharing, and solution-finding, for example, through theatre for development, etc.

Build their capacity: Offer education, psychosocial support, and economic empowerment tools. Address root causes: Confront the structural issues, poverty, injustice, and exclusion that feed cycles of violence.

Healing Collective Traumas: From Erasure to Memory

Violent conflict does not just destroy homes; it scars communities. Healing collective trauma involves:

1. Acknowledgement and Recognition: Validating and recognising the suffering of affected communities.

2. Truth-telling and Documentation: Recording stories and preserving collective memory.

3. Community-Based Initiatives: Promoting healing through solidarity groups and cultural activities.

4. Education and Awareness: Raising understanding to encourage empathy and reconciliation.

Conclusion

“No women, no peace” is more than a slogan. It is a truth we must act upon. Women are essential to peacebuilding, particularly in conflict-prone regions like rural Northern Nigeria. By recognising their voices, supporting their efforts, and addressing the systemic roots of violence, we can build a future where peace is not just possible but sustainable.

Hauwa Mohammed Sani, PhD, is the Deputy Director of the Institute for Development, Research &Training at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. She can be reached at hauwamohammedsanim@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, recently claimed that the country has recorded over 90% improvement in security under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. He made this assertion in Jos, Plateau State, during a press briefing following a strategic meeting with the Commander of Operation Safe Haven, Major General Folusho Oyinlola. The meeting was convened after a deadly gunmen attack on the Bokkos community, which tragically claimed the lives of hundreds of residents.

Given the context of recent violence, Ribadu’s statement sparked mixed reactions from across the political spectrum. Critics argue that the NSA’s comments are aimed at shaping public perception as politicking for the 2027 general elections approaches. They view the remarks as part of a broader political narrative to build confidence in the administration. On the other hand, supporters commend Ribadu for leading an effective national security strategy, asserting that the improvements are tangible and worth acknowledging.

However, beyond partisan sentiments and political interests, it is essential to examine Ribadu’s claim from an objective standpoint grounded in verifiable data and realistic context. Security issues are too critical to be reduced to rhetoric, hey must be measured by real outcomes that affect the lives of everyday Nigerians.

Regardless of our political leanings, there have been undeniable improvements in some of Nigeria’s most dangerous zones. For example, the Birnin Gwari–Lagos highway in Kaduna State, which was shut for nearly a decade due to the menace of armed bandits, has now reopened to motorists, especially heavy-duty vehicles that previously avoided the route. The once-abandoned Birnin Gwari cattle market, inactive for over ten years, is now gradually returning to life with commercial activity.

Similarly, the Abuja–Kaduna highway, previously infamous for rampant kidnappings and ambushes, is now operational 24 hrs under constant military and police surveillance. Other major highways, such as the Kaduna–Kano expressway and the Jos–Akwanga–Lafia–Abuja corridor, now also witness 24-hour vehicular movement, marking a sharp contrast to the fear and hesitation that characterized travel in these areas just a few years ago.

Still, it’s important to remember that security is both delicate and dynamic. A full year of relative peace can be overshadowed by a single horrific incident. Groups like Boko Haram, ISWAP, and various bandit factions, such as the Lakurawa and Ansaru cells, still carry out attacks on soft targets in rural and semi-urban areas. While the overall frequency and scale of these attacks may be decreasing, their sporadic nature continues to pose serious challenges.

Between 2022 and 2024, several Nigerian security and intelligence agencies have reported significant gains. The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) indicated a 65% reduction in overall crime and criminality nationwide since May 2023. This figure is based on cumulative data from military operations, police reports, and inter-agency assessments.

The Department of State Services (DSS), particularly in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), recorded a significant decline in high-profile crimes, including kidnappings, armed robberies, and terrorist threats, through 2023 and into early 2024.

The Nigeria Police Force also published extensive data on its security efforts: between 2023 and early 2024, police operations led to the arrest of 30,313 suspects linked to serious crimes such as kidnapping, armed robbery, cultism, and banditry. In the same period, 1,984 illegal firearms were recovered, along with 23,250 rounds of ammunition. Additionally, 1,581 kidnapped victims were successfully rescued across various states.

The proliferation of small arms and light weapons has long fueled Nigeria’s insecurity. However, between 2022 and 2024, the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) recorded historic achievements. In February 2023, the Centre announced that it had recovered more than 10,000 small arms and light weapons from non-state actors during nationwide disarmament operations. By February 2024, the total number of retrieved weapons had increased to 20,000 firearms and over 60,000 units of ammunition.

Furthermore, in September 2024, the NCCSALW undertook the destruction of 30,132 recovered weapons, ranging from decommissioned and unserviceable arms to illicitly owned firearms.

The Nigerian Armed Forces, particularly the Army, have achieved notable success over the past three years. Between 2022 and 2025, military operations resulted in the neutralization of more than 8,034 terrorists across various theatres of operation, including the North-East, North-West, and North-Central regions. In February 2024 alone, 105 terrorists were eliminated during targeted counterterrorism operations. and 140 capture

A total of 6,376 kidnapped victims were rescued from insurgent enclaves and bandit hideouts in 2024 alone, thanks to joint operations involving the Army, Air Force, and local vigilante groups. These successes have contributed significantly to restoring public confidence in the state’s ability to respond to threats.

Additionally, by December 2024, the Nigerian military had dismantled numerous terrorist camps and degraded the operational capabilities of insurgent groups in several flashpoints. More than 20 high-profile bandit leaders and commanders were eliminated in precision operations, including:

 1. Ali Kachalla (Ƙawaje)

 2. Kachallah Dogo Kwaddi

 3. Lawali Dodo

 4. Ɓoderi

 5. Sani Wala-birki

 6. Kachallah Hana-Zuwa

 7. Damina

 8. Kachalla Sani Dangote

 9. Kachalla Adamu

 10. Halilu Sububu

 11. Baleri

 12. Modi Modi

 13. Kachalla Mai Shayi

 14. Kachalla Tsoho Lulu

 15. Ibrahim Nagure

 16. Kachalla Makore

 17. Bulak

 18. Tukur Sharme

 19. Hassan Ɗantawaye

 20.Ɗan-Isuhu

These names had long terrorised communities, operated illegal taxation systems, and masterminded large-scale abductions. Their deaths signal a turning point in Nigeria’s war against insecurity—at least in the short to medium term.

Critics, supporters, and objective observers alike hold valid perspectives on Ribadu’s claim. Security cannot be judged solely by statistics or isolated incidents—it must be assessed holistically, with a view to sustainability. While it would be inaccurate to declare total victory over insecurity, the data and field reports suggest that Nigeria is making measurable, strategic progress.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with complex internal threats, public expectations remain high. Citizens want not just temporary relief but long-term stability. Ribadu’s statement may be politically timed, but the figures back up his assertion, at least in terms of trend and direction. Whether or not one agrees with the 90% figure, one thing is clear: the tide appears to be gradually turning in favour of the state.

The challenge now is to sustain these gains, institutionalise reforms, and ensure that security is perceived and lived by every Nigerian in every part of the country.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Haroon Aremu

No doubt, this outgoing month (March 2025) has witnessed a troubling escalation of banditry, kidnappings, and overall insecurity across Nigeria. Despite relentless efforts by security agencies, the wave of violence continues to rise, posing a severe threat to national stability. 

The series of abductions and deadly attacks in Zamfara, Niger, Imo, and Katsina states underscore the urgent need for more aggressive and strategic security measures. This trend is particularly concerning as the country enters a festive period, historically marked by heightened criminal activity.

While the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), in collaboration with the Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), has made progress in intelligence gathering and security coordination, a more technology-driven approach is necessary. 

In the same vein, ONSA’s strategic partnerships with the Nigeria Customs Service, the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration Control (NAFDAC), and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in tracking illicit financial flows and curbing arms smuggling are commendable. However, dismantling criminal networks before they strike requires a more proactive and intelligence-led response.

On the other hand, the DSS has played a crucial role in safeguarding internal security throughout March, tackling numerous threats and reinforcing its commitment to national safety. However, its reputation has come under scrutiny following multiple reports of officer misconduct and press intimidation. 

For instance, a widely circulated incident in Abia State showed a DSS officer physically assaulting a police officer, raising concerns about discipline and inter-agency cooperation. Such conflicts highlight the need for structured conflict resolution mechanisms within security forces.

Another pressing issue is the DSS’s handling of journalists. While national security remains paramount, officers must operate within the boundaries of press freedom. The harassment of journalists in Abuja during the Nnamdi Kanu court proceedings and the controversial detention of a reporter in Jos have sparked concerns about press repression. In a democracy, the public’s right to access information must be upheld, and security agencies must balance national security interests with the protection of journalistic freedoms.

Despite these concerns, the DSS has taken commendable steps to defend its integrity. Major newspapers, including Punch, Blueprint, The Guardian, and Tribune, recently issued public apologies for misreporting the Lagos State Assembly invasion, reinforcing the agency’s stance against misinformation. 

However, while protecting its credibility, the DSS must ensure that its officers uphold professionalism in their interactions with the media, fostering a balanced relationship between security and press freedom.

Subsequently, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) intensified its anti-corruption campaign throughout March, securing multiple arrests, arraignments, and asset forfeitures. The agency has cracked down on major financial crimes, exposing fraudulent schemes and recovering stolen funds. 

However, its operations have also faced criticism for alleged human rights violations. A recent raid in Lagos, which left schoolchildren stranded after EFCC operatives stormed their neighborhood, sparked national outrage. While enforcing anti-corruption laws is crucial, operations must be conducted in a way that does not unduly disrupt the lives of innocent citizens.

A growing concern is the infiltration of foreign fraud syndicates, particularly those involving Chinese and Filipino nationals, who have been implicated in elaborate financial crimes within Nigeria. The EFCC must intensify its collaboration with international anti-fraud agencies to dismantle these networks and prevent Nigeria from becoming a safe haven for global financial criminals, a concern previously raised by the EFCC chairman.

One of the most notable developments in March was the government’s decision to use recovered looted funds to finance the student loan scheme. While widely applauded, stringent accountability measures must be implemented to prevent mismanagement. As this policy offers much-needed relief to students facing financial burdens, transparency must be prioritized to avoid repeating past mistakes.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) has also been active in the fight against corruption, securing key arrests and launching several investigations into public sector fraud. Its recent probe into fraudulent procurement contracts worth billions of naira reinforces its commitment to exposing corruption at the highest levels. However, to maximize impact, the ICPC and EFCC must strengthen their partnership, ensuring a more coordinated and formidable approach to tackling corruption.

Another alarming revelation in March involved the mismanagement of public funds within government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs). Investigations exposed how billions meant for public projects were misappropriated, depriving citizens of critical services. While the ICPC’s swift intervention in these cases is commendable, Nigerians demand more than just arrests—they want convictions and asset recoveries that send a strong message to corrupt officials.

Notwithstanding, March 2025 has been a defining month for Nigeria’s intelligence and anti-graft agencies. As the nation moves into April, Nigerians expect these agencies to reinforce their commitments, refine their strategies, and uphold the principles of justice, transparency, and accountability. The battle against insecurity and corruption is far from over, but it must be fought with precision, fairness, and an unwavering dedication to national progress.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is an author and a fellow of PRNigeria. He wrote via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Fatima Dauda Salihu

Nigeria is a beautiful country with diverse cultures and vibrant people. Unfortunately, insecurity has become a significant problem in recent years, causing many to live in fear and struggle to access essential services. 

Despite being culturally rich and endowed with abundant mineral resources, Nigeria struggles with insecurity primarily due to negligence by the government and its citizens. Nigeria faces insecurity challenges across all six geopolitical zones. This insecurity takes various forms, including insurgency, terrorism, communal clashes, banditry, kidnapping, and piracy, and is fuelled by deep-rooted socio-economic, ethnic, and religious tensions.

The consequences of insecurity in Nigeria are dire, leading to displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, economic stagnation, human rights abuses, and psychological trauma.

Effective governance is critical in addressing insecurity. The government must provide leadership, resources, and policy direction to tackle insecurity. Citizens also have a vital role to play by engaging in community policing, reporting suspicious activities, and promoting tolerance. 

The private sector can also contribute by investing in security initiatives and socio-economic development projects. Civil society organisations can advocate for policy changes and community empowerment. We can restore peace, stability, and prosperity to Nigeria by working together.

Strengthening institutions and promoting good governance, investing in education, enhancing security infrastructure and capacity building, promoting community engagement and conflict resolution, and addressing socio-economic inequalities can help mitigate if not. 

In conclusion, addressing the challenge of insecurity in Nigeria requires a holistic and multifaceted approach that encompasses effective governance, community engagement, strategic coordination among security agencies, and long-term investments in education and socio-economic development.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s future depends on our collective ability to address insecurity and promote peace, stability, and development. We owe it to ourselves, our children, and future generations to take action and create a better Nigeria.

Fatima Dauda Salihu wrote from Bayero University, Kano. 

By Zainab Abubakar Abba

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has been grappling with insecurity for decades. The country’s protracted conflicts, terrorist attacks, and banditry have led to widespread displacement, forcing millions to flee their homes in search of safety.

The Boko Haram insurgency, which began in 2009, has ravaged the northeastern region, particularly the Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states. The terrorist group’s relentless attacks on civilians, schools, and religious institutions have resulted in unprecedented displacement. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), over 2.5 million people have been internally displaced in Nigeria, with the majority being women and children.

In addition to Boko Haram, banditry and kidnappings have become rampant in various parts of the country. The northwestern states of Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina have borne the brunt of these attacks, with thousands forced to flee their homes. The Nigerian government’s inability to curb these security threats has exacerbated the displacement crisis.

The consequences of displacement are far-reaching. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) face immense challenges, including loss of livelihoods, inadequate shelter, food insecurity, psychological trauma, and lack of access to education. Many IDPs have abandoned their farms, businesses, and livelihoods, leading to economic instability. Overcrowded and unsanitary IDP camps have become breeding grounds for diseases.

The Nigerian government has established the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI) to coordinate relief efforts. However, critics argue that the government’s response has been inadequate, citing insufficient funding, ineffective security measures, and a lack of durable solutions.

The international community has provided significant humanitarian aid, but more needs to be done to address the root causes of displacement. The United Nations, European Union, and other organisations have provided emergency assistance, supported peace-building initiatives, and advocated for policy change.

Nigeria’s insecurity has resulted in one of the largest displacement crises in Africa. The government, international community, and humanitarian organisations must work together to address the root causes of conflict and insecurity, provide durable solutions, and ensure accountability. The situation demands collective action to stem the tide of displacement and ensure the safety and dignity of Nigeria’s citizens.

Zainab Abubakar Abba wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the Nigerian National Security Adviser, stated during an arms destruction exercise organised by the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) that many of the illicit weapons currently used by terrorists and bandits originally belonged to the Federal Government of Nigeria. 

Ribadu’s revelation may not surprise those familiar with the complexities of Nigeria’s security challenges, but it is both new and alarming to the average Nigerian.  

For many, the realisation that those entrusted with their protection are selling weapons to terrorists, insurgents, and bandits is deeply unsettling. This issue demands a coordinated and strategic response. However, Mallam Nuhu assured us that steps and measures have been taken to resolve this. 

But the big questions remain: Are these measures yielding sustainable results? What motivates or drives a security agent to sell weapons to terrorists and bandits, fully aware that they may become the first target of those very weapons? 

Nuhu Ribadu stated, “The worst human being is a policeman or soldier who takes weapons from his unit and sells them or hides them for criminals to use against his colleagues.” This is true; however, additional measures are needed beyond what the NSA has mentioned to address this issue. These should include improved welfare and salaries for security personnel, enhanced training, and stronger supervision. It’s important to consider that the actions of some security officers may not be solely motivated by money but by radicalisation or frustrations. 

Nigeria must prioritise the use of technology in its fight against insurgency, terrorism, and banditry, as the world has moved beyond relying solely on boots on the ground. It is crucial to employ technology to address these challenges, including implementing chips or inbuilt devices to track and attach every weapon assigned to the officer responsible for it. 

Despite the few rogue elements within the security forces who recklessly jeopardise their lives and those of their colleagues and families by exchanging their weapons for peanuts, we must commend the majority of Nigeria’s dedicated soldiers, police officers, and other personnel who are actively working to recover illicit arms and eliminate corrupt practices within the security forces. 

On the other hand, sabotage by rogue elements within security forces is not unique to Nigeria; many countries have faced situations where insurgency, terrorism, or banditry were exacerbated by these elements selling arms to militant groups.

In Yemen, amid its civil war, there have been instances of arms diversion by corrupt individuals within the security apparatus. Weapons intended for the national army have ended up in the hands of Houthi rebels and various militant groups. 

Similarly, during the conflict with ISIS in Iraq, reports emerged of Iraqi security forces losing control of arms depots or selling weapons to militant groups. Somalia has seen similar issues in its battle against al-Shabaab, where government and security officials were accused of selling or diverting weapons to the very militants they were fighting. 

Another notable example is Libya. Following the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the country descended into chaos, with various factions and militias vying for control. Weapons from government stockpiles, as well as arms supplied by international actors, were sold or transferred to militias and insurgent groups, further escalating the violence. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), armed groups have long been involved in the conflict, with reports indicating that elements within the military and police forces have sold weapons to these groups.

For any country grappling with the involvement of its security forces in the sale of weapons to insurgents, terrorists, and bandits, factors such as selfishness, corruption, and complicity within these forces play a significant role. Additionally, weak institutions and inadequate oversight have further exacerbated the problem. 

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Many Nigerians are hesitant to travel at night, especially along routes considered red zones, due to security challenges, such as banditry and kidnappings. 

On Friday, September 1, 2024, we missed our flight from Yola to Abuja. The next day, Saturday, September 2, 2024, we embarked on an adventurous road trip from Yola to Abuja. We left Yola early, around 6 a.m., and reached the village of Lafiya Lamurde a few minutes before 8 a.m. Lafiya Lamurde is about 90 km away from Yola.

There, we encountered a security roadblock with several vehicles parked. Every Saturday is sanitation day in Adamawa State, so we had to wait until 10 a.m. when normal activities would resume. However, the road was opened 15 minutes earlier, at 9:45 a.m., allowing us to continue our journey toward Gombe.

A few kilometres before reaching Gombe, we had a flat tyre caused by our driver’s reckless overtaking on a sharp bend. An articulated vehicle had broken down on the road, and our truck struck some rocks while swerving to avoid it. We stopped to change the tyre, only to discover that there was neither a jack nor a wheel spinner in the car. Fortunately, the vehicle driver we had overtaken sensed the danger and stopped to assist us. With his help, we changed the tyre and continued to Gombe, where we bought a new tyre, visited acquaintances, and proceeded toward Bauchi.

We arrived in Bauchi around 3:30 p.m. After stopping at a fuel station to refuel the car, we took a break to perform our Zuhr and Asr prayers and had some small snacks. When we were ready to resume our journey, the vehicle refused to start. We initially thought it was a fuel pump issue, but after an electrician checked the car, he confirmed the fuel pump was OK. Suspecting an electrical fault, we called a mechanic, who determined the issue was actually with the timing chain. As it was approaching 6 p.m., we realised the car needed to be towed to a mechanic’s workshop for repairs.

With a morning meeting scheduled in Abuja, we hired a commercial vehicle for ₦70,000 to take us from Bauchi to Abuja. We left Bauchi just before 7 p.m., and it was already dark and raining when we reached Jos. Our driver mentioned that the road from Jos City to the famous “forest” was in poor condition.

From Jos, it was already past 8 p.m., and it was raining—we had embarked on a night journey, something many Nigerians try to avoid. Our journey from the famous “forest” to Abuja via Akwanga and Keffi was adventurous and surprisingly exciting. Despite the late hours and rain, there was heavy traffic and numerous security checkpoints.

We noticed that the checkpoints were strategically positioned, spaced a few kilometres apart. Some were manned by the military, others by the police, and some by civil defence officers. Additionally, we observed routine patrols by the army and the police, with some military patrols even using motorbikes. 

We must commend the security agencies—the heavy traffic was likely a result of people feeling assured by the strong presence of checkpoints. However, we also noticed the presence of local tax collectors operating on the road, even though it was late at night.

Transportation experts note that night journeys by road offer unique experiences: quieter roads, cooler temperatures, time efficiency, and even scenic beauty. However, they also come with challenges such as limited visibility, driver fatigue, and a heightened risk of accidents.

Our night journey from Bauchi to Abuja, which lasted from 7 p.m. to 2 a.m. via Jos, Akwanga, and Keffi, was exciting and adventurous. The security presence was excellent—kudos to the office of the National Security Adviser and all the security agencies. The heavy traffic reflected people’s confidence in the safety of the route. However, many sections of the road were in poor condition, which remains a concern.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Kabir Fagge Ali

Sir, Nigeria has been plagued by various security challenges for over a decade, including insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and separatist agitations. Despite high expectations from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, the situation has deteriorated further, with increased abductions and ransom demands. According to a recent report, 3,707 citizens have been killed and 3,238 abducted between May 2023 and now.

The worsening security situation can be attributed to several factors, including under-resourced and poorly equipped security forces, corruption, high unemployment, poverty, weak governance structures, and a lack of political will.

However, it is encouraging to note that President Tinubu’s administration is adopting a comprehensive approach to address insecurity through the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu. The strategy focuses on strengthening security forces, enhancing intelligence capabilities, and fostering regional and international collaboration.

According to the feeler from ONSA, the administration has increased funding and provided modern equipment and comprehensive training programs to enhance the operational capacity of the military, police, and other security forces.

Additionally, we were told that the administration has prioritised addressing economic factors contributing to insecurity, investing in education, healthcare, and job creation to mitigate the underlying causes of crime and violence. Efforts to combat corruption within the security sector have also been intensified, and regional security cooperation has been enhanced through diplomatic engagements with neighbouring countries.

I strongly believe that a comprehensive and multifaceted approach is required to effectively address Nigeria’s security challenges. This includes reforming and adequately equipping security agencies, enhancing accountability, investing in economic development programs, building trust between security forces and local communities, establishing effective mechanisms for resolving disputes, and implementing judicial reforms.

The government must also demonstrate strong political will, consistent policies, adequate funding, and transparency. Citizens must also recognise that security is a collective responsibility, not just the responsibility of security forces.

It is indisputable that President Tinubu’s administration has shown a commitment to addressing insecurity. Still, more must be done to restore public trust and confidence in the government’s ability to protect the nation. With a comprehensive approach and collective effort, Nigeria can overcome its security challenges and ensure peace and stability for its citizens.

Kabir Fagge Ali, a youth corps member with PRNigeria Centre, wrote via faggekabir29@gmail.com.