Fulani herders

By Hassan Abdulkadir

The Fulani are traditionally a nomadic, pastoralist trading people across the dry hinterlands of their domain. They are the largest nomadic ethnic group in the world, inhabiting several territories over an area larger than the continental United States.

The Fulani follow a code of behaviour known as “PULAAKU,” which encompasses patience, self-control, discipline, prudence, modesty, respect for others (including foes), wisdom, foresight, personal responsibility, hospitality, courage, and hard work.

It wouldn’t be fair to judge an entire faith, religion, or tribe by the actions of a few aberrant individuals. It is more just to evaluate them based on the scriptures and teachings of the faith or the traditions and conventions of the tribe. 

History has shown that some of the greatest massacres committed on this planet were by individuals like Adolf Hitler, a European Jewish Christian. However, his actions were never equated with his religion or tribe. 

Similarly, Benito Mussolini and Menachem Begin, who were responsible for numerous atrocities, were not judged by their faith or tribe. Yet, when a single Fulani or Muslim individual commits an act of terrorism, the entire religion (Islam) or tribe (Fulani) is unjustly blamed.

Moreover, the most infuriating aspect of this situation is that many of these individuals are brainwashed and used by heartless people who are not Fulani. For example, videos circulating online vividly demonstrate this is true. In one instance, an arrested Fulani man explains how much the masterminds paid him after abducting someone. 

The amount given to the Fulani men is not even a quarter of the ransom collected, yet they are still blamed. It’s important to note that some of them are forced into this due to intimidation and life threats by the gangsters. These masterminds exploit the Fulani and Bedouins because they know the bush well. 

For God’s sake, as educated, wise, and prudent individuals, how can anyone believe that the people they consider inept could successfully carry out such complex operations without being caught? They can’t even perfectly operate phones. This is unfair. Such acts require logic, strategies, and prudence. However, due to biased perspectives, Nigerians are generalising the entire tribe instead of targeting the deceived and manipulated individuals among them.

Candidly, the truth must be trumpeted. When our southern brothers say “Hausa-Fulani,” they’re not referring to the tribe but to a Muslim or Northerner, whom they consider terrorists, bandits, and so on. Meanwhile, in some parts of the southern region of this country, there are places where humans are slaughtered like animals. Generalising the Fulani as bandits and terrorists is truly unfair and unjust.

All the calamities this country, especially the North, has been facing—such as insecurity, insurgency, banditry, terrorism, and critical hardship—are not due to the Fulani people but are the result of politics, business, and the selfishness of our unpatriotic and tyrannical politicians.

I urge the youth to be patriotic, equip themselves with adequate and pure knowledge, and engage in politics. The rich also have a crucial role to play by sponsoring these energetic youths in politics for the betterment of our country and for the coming generations to flourish.

May Nigeria prosper and thrive, amin.

Hassan Abdulkadir wrote via hassanabdulqadeerabubakar@gmail.com.

By Rabiu Isah Hassan

Citing the killing of an army officer by bandits in Katsina recently, Sheikh Musa Yusuf Assadussunnah shows the futility of military measures in resolving the pastoralist-peasant conflict in northern Nigeria. By this daring act, the insurgents have demonstrated that the military, much less the vigilante, cannot end the insurgency. According to him, the only solution is a truce. From other sermons by clerics and numerous online items from the conflict area, it appears Assadussunnah is misreading the situation. Not only are the insurgents receiving severe setbacks, but the signs are also ominous. 

The army officer might have been killed not because the troops were weak or ill-equipped but because he exposed himself to unnecessary danger. The way the vigilante and locals praise his determination and commitment suggests he might have been motivated to sacrifice himself for Nigeria and significantly for a Hausa cause. In a way, the prolongation and viciousness of the conflict have started affecting the soldiers on the ground; as in any internal crisis, the armed forces, which are supposed to be neutral, are gradually and inexorably drawn into its vortex.

No group has drawn the wrath of most Nigerian groups, perhaps except for the Igbo during the Nigerian crisis of 1966-1970, like the ethnic Fulani presently. Anti-Fulani sentiments, always simmering below the surface mainly due to perceived historical wrongs, are now erupting due to the current widespread atrocities of mostly pastoral Fulani. An inchoate coalition of mostly Hausa youths and northern minorities is emerging based on shared grievances against the Fulani. Their violent rhetoric, both online and offline, reflects the extent to which the Fulani have slipped down from decent beings and citizens to savages and aliens. No amount of infractions against the ethnic Fulani is seen as grotesque or repugnant.

The troops on the ground and the Hausa vigilante have fused into a hardened armed fist against their perceived enemy. From diverse reports, a discernible pattern is emerging. As the soldiers attack the bandits, the vigilante form their rear, mopping up any stragglers and often dispersing or exterminating ethnic Fulani along their path. The vigilante are also at liberty to arrest, detain, and kill any ethnic Fulani or Hausa informers in an attempt to root out collaborators or destroy the bandits’ supply channels. When the bandits feel the heat, they attack, maim, and kill Hausa peasants randomly. They threaten to stop farming this season, forcing the government and the sedentary population into another truce. This only inflames the soldiers and the vigilante, resulting in more indiscriminate attacks against ethnic Fulani.

Some Islamic clerics still maintain that military operations will not end the insurgency and that the government should negotiate with the bandits to end the bloodletting. These statements make the bandits believe in their invincibility anddangerously encourage them to see their actions as serving an ethnic cause. In a bizarre twist, the bandits have come to link their survival with that of the ethnic Fulani. Since they no longer see themselves as the cause of the Fulani predicament, their removal from the scene is out of the question. This intransigence is further fueling the binary that currently pits the Fulani against the Hausa. Thus, instead of viewing the conflict as occupational and the bandits as criminals, some sections of the ulema have come to regard it as communal, with the insurgents seen as activists.

What some clerics and others fail to appreciate is that both the Hausa-speaking sedentary population of the Northwest and the pastoral Fulani have become one community through centuries of exchange. The pastoral Fulani are essentially an occupational and remnant group continuously absorbed into the general Hausa population. In other words, they do not exist as separate and closed groups. Like similar groups throughout history, the bandits are deviants that have emerged due to internal crises. They need to be tamed or destroyed, not hailed as vanguards of any ethnic group.

With the bandits vowing to fight to the bitter end, they risk dragging the rest of the ethnic Fulani into the abyss with them. The intensity and randomness of their attacks testify to this deranged stance. The indiscriminate reprisals from the other side are making life unbearable for the ethnic Fulani. As the noose tightens around them, there is little chance for their offspring to continue the fight as they hope. A war of attrition would only lead to their decimation; they cannot withstand the combined strength of the Nigerian state and the Nigerian masses. 

Unlike the Igbo, who returned to their homeland following the pogroms in Northern Nigeria, the ethnic Fulani are losing their remaining sanctuaries. If the war becomes protracted or its viciousness intensifies, the country risks sliding into the fate of Mali and Burkina Faso. With the bandits terrorising almost half of the country and the army engaged in fighting them in about a quarter of it, hatred against the Fulani is increasing among the soldiers. 

Like the inchoate movement developing among the ethnic Hausa and northern minorities online, a conspiratorial group with similar configuration and motivation could develop within the army. Given the toxicity across the land and the increasing hardship, they might attempt a putsch. As in Mali and Burkina Faso, where the raison d’être of the juntas is the containment of the Fulani in the case of the former and their destruction in the latter’s case, an idealistic junta in Nigeria would unleash its reign of terror not only against the ethnic Fulani but also against their symbols.

There is only one possible way to avert this Armageddon. Many groups before them have avoided this ruinous outcome. Recently, the Kanuri, who formed the bulk of the supporters of Boko Haram, quietly abandoned their weapons and dispersed among the general population as the magnitude of the catastrophe loomed. The followers of Maitatsine had followed the same course after realising the folly of confronting the state. After valiant resistance against Rabeh at the end of the nineteenth century, many Kanuri surrendered, and others fled. The leaders of the Sokoto Caliphate retreated in the face of superior arms. After their defeat at Burmi, a few withdrew from the territory and eventually submitted to the British authorities in Sudan. At the same time, the majority reconciled themselves to the new order in Northern Nigeria. When the Biafran secessionists realised that their intransigence would only lead to more destruction of the Igbo, they removed themselves from the scene to pave the way for surrender. These were the practical and noble paths taken in Germany and Japan at the end of the Second World War and countless previous conflicts. 

The preservation of the ethnic Fulani must supersede the bandits’ ego, and only surrender would spare their kinsmen from possible destruction. They should give themselves up and be tried in a military tribunal. Like the Nuremberg trials at the end of the Second World War, they must be sentenced based on the gravity of their offences. The minors could be assembled and enrolled in a rehabilitation program. A bold resettlement and integration plan must be rolled out for the pastoral Fulani. Parallel communities should not be allowed to resurface; the pastoralists should be settled among the sedentary population to end mistrust and bigotry. The homogeneous, stable, and prosperous nation that would emerge would be the compensation for these painful sacrifices. 

Rabiu Isah Hassan wrote from the Arewa House/Department of History, ABU Zaria. He can be contacted at rabiurafani@gmail.com.

By Professor Abdussamad Jibia 

Those of us from Jibia LGA of Katsina state have been mourning for the past ten days. Last week, bandits launched an attack on the Kukar Babangida community of Jibia LGA. The infamous guests had visited Kukar Babangida many times, but this is probably the worst. They killed the ward head, Alhaji Haruna, along with nine others. 

Kukar Babangida is located about 15 kilometres from Jibia on the Jibia-Katsina highway. It was called Kukar Zaure until sometime during the administration of General Babangida when he launched the annual tree-planting campaign at the village. On that occasion, the then Emir of Katsina, Alhaji Muhammad Kabir Usman, renamed it Kukar Babangida. Of course, for a local community to be validly renamed, it must have the blessing of the emirate. In its case, Kukar Zaure was renamed by the Emir himself. The annual tree planting campaign was a very good practice of military regimes that politicians have abandoned for no apparent good reasons.

Magaji Zaure, which is his traditional title, refused to relocate to either Katsina or Jibia as many of his colleagues have done. He has always stated that abandoning his people and running away would be a breach of trust. This time around, he paid the supreme price. If you have been following my writeups for the past eight years, you would understand the kind of frustrations our communities have been subjected to with respect to insecurity. Lives have been lost, women and girls disgraced, people kidnapped for ransom, farmers displaced from their farmlands and communities occupied.

This introduction would only tell you how badly in need people like me are for a solution to the problem of insecurity. That is why my curiosity was piqued when I came across a video clip yesterday.

The clip, which is obviously a news item from a Hausa service of one of those big foreign radio stations, is about the launching of a vigilante group by the Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore Association. The activity, which took place in Nasarawa state, featured a parade by the new recruits in their uniform, a fashion parade by Fulani youth and an interview with the President of the Miyetti Allah group, one Alhaji Bello Abdullahi Bodijo. Very senior police officers also graced the occasion.

According to Alhaji Bodijo, the aim of establishing the group is to assist regular security forces to “peacefully” arrest criminals without killing the innocent. Asked whether or not they have obtained Government approval to establish the group, he only expressed hope that the Federal Government and its security forces would give them the necessary recognition. “We shall also help Nigerian Governors to tackle the problem of insecurity”. 

In Nasarawa state alone, Alhaji Bodijo stated they will recruit 4,000 members. First, they have already screened 2140 selected from different (Fulani) families. He promised to end the security problem in Nasarawa state in six months. While stating they have their traditional sticks, Alhaji Bodijo pledged to seek Government approval to obtain weapons allowed by law.

First, let me commend the Miyetti Allah group for their concern about the insecurity problem bedevilling Nigeria and, for the first time, admitting the contribution of their kinsmen to the problem. That most of the bandits operating in the North West and North Central states are Fulani is not debatable. This became well known during the time of Buhari when he directed Governors in the North West geopolitical zone to dialogue with bandits. All the bandits’ leaders that met with Governor Masari were Fulani, and they are well known, with some of them still moving unscathed even when the Federal Government is spending billions of Naira of taxpayers’ money on insecurity.

With the resolve and non-cowardly nature of Fulani, I do not doubt that if the all-Fulani group decide to face their criminal kinsmen, banditry will come to an end in a very short time. But are they ready to do it?

Miyetti Allah Kautel Hore group has itself been criticised for aiding and abetting criminality on several occasions. Perhaps the best known for this accusation is the immediate past Governor of Benue state. We can also recall that at a point in time, a Zamfara state commissioner of Police issued a warning to the Miyetti Allah group to bring an end to banditry in the state or face the wrath of the law.

The tone of Alhaji Bodijo does not suggest that the Miyetti Allah group is ready to face the criminal elements among their kinsmen, fire for fire. In fact, he mentioned the name of a hardened criminal in the North West and stated that they are ready to partner with people like him to end insecurity. But Alhaji Bodijo has a reply for me if he wants it. What is news about partnering with bandits if the Government, with its security forces and an obligation to protect lives and property, has dialogued with them several times? 

But come. Why Nasarawa state? Does the Governor have any interest in the new Miyetti Allah project? Politicians can be unpredictable. Many of them have been accused of using ethnic militia for their political agenda. Governor Abdullahi Sule should come clean on this.

Or does the Nasarawa project have anything to do with the “innocent” herdsmen killed by the military sometime in 2022? We are aware that the Horijo, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, visited both President Buhari and President Tinubu to seek compensation for his tribesmen even though he has never done so with respect to the many innocent people killed by criminals suspected to be of Fulani descent. How are we sure that this project is not about revenge?

Assuming revenge is not the first idea. If an incident like the one in question happens again, can we rule out a confrontation between an armed Miyetti Allah vigilante group and the Nigerian Air Force? If the group has branches in all states of the Federation or at least the Northern states, would that not be a major disaster?

By the way, this is Nigeria, a multiethnic and multireligious nation. Any security outfit to be recognised by the Government at the state or Federal level must not be ethnically biased. While Fulani herdsmen (Fulanin daji as they are called) have a very good knowledge of the forest because of the nature of their occupation, the collaborators of forest-based bandits are usually hidden in the cities. The victims of banditry are mostly people in the villages, and they can tell the different ways in which bandits attack.  All these mean that an unbiased vigilante group must be composed of different categories of people, not just people with knowledge of the forest.

My advice for MACBAN is to modify their approach. Reach out to other interest groups and form an all-inclusive vigilante group. Government should do the screening with inputs from Miyetti Allah Kautel Hore and other law-abiding groups. 

Recognising the new group without modification is a potential disaster for Nigeria.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from Kano. He can be reached via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Zakariyya Shu’aib Adam 

About two months ago, I took off from Sokoto to Minna in a commercial vehicle. As usual, I wore a kaftan and sat in the front seat. Although I had my headphones on, we had some words with the driver. He never knew I was “ɗan boko” until I communicated with someone on the phone in English. He said: “Mallam, na zaci kai ma duk mu ne [I thought you were like us – uneducated].” I laughed it off and said, “Ai dole sai a na raba ƙafa [One must diversify].”

The driver told me that he knew many police officers on that way. That is why he is not frequently stopped at checkpoints. However, when we left Kontagora and before we reached Tegina, we were stopped at a checkpoint. When the police came, they greeted and cracked jokes. He asked the driver: “Babu kayanmu a motar nan [Are there our goods in the car]?” The driver said, “Eh, babu kayanku [Ye, there’s none].” I wasn’t interested in their discussion until I saw the police pointing at me, saying, “Wannan ba kayanmu ba ne [Is this not ours]?” The driver said, “A’a, wannan ɗan gari ne [No, he’s not].”

When we were allowed to pass, I asked the driver the meaning of “kaya [goods]” and why the police thought I was their “kaya [goods].” He said the police thought I was nomadic Fulani. A typical Fulani who did not attend school. Whenever a car is stopped at the checkpoint, they single out a Fulani man or woman and ask him or her to alight. They will be charged between 5k to 10k. If they fail to give, they will be framed as kidnappers or their informants. He said if only he had told the police that I was their “kaya”, I would have been made to give that amount of money.

By Allah, if it were someone that informed me of this, I wouldn’t have believed. But Wallahi, it happened to me. I was just saved by Allah, Who made the driver promptly intervene. I just can’t imagine myself refusing to give them that sum of money. I would have been left alone, and the network wasn’t friendly for calls. I would have been framed up as a kidnapper or their informant. Only Allah knows what would have happened to me. My sin was just that I am Fulani.

Indeed, there are criminals among Fulani. There are kidnappers and their informants among them as well. Many of these undesirable elements have committed heinous acts against innocent people and subjected sackless individuals to unnecessary throes and severe distress. They have successfully sacked many villages and murdered countless innocuous souls, thanks to the I-don’t-care attitude of the government. May these barbarous beasts get caught and euthanized. 

This piece is not, in any way, intended to strip them of their crimes. Even though there are bad eggs among them, there are also good ones. There are many responsible and peace-loving individuals among them. Imagine how many innocent Fulanis are stopped on a daily basis and robbed. How many of them are falsely charged as kidnappers without conviction. Some of them are even victims of the kidnapping and cattle rustling. What kind of justice is served?

This type of unjust profiling and more paved the way for these innocent people to join the malignant kidnapping infection. Many of these unethical practices and professional misconducts committed by a few greedy Ekuke parading themselves as police are not only apoptotic to the Nigeria Police Force but are also a threat to the peaceful coexistence of the country. The perpetrators of these heinous acts amongst the police must be investigated and brought to book.

Zakariyya Shu’aib Adam wrote from Sokoto.

By Muhammad Sabiu

In Ewekoro, Ewekoro Local Government Area of Ogun State, a local hunter named Saheed Ogundahun is said to have slain a Fulani herdsman.

The Ogun Commissioner of Police, Lanre Bankole, verified this on Monday while arraigning the suspect and others at the State Police Headquarters in Eleweran, Abeokuta.

Ogundahun was detained on March 13 for killing a Fulani herdsman with a Dane rifle, according to Bankole, adding that after killing the herder, the suspect buried him on his property in Ewekoro.

The dead herdsman’s body has been unearthed and sent to Ifo General Hospital mortuary for an autopsy.

“on credible intelligence, one Saheed Ogundahun, a hunter, was arrested in connection with the case.

“On interrogation, the said Saheed confessed that he shot the victim to death and buried him in the bush,” the police commissioner was quoted as saying.

By Abdallah Jalo Abba

Dear Fulanis, I am writing this fully aware that this might never get to the Fulani herders journeying in forests. That is why I’m precisely writing in English instead of Fulfulde, hoping the educated amongst us will accept my message and join hands as we push to help our nomadic brothers.

Rest assured, I know we like to talk about nomadic cattle herding in glowing nostalgic terms. Still, over the years, this practice has only exposed our nomadic brothers and sisters to agony and a harsh lifestyle in their attempt to live an impossible 17th-century life in the 21st century. Sincerely, this isn’t bravery but naivety. 

Nomadism harms our Fulani cousins more than anyone. I won’t talk about the needless loss of lives this archaic practice has caused since almost everyone is aware of that. I will instead concentrate on the health and socio-economic dangers this primitive practice has brought to our brothers.

As I write this, more than two million of our tribespeople are illiterates and do not own a house due to their lifestyle. However, this isn’t surprising since a nomad cannot own a home or go to school if he’s always on a perpetual journey from Borno to Enugu.

Hitherto, our nomadic brothers die of snakebites, infectious diseases and fever. They live in the rain and under the scorching sun and naturally cannot vote during elections. They sleep out in open areas or in rare situations in thatched makeshift accommodation (for the lucky among them), both of which expose them to tsetse flies and mosquitoes. When they get sick, they lack access to medical care like you and I, thereby risking losing their lives because of their chosen lifestyle.

The nomads drink from polluted water sources contaminated with human faeces; the raw milk they drink carries dangerous bacteria, leading to food poisoning. In addition, they get respiratory diseases because of the dust they inhale while travelling in bushes and unfairly get extorted from security agencies.

Their children are born and raised under impoverished circumstances. They get driven from one place to another by fellow humans or natural forces. Often, this results in the loss of their lives or that of members of their family and/or their cattle.

Selfishly, sedentary Fulanis who live in cities and enjoy housing, electricity, decent water and healthcare like myself are the proponents of nomadic cattle-herding today. How convenient.

So, this same Town-Fulanis who send their kids to school want children of nomads as young as seven years old to continue chasing cows from Sokoto to Enugu and get paid N6000 every month. I know some of you may think this is mere exploitation, but I know slavery whenever I see it.

Obviously, nomadic cattle-herding in Nigeria is impossible. A country with a fast-growing population dependent on farm produce for sustenance cannot accommodate this practice because of the pressure on land and other resources.

A cattle route followed by a herd moving from Northern Nigeria to the South during the dry season is already filled with farmlands come rainy season, making it impossible for the same pack to return to the North via the same route. The problems are too many.

Indeed, it is northern states that have land for cattle grazing. So, it’s astonishing that our brothers choose to travel south where they’re desperately hated and where land is relatively scarce in search of greener pasture they already have in abundance in the North.

Undoubtedly, the land is the most precious of commodities, and land is what the North has and what the South lacks.

Borno state with a surface area of (70,898Km. Sq.) is 11 times the size of Abia state (6,320km. Sq). Niger state with a land area of (76,363km Sq) is 22 times the size of Lagos (3,345 km. Sq). 

The entirety of Ondo state and its forest reserves that Governor Akeredolu has been losing sleep over is only (15,500 Km. Sq), meaning you can remove four Ondo states and four Lagos states in one Niger state. In fact, the entire southeast boasts of only (41,440Km. Sq).

So, can anyone calmly explain to me why cattle herding is more viable in Ondo and not Niger or Borno states? 

This nomadic lifestyle has only brought hardship and suffering, turning our cousins into cheap and easily disposable labour, which has left them in extreme poverty of millennial dimensions and with no access to decent water, electricity, housing and healthcare.

Against this backdrop, the privileged and educated amongst us should advocate for the settlement of nomads, so they and their children can also attend school, watch TV, sleep in a conducive environment like ours and generally achieve economic emancipation. 

Doing that will improve literacy and reduce disease burden among our cousins, thereby freeing up more land to farmers and generally solving the problem of farmer-herder conflicts permanently.

When we do all that,  children of the retired nomads will become doctors in our Medical Centers, Engineers in our factories and lawyers that’ll represent us when people from other social groups seek to malign our loved ones or us.

Like it or not, we cannot disconnect ourselves from the advancement of the 21st century and peacefully coexist with people of this age. So, the earlier we abolish this archaic and primitive practice of chasing cows from pillar to post, the better for everyone – and more so for our landless tribe members.

Abdallah Jalo Abba is a Fulani and Engineer from Yola. He sent this article via hammedadam2@gmail.com.