EndSARS

By Tolulope Showande 

Social media has revolutionized political discourse, transforming how people engage with politics, share information, and influence change. Platforms like X (Twitter), Facebook, and Instagram have broken down barriers between citizens and leaders, offering a more immediate and interactive space for dialogue than ever before. However, this transformation is a double-edged sword, bringing opportunities and challenges to modern political communication.

On the positive side, social media has democratized information. It gives marginalized voices a platform to be heard and enables grassroots movements to gain momentum without the backing of traditional media outlets. 

Hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter and #EndSARS have brought global attention to issues of racial injustice and police brutality, mobilizing millions to take action. Social media also allows citizens to hold politicians accountable. Missteps or controversial statements can go viral within minutes, forcing leaders to address public concerns swiftly.

Yet, the characteristics that make social media powerful also make it dangerous. The speed and reach of these platforms have facilitated the spread of misinformation and fake news, which can polarize societies and undermine democratic processes. 

Algorithms designed to maximize engagement often amplify sensational and divisive content, creating echo chambers where users are exposed only to viewpoints that reinforce their beliefs. This has led to heightened political tribalism, replacing meaningful debate with hostility and extremism.

Furthermore, the lack of regulation around social media use in political campaigns has raised concerns about transparency and manipulation. From targeted ads to the misuse of personal data, these platforms have become tools for influencing elections, often in difficult-to-detect or counteract ways. The 2016 U.S. presidential election and the Brexit referendum are notable examples of how social media can be weaponized to shape public opinion.

Despite these challenges, the role of social media in politics cannot be dismissed. It has become integral to modern governance, activism, and public engagement. To maximize its benefits while mitigating its risks, there must be a collective effort to promote digital literacy, implement stricter regulations on political advertising, and hold tech companies accountable for their role in shaping public discourse.

Social media is a powerful tool, but society must ensure it is used responsibly. If used thoughtfully, these platforms have the potential to foster a more informed, connected, and active citizenry capable of addressing the complex challenges of our time.

Tolulope Showande sent from Bayero University, Kano, via tshowande@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

In the 25 years of our current uninterrupted democracy, four significant protests stand out: the 2007 protest against fuel price hikes, the 2012 Occupy Nigeria movement, the 2020 EndSARS demonstrations, and the protest against hunger.

When Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure ended, he bid the public goodbye with an unpopular move: increasing the pump price from 65 to 75 naira. Among the ensuing protestors, one placard was ridiculous: “Return the old price, or there will be a revolution.” Imagine adding 10 naira to the pump price, and someone called for a revolution. What would that person call for now?

Why would President Obasanjo end his tenure with a bitter pill for the public? This remains a puzzle I still cannot piece together. Isn’t it when leaders come to leave power that they show the greatest love for the masses? Perhaps this was Obasanjo’s way of punishing us for rejecting his third-term agenda. Maybe he wanted to give his successor, Yar’Adua, a golden baton by allowing him to reverse the pump price, a gesture for which he is still remembered. Anyway, let me not overthink.

The Occupy Nigeria in 2012 is still fresh in our memory. GEJ love lost with Nigerians reached its crescendo, giving rise to Boko haram and a pile of allegations of corruption under his watch as if that was not enough, the peacemaker and true statesman threatened to jack up the pump price to N145, the opposition would find the straw they were looking for, together with many Nigerians they lock down the nation in the protest. Tinubu admits to being involved in this and several other protests, but he tempered them with fragrance by emphasizing that they were peaceful protests.

Like many protests, ENDSARS in 2020 didn’t get momentum in the north thanks to clerics’ admonishing. The trouble is that the Hausa language protests, demonstrations, and riots are perceived differently. So, whenever there is a call for one, riots readily come to mind, which is outrightly prohibited by both scripture and culture. But I found one explanation from an Imam plausible; he said that it is not a peaceful demonstration that was forbidden but that it usually leads to havoc, looting, and sometimes even loss of lives. 

We, therefore, cannot afford to throw a baby with the bath water. There is a need to devise a way to conduct a peaceful demonstration void of wreaking havoc because a demonstration is one of the safety valves of society; whenever enough tension is built, demonstrations can act as a vehicle to bring down the tension. One radical idea is to borrow a leaf from developed nations like England; there should be places like the famous Hyde Park London, also known as Speakers’ Corner, where every grieved Nigerian can go there to voice out their frustrations. We can also have a Ground Zero in New York City where the bereaved gather to relieve their grievances and console each other. But most importantly, they are the safety valves of good governance, employment, recreational and vocational development, and vocational welfare and justice.

The earlier in the list of protests in Nigeria are June 12, SAP, and Ali Must Go. The former one is worthy of discussion. After the push of Nigerians came to shove, the then-military regime toyed with the idea of releasing the power to civilians. Because of several dribbles of public attention and back and forth, IBB would be nicknamed Maradona, which he later padded with air freshener; he said Maradona (Argentina) was playing against just 11 players, but he, as the president was fighting with millions of Nigeria. 

Finally, June 12 was set for the general election; in an unprecedented show of unity, Nigerians en masse elected MKO as president of Nigeria, but only for the military regime to turn down the verdict. Fortunately, or otherwise, the event coincided with the students’ peak, and academic unionism would shut down the country alongside the politicians and other pressure groups. 

Some overzealous went as far as hijacking the plane flying from Lagos to Abuja, diverting it to Niamey, and threatening not to release the plane and hostages until MKO was declared winner of the June 12, 1993, general election. 

This episode is reminiscent of Entebbe Operation; in Entebbe Operation that occurred in 1976, the Air France traveling from Tel Aviv to Paris would be hijacked and diverted to Entebbe, Uganda, where the hijackers demanded the release of 40 Palestinians. That incident became an international sensation thanks to Israel’s successful operation -like in the blockbuster movie, to rescue all the hostages.

The stand-up of the June 12 movement against the military led to the imprisonment of several activists. It claimed many lives, including those of Kudirat Abiola and, later, MKO Abiola himself. To commemorate this event, the Nigerian government changed Democracy Day to June 12, 2018. Although the military officially handed over power to a civilian government on May 29, 1999, the government recognized that no date in Nigerian history symbolized democracy more than June 12. According to this view, democracy was truly restored on June 12. It was only denied.

By Musa Kalim Gambo

Whether you like it or not, populism is the giant stallion politicians ride to victory in every race. They strike at the cords of the utmost desires of the public, exaggerate the failures of the existing structure, and swear by the deities they worship that they possess the magical cure. They have the staff that can open up the Nigerian Red Sea of trouble to ‘let my people go.’

So, this upcoming August protest in Nigeria is another populist stage—dramatic personas will sing the chorus of what everyone already knows, what everyone already endures, and what everyone already believes is no longer humanly possible for the current crop of Nigerian politicians to address. 

#ENDSARS was a huge success (?), to a relative extent. Youths expressed their rage at an overtly abusive agent of the government, a special unit of the Nigerian police force, the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, or SARS, as it became notoriously known in 2020.

The protest was beyond police brutality and high-handedness. This was when the country was amid the coronavirus pandemic, economic recession, and poverty –you could perceive the pungent odor of poverty in the air. Life was becoming unaffordable and unpalatable. So if poverty provides the ground for hunger, then hunger was close relative to anger and frustration,  then it was clear that #ENDARS was bigger than the demand for an end to police brutality. 

It could be concluded that the frustration, hunger, and anger that hung in the air were the oxygen in the protesters’ blood. It was the crucial component of the energy that drove the protesters to the streets—although the activation energy came from the said ‘police brutality’ through the SARS.

Four years later, these youths moved on, and the country’s situation did not seem to display any sign of positive change. The only visible changes, obviously, must be said—there’s a proactive approach to leadership. Even if some government areas prove difficult and impossible, the leadership is resilient. 

It is now widely seen that the federal government has hastily increased the national minimum wage, granted autonomy to local government, launched a student loan scheme, and is vigorously engaging with stakeholders on the eve of this August protest.

The government is already taking important measures to prevent a protest from escalating into an ugly situation.

Here in the North, the Ulama have strong control over the youth, and they are already calling on youths to avoid violence or any action that could potentially undermine the nation’s fragile state. So, if the protest eventually occurs in parts of the North, it is expected to be peaceful. 

The Northerner respects leadership – good or bad, as long as such leadership does not directly conflict with his religious belief, especially the unity of God. But this calm doesn’t suggest silence! Neither does it imply agreement with the prevailing hardship. There will always be strong condemnation and damnation against the extravagant and ostentatious lifestyle of the political elite amidst hardship among the talakwa. This is sometimes expressed in rhetorics – with Allah ya isa.

This weekend, the Hausa political praise singer Dauda Kahutu Rarara, had his Facebook page deleted after users reported him over a song. In Rarara’s usual style, the song in question seeks to indicate that the life of talakawa has improved under the current Nigerian government. It can essentially be said that the song trivializes the grievances of the public against the government. 

Rarara is known to reduce the opposition to his benefactors to nothing, sometimes even mocking them using his rhythm and lyrics. So, this was undoubtedly one of those instances met with the appetizer of the upcoming protest.

Back to the protest—one thing is certain in this part of the world:  no matter how hard the poor fight, the elitist lifestyle that serves as a precursor to their pathetic condition cannot be changed. Protests do not improve the quality of life in this part of the world; they rather push the poor from frying pan to fire, leaving behind ashes of instability and unrest that go on long after the protest is over.

So it’s best to be wise and think twice – peaceful dialogue and engagement with the authorities. 

Musa Kalim Gambo writes from Kaduna via gmkalim.ng@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Inspector General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, addressed the nation in light of the planned nationwide protests, emphasizing the severe negative effects of violent demonstrations on our society. 

In his address, the IGP highlighted several critical points that underscore the importance of maintaining peace and order during protests.

“It is not only in Nigeria that there is hardship. It is a global meltdown. Is the government doing anything about it? Yes! This is what a responsive government will do,” stated the IGP. He stressed that while the current economic challenges are not unique to Nigeria, the government is actively working to mitigate their impact and provide relief to the citizens.

Reflecting on the 2020 EndSARS protest, the IGP remarked, “Where police stations were burnt down, criminals took over. Arms looted were in the wrong hands, and armed robbers took over. Women could no longer walk freely once it is 7 pm.” He warned that the destruction of police infrastructure leads to a breakdown in law and order, leaving communities vulnerable to criminal activities.

“There are enough lessons to learn from previous violent protests in Nigeria,” the IGP continued, urging citizens to remember the chaos and suffering that followed such events. “Serious dangers come with unchecked demonstrations,” he added, highlighting the potential for loss of life, property damage, and widespread fear among the populace.

The IGP acknowledged the right to protest, stating, “The right to protest is a right to peaceful protest.”He called on all Nigerians to exercise this right responsibly and to avoid actions that could escalate into violence. Peaceful protests, he emphasized, are a powerful tool for expressing grievances and driving change without endangering lives and properties.

In conclusion, the IGP reaffirmed the Nigeria Police Force’s commitment to protecting the rights of citizens while maintaining law and order. He urged all Nigerians to cooperate with the Police to ensure that any forthcoming protests are peaceful and orderly.

By Lawi Auwal Yusuf

For any right-thinking, upright government with the political will, the EndSARS protests was not an incidence to be taken for granted or forgotten. On the contrary, the turmoil was the greatest challenge of Nigeria in 2020 after the Covid-19 epidemic. There are lessons to learn. It deserves special attention, critical thinking and drastic measure, not an indifferent and lackadaisical attitude.

It was a phenomenon that has shown that things are not well in this country. And it sent a strong and clear message that poverty, inequality, mass joblessness and underemployment are at their highest pinnacle. It manifested the annoyance, frustration and anger in the citizens of this dystopian country.

The hopeless, idle and ratty youths have fed up with their misery, plight, wretchedness, redundancy and unhappy dire future. This means that Nigerians are irritated and have despaired with the long-anticipated miracle change promised by the Buhari administration and his mega-merger party. This rebellion had evidently signalled the administration’s failure and its vague, obsolete and unrealistic policies that should be thrown overboard and swiftly replaced or radically reviewed.

A similar event like SARS brutally led to more than a decade of wars and fracases in many countries of the Middle East. What sparked off the disturbances was just even more trivial than what caused the EndSARS protests in Nigeria, where the SARS operatives slew a suspect extrajudicially.

The Arab Spring, which started in 2011, was ignited when a cop molested a fruit-seller on the street of Tunis. Muhammad Al-Bouazizi, a breadwinner, set himself ablaze in protest of confiscating his wares by the police from which he made his ends meet and put food on the table for his family and his aged parents.

After intense pressure from millions of demonstrators that took to the streets of the country’s metropolitan cities, it resulted in the ouster of the then authoritarian President of Tunisia, Zainul Abidin Ben Ali. And subsequently, these protests proliferated in neighbouring countries. Similarly, it led to the fall of other long-ruling regimes and sit-tight dictators like Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and later Muhammad Mursi, Abdallah Saleh of Yemen, Sa’ad Hariri and Hassan Diab of  Lebanon, Umar Al-Bashir of Sudan, Abdulaziz Bouteflika of Algeria, Blaise Compaore of  Burkina Faso and the currently embattled Bashar Assad of Syria. And most recently, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita of Mali, a West  African country and a member of the CEDEAO (ECOWAS) and a neighbour to Nigeria with the closest proximity to Nigeria among the mentioned states.

And I am sure it is unarguable that police in Nigeria are more hostile, ruthless, brutal and more corrupt than these countries. Nevertheless, their leaders were more committed to developing their economies and serving their masses than the Nigerian unpatriotic, unmindful, extravagant and wanton politicians. Their leaders were more just, accountable, transparent, modest, nationalist, less corrupt and materialistic and love their people more than our leaders do. Moreover, their masses are far better off than Nigerians. Despite these, their people revolted against them, and it is the wish and age-long dream of  Nigerians to have leaders like that of those countries so that our country can reach their level of development. And one may think that if genuine and urgent efforts are not made to resolve the problems of this country, it may be next.       

Furthermore, the EndSARS resistance has shown that Nigerian politicians are no longer running the country’s affairs with the mandate and consent of the people because they believed that they are deceived and betrayed by politicians. Thus, democracy is an illusion as it has metamorphosed into a democratic dictatorship.

Lastly, as every Nigerian is responsible and must be blamed for the nation’s state and as we have all paid the price for this destructive behaviour of these youths, change must begin with each and every one of us. Therefore, on the part of the government, I suggest it should convene a conference and bring together technocrats from different professions like sociologists, economists, political scientists, security experts and so on to assess the situation and its causes come up with solutions to avert any future reoccurrences.

Lawi Auwal Yusuf Maikanawa writes from Kano. He can be reached via laymaikanawa@gmail.com.