By Sunusi Abubakar

The primary aim of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) is not just about producing accountants; it is about shaping the accounting profession through certified professionals who are fair, accountable, and upright. The profession itself is ultimately built on integrity, honesty, and confidentiality.

To many, passing rigorous ICAN examinations is final, but in reality, it is just a mark of resilience, dedication, and discipline. The true essence of becoming a chartered accountant lies in what one can do after achieving the qualification.

Until I became a chartered accountant, I realised that ICAN was never just about exams: it was about preparing me for continuous learning, growth, and responsibility.

According to Merriam-Webster, a professional is defined as “someone who has specialised training, practices in a recognised occupation, and upholds the standards and ethics of that field.” Going by this definition, one can see that professional life doesn’t require only certification but also continuing professional development to meet the demands of the profession.

Becoming a chartered accountant is a way forward to lifelong learning. One has to continue reading from basic accounting knowledge to Artificial Intelligence, Data Analytics, and Sustainability Reporting. One has to attend ICAN’s Mandatory Continuing Professional Development (MCPD) and enrol in short courses or seminars on tax reforms, IFRS updates, and auditing standards. A professional needs to specialise in key accounting areas such as forensic accounting, risk management, or corporate finance, and earn global certifications such as ACCA, CFA, CPA, CIMA, or CIPFA.

As AI becomes a necessity for accountants, professionals need to leverage it by developing both digital and technical skills. Learning data analytics tools like Power BI and Tableau is essential. Professionalism is not just about a certificate but about the value a professional adds in reality. A professional is expected to know everything within the scope of his profession. Leadership, skills, and global exposure are what make one a true professional.

ICAN is just a foundation, but continuous learning makes an accountant truly relevant and competitive.

Sunusi Abubakar, ACA, wrote from Gangare Quarters, Birnin Kudu, Jigawa State.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The 207th monthly seminar of the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), Nigeria Office, Kano, was held on Sunday, October 26, 2025, featuring a thought-provoking paper titled “Belief and Doubt: Understanding the Rise of Atheism among Muslim Youth in Northern Nigeria.” The paper was presented by Dr Aliyu Alhaji Rabiu of Gombe State University.

Although attendance at the seminar was modest, the session drew keen interest from both onsite participants and others who joined virtually via Zoom. 

The presentation examined the growing trend of atheism among Muslim youth in Northern Nigeria, exploring its historical roots, contemporary drivers, and the challenges it poses to Islamic identity.

The paper generated lively engagement during the question-and-answer session, where participants raised critical theological and social questions. The session chairman, Dr Ibrahim Ilyasu Adam, and other discussants commended the presenter for addressing a sensitive yet timely subject with intellectual depth and clarity.

The IIIT monthly seminar series continues to provide an important forum for reflective discussion and scholarly exchange on issues shaping Muslim thought and society.

By Sabiu Abdulahi

Former Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, has said that many young Nigerians involved in internet fraud, commonly called Yahoo boys, are actually intelligent individuals who require proper guidance instead of outright condemnation.

Obi, who spoke in Onitsha, Anambra State on Saturday, explained that those engaged in such activities possess creative minds but have been misled due to lack of direction.

He noted that if their energy and innovation were properly channeled, they could contribute positively to the nation’s progress.

According to him, while the pursuit of money is common, real wealth should be measured by integrity, purpose, and character.

He stressed that true prosperity should empower people and uplift communities.

“Some of our so-called Yahoo boys are geniuses who need redirection, not condemnation,” Obi stated.

He added that their resourcefulness could be used to promote national development if given the right mentorship and support.

“Their creativity and courage, if properly guided, can drive innovation and national development. Real wealth uplifts both the individual and society, promotes education, reduces poverty, and creates opportunities for others to live dignified lives,” he said.

Obi maintained that redirecting the talents of such youths toward productive ventures would not only benefit the country’s economy but also help reduce crime and unemployment.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Managing Director of the Nigerian Film Corporation (NFC), Ali Nuhu, has met with the Executive Governor of Plateau State, His Excellency Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang, to discuss strengthening collaboration between the Corporation and the state government.

During the meeting in Jos, the Plateau State capital where the NFC is headquartered, both parties explored ways to expand their long-standing partnership in promoting film production, nurturing local talents, and positioning Plateau as a central hub for Nigerian and African cinema.

Ali Nuhu noted that the discussion centered on the shared belief in the power of storytelling to shape perception, promote unity, and drive development. He emphasized that Plateau State, with its stunning landscapes and rich cultural heritage, has long been a home for some of Nigeria’s most compelling stories.

“Our goal,” he said, “is to ensure that those stories are not only told but also seen, heard, and celebrated across the world.”

By Uzair Adam 

The Kano State Hisbah Board has apprehended at least 25 persons for allegedly organising a same-sex marriage in the Hotoro area of Kano metropolis.

Deputy Commander of the Board, Dr Mujahedeen Aminudeen, confirmed the arrest in a statement made available to The Daily Reality on Sunday.

He said the suspects—18 males and seven females—were arrested at the Fatima Event Centre along Hotoro Bypass on Saturday.

“Today, Saturday, 25th October 2025, we received a report that some individuals were allegedly organising a same-sex marriage. 

“Our personnel immediately stormed the Fatima Event Centre, the venue of the illegal gathering, and successfully arrested 25 persons,” Aminudeen stated.

He added that the suspects, including the alleged groom, were from different parts of the state, such as Sheka, Yar Gaya, and Kofar Nassarawa.

Aminudeen cautioned that the Board would not tolerate any act capable of undermining the moral values of Kano State.

“We are calling on members of the public to support the Hisbah Board by reporting immoral activities across the state. 

“The Board will continue to clamp down on such gatherings that promote immorality,” he said.

By Shamsuddeen bn Abd al-Hamid al-Kanawy

(i)Background

Alhamdu Lil Lah, was Salatu was Salamu alaa Rasulil Lah, wa ala Alihi wa Sahbihi wa man Walah.In the recent years, the radical ‘Qala-Kato’ trends of rejecting the canonization of Sunnah (the Prophetic traditions), as the second primary source of Islamic Shariah (al-Baihaqi 73-77, Ibn Hazm 96-104, Ibn Qutlubugha 38-39, al-Shanghiti 86), which Northern Nigeria had for decades been largely forced underground – thanks to their Maitashine progenitor’s blood-soaked rebellion against the authorities in the region’s several urban centers (Gari 21-24), have managed to spring back to life, although, chiefly clothed in a desperately selective anti-Salafi rhetoric, or more precisely, paired with an agitation to -at least, keep the Salafis at bay.

It is no surprise that, the reawakened ‘Qala-Kato’ storm in North Nigeria takes aim at the Salafis. For one reason, the Salafis, otherwise known as the ‘Ahl al-Hadith wa as-Sunnah’ (the Adherents of the Hadith and Sunnah), are relentless and vigilant defenders of the realm of the Islamic scriptures, whereby vehemently protesting all sort of attempts to distort, twist or manipulate their codes, in addition to their absolute commitment to the pristine methodology of the Salaf (Righteous Predecessors) (Hussein 31, Thurston 5, Gari 14), for another, almost all advocates of disguised and undisguised anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim sentiments, regardless of their agnostic, atheist, polytheist, Judeo-Christian, liberal, secular, modernist, nationalistic, racial or ethnicist backgrounds, as well as the al-Batiniyyah (esoteric cults) and zanadiqah (the plural of the Arabic zindiq: any individual clandestinely committed to extreme infidelity to Islam), heretic Muslim sects and affiliations who grossly deviate from the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah, not only loathe the Salafis, but also consider them a genuine threat to their respective missions, quests and convictions. In the Nigerian North and elsewhere, the Salafi scholars and students of knowledge, could be distinguished from the rest of the Muslim clerical elites, by their staunch dedication to resisting intellectual war against Islam and its original sources.

As expected, a confederation of presumed critical thinkers of the North and their allies has thrown its weight behind the ‘Qala-Kato’ controversialists. However, the pro-Qala-Kato arguments and assessments of the supposed thinkers, are neither aligned to academic and intellectual basis of any sort, nor do they appear to reflect the reality about the ‘Qala-Kato’ contentions and the scholarly responses to them, the theologies/thoughts, history and sociology of the Islamic affiliations and modes of practice in Northern Nigeria. Hence, their glorification, or rather idolization of the ‘Qala-Kato’ are obviously not warranted by intellectual competence or critical thinking, but -perhaps, dictated by their desperation to bend the truth, twist the reality, mislead, brainwash and rewrite history.

I fear that, the purported Luminants of the North and their allies, might have considered it their professional -and perhaps, moral obligation, as the chosen ones -privileged for their competence in Western sciences and European languages, as well as their familiarity –with particularly, the Anglo-American norms and thoughts, to lead discussions on Islam and its theology, whereby, validating, invalidating constructing, deconstructing and reconstructing the Muslim discourses at will, in a demonstration of utter disregard for academic basis and intellectuality.

Interestingly, none of their Western and West-centric inspirers; the Orientalists, their heirs and puppets within the Islamic world -who had to sacrifice everything for their embattled cause, did a good job of redefining Islam, just as Edward Said testifies that “One ought never to assume that the structure of Orientalism is nothing more than the structure of lies or of myths which, were the truth about them to be told, will simply blow away” and ultimately rules that ‘’I myself believe that Orientalism is more particularly valuable as a sign of European Atlantic power over the Orient, than it is a veridic discourse about the Orient.(which is what, in its academic or scholarly form it claims to be)” (Said 6).

Given the above, this essay intends to explore, assess and deal with misconceptions, fallacies and misinformation about the Salafi-Izala mode of Islamic da’wah and practice in Northern Nigeria that are championed by the West-centric detractors of the as-Salaffiyah, and whose censure and condemnation of it ripens into misrepresentation and distortion of its doctrine and methodology, mischaracterization and dehumanization of the key figures within its intellectual and da’wah constituencies, fabrication and/or promotion of false or erroneous facts about it and its adherents, as well as glorification of the flawed discourses and arguments of its opponents.

Thematically, this essay will focus on issues closely associated with the concept, doctrine, methodology and identity of as-Salafiyyah, its advent in Northern Nigeria, the making of the Izala society; Northern Nigeria’s largest and most well-organized Salafi da.wah platform, the nexus between the Izala and sister local and international Salafi affiliations and platforms, the interrelations between the Sufi Brotherhoods, and between them and the Salafis in the 20th and 21st centuries C.E, the Salafi stands and attitudes towards non-Salafi Muslim individuals, affiliations and sects, allegations of literalism, inconformity, intolerance, conservatism, extremism, and terrorism against the as-Salafiyyah and its prominent figures, international inspirers and benefactors. The Salafi attitudes towards temporal disciplines (Western education) modernity, political and civil participation and -of course, analysis and assessment of their responses to the current Qala-Kato and esoteric Faira Sufi controversies.

The essay will engage the gross anti-Salafi sentiments associated with the following West-centric submissions:

Usman Isyaku’s Oct 18, 2005 Facebook piece on North’s religious landscape, Abdulrazak’s “Masussuka and the Mirror of the Changing North’’ (and through him the analyses of Ibrahim Musa, Ahmad Sadiq and Dr. Musa, among others), sampled contents of Nuru Khalid (the digital Imam’s) moments of anti-Salafi agitation and rhetoric, including his weirdest claim that Wahhabism (as-Salafiyyah) is a British creation, Shehu Sani’s “Political Assassination in Nigeria”; and the last but not the least, Sunusi Lamido Sunusi’s “Identity Politics, Ethnics and Parochialism: My Engagement with Ja’far Adam”, his “In Defense of Reverend Father Kukah” and “If Poverty Continues in the North, Islam Will Disappear”.

It is worth noting that, in the course of its treatment of the issues highlighted above, the essay will – in sha Allah, engage as many profiles within the orbit of the sampled intellectuals as possible.

To be continued…

Shamsuddeen bn Abd al-Hamid al-Kanawy

shamsuddeenabounafeesa@gmail.comJalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria.

By Abdullahi Adamu

Poor health facilities in Nigeria stem from severe underfunding, causing inadequate infrastructure, outdated equipment, drug shortages, and breakdowns in essential services like electricity and clean water. This affects rural and primary healthcare centres most, where facilities are dilapidated and staff insufficient. A shortage of medical professionals and brain drain overloads the system, leading to increased medical tourism and poor outcomes. Healthcare access is severely limited due to various systemic factors. 

Misconceptions about primary health care and poor leadership have hindered the health system, which hasn’t aligned its structures to achieve universal health access. Improving financial access alone won’t suffice without comprehensive primary health care reform to fix system flaws, deliver quality, efficient, acceptable care, and ensure sustainability and growth for the health system and country. A primary health care movement of government health professionals, the diaspora, and stakeholders is needed to drive this change and overcome political inertia.

In 2014, the National Health Act established the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF) to address funding gaps hampering effective primary healthcare delivery across the country. The BHCPF comprises 1% of the federal government Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF) and additional contributions from other funding sources. It is designed to support the effective delivery of Primary Healthcare services, provision of a Basic Minimum Package of Health Services (BMPHS), and Emergency Medical Treatment (EMT) to all Nigerians.

Despite the provisions of the BHCPF, the report’s findings expose the precarious state of healthcare in Nigeria, where access to and utilisation of health services remain marred by systemic challenges across states.

Public health facilities in all 36 states and the FCT are deficient, and the experiences of community members seeking care at these facilities are consistently awful.

Primary Health Care (PHC) is the foundation of the healthcare system in Nigeria and serves as the level at which non-emergency, preventive health issues are addressed. But sadly, many PHC centres in the FCT are poorly equipped and lack well-trained personnel.

 Kulo PHC was built with solid infrastructure and equipped with solar panels as part of a 2019 federal initiative aimed at strengthening primary care in hard-to-reach areas. Today, that promise lies in ruins. The solar panels are now dysfunctional—some stolen, others damaged by harsh weather and lack of maintenance. At night, the clinic plunges into darkness, leaving staff to work by torchlight or with dying cell phone batteries.

Three patients on life support at Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital were reported dead following an interruption to the hospital’s electricity supply by Kano Electricity Distribution Company.

The basic causes of Nigeria’s deteriorating health care system are the country’s weak governance structures and operational inefficiencies.

In 2014, the National Health Act established the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF) to address funding gaps hampering effective primary healthcare delivery across the country. The BHCPF comprises 1% of the federal government Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF) and additional contributions from other funding sources. It is designed to support the effective delivery of Primary Healthcare services, provision of a Basic Minimum Package of Health Services (BMPHS), and Emergency Medical Treatment (EMT) to all Nigerians.

Despite the provisions of the BHCPF, the report’s findings expose the precarious state of healthcare in Nigeria, where access to and utilisation of health services remain marred by systemic challenges across states.

Public health facilities in all 36 states and the FCT are deficient, and the experiences of community members seeking care at these facilities are consistently awful.

The Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF) was poorly implemented in 13 states.

The basic causes of Nigeria’s deteriorating health care system are the country’s weak governance structures and operational inefficiencies

Abdullahi Adamu wrote via nasabooyoyo@gmail.com. 

By Anas Abbas

Governor Dikko Umaru Radda of Katsina State has approved a major cabinet reshuffle and announced new appointments across key government agencies to enhance efficiency and service delivery.

The development, which takes immediate effect, was contained in statements issued on Thursday by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Ibrahim Kaula Mohammed.

The move involves redeployment of some commissioners and the appointment of two new special advisers.Under the reshuffle, Hon. Adnan Nahabu becomes Commissioner for Higher, Vocational and Technical Education, while Prof. Ahmad Muhammad Bakori, who previously led Agriculture and Livestock Development, now heads the newly created Ministry of Livestock Development.

Additionally, Hon. Aliyu Lawal Zakari moves from Youth and Sports to Agriculture, and Hajiya Zainab Musa Musawa shifts from Basic and Secondary Education to Special Duties.

Also, Hon. Yusuf Suleiman Jibia now oversees the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education, while Engr. Surajo Yazid Abukur takes charge of Youth and Sports Development. Hajiya Aisha Aminu, former Director-General of the Katsina State Enterprise Development Agency, becomes Commissioner for Women Affairs.

Governor Radda further appointed Hajiya Hadiza Abubakar Yar’adua as Special Adviser on Nutrition and Welfare Services, and Isa Muhammad Musa as Special Adviser on Cultural Orientation.

He urged all appointees to align with his administration’s Building Your Future agenda focused on accountability, innovation, and improved governance.

However, the governor appointed Engr. Abba Junaidu, MNSE, as Chairman of the Katsina State Road Maintenance Agency (KASROMA).

He also appointed Dr. Babangida Ruma as Director-General of the Katsina State Enterprise Development Agency (KASEDA), describing him as a technologist and youth advocate previously recognised by UNESCO as the “Father of Technology and Innovation.”

Former Head of Service, Idris Usman Tune, was appointed Chairman of the Katsina State Civil Service Commission.

The Katsina State Pension Bureau was reconstituted with Ibrahim Boyi Dutsinma as Part-Time Chairman, Musa Rabiu Mahuta as Executive Director of Finance and Administration, Abbati Ibrahim Masanawa as Executive Director of Operations, and Usman Shehu as Executive Director of ICT and Database Management. Dr. Faruk Aminu will serve as Independent Observer.

Similarly, for the Katsina State and Local Government Pension Transition Board, Hon. Muntari Dan Ammani was appointed Executive Secretary, while Garba Sanda Mani, MNI, will serve as Part-Time Chairman.

Governor Radda expressed optimism that the changes will strengthen coordination and improve policy execution across ministries and agencies, reaffirming his administration’s commitment to transparency, accountability, and people-centered governance.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

The Government of Ghana has introduced a new education policy mandating the use of local languages as the primary medium of instruction in all schools across the country.

Announcing the policy, Minister of Education, Haruna Iddrisu, said the decision marks a major step toward resetting Ghana’s education system to better reflect the nation’s linguistic and cultural realities. He emphasised that children learn best in their mother tongue, which enhances understanding and cognitive development.

“The use of our local languages in classrooms will not only improve learning outcomes but also help preserve Ghana’s rich linguistic heritage,” Iddrisu stated.

The Ghana Education Service (GES) has been directed to oversee the nationwide implementation of the policy. The move is expected to significantly reduce the dominance of English in the country’s early education system and promote inclusivity through indigenous languages.

By Garba Sidi

The strategy used to support His Excellency, the Governor of Jigawa State, Malam Umar Namadi, made his emergence seem like a golden opportunity, especially for the people of Hadejia. That’s why people from this region, regardless of political affiliation, united in full support behind him.

In fact, it got to the point where anyone who didn’t support him was branded as someone who didn’t care about Hadejia’s interests. Youths and other residents were mobilised in large numbers to vote overwhelmingly for him, resulting in a decisive defeat for his opponent. All this was done with the hope that having “their son” in power would finally bring the kind of development other governors had brought to their own regions.

BUT DID IT BRING GOOD RRSUL?

The general assumption is that if a governor comes from a certain area, that area should naturally receive more projects, opportunities, and attention than others. Unfortunately, in the case of Malam Umar Namadi, this has not been the reality.

Right from the appointment of commissioners, things started to take a different turn. Prominent politicians from Hadejia—those who invested their money, time, and energy into mobilising support—were sidelined. Instead, individuals who contributed nothing to the campaign were brought in and handed key positions. These new appointees now operate as they please, whether their actions are right or wrong.

This understandably caused frustration among the loyal politicians, many of whom withdrew, allowing their protégés to take to social media to criticise the government openly. Their anger is rooted in the fact that they were abandoned, while others who made no sacrifices are now enjoying the fruits of power.

Even in terms of developmental projects, Hadejia has not seen any significant attention that reflects the governor’s origins. For instance, the Specialist Hospital that the former governor and the Current Minister of Defence, Badaru Abubakar, initiated has been abandoned under the current administration, despite the region’s urgent need for it, particularly due to the high incidence of kidney-related diseases. Patients are frequently referred to Federal Medical Centre Nguru, Rasheed Shekoni Specialist Hospital, Dutse and Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital.

So far, the government has no tangible project it can point to as a benefit for the people of Hadejia, despite their overwhelming support. Ironically, the previous governor—who isn’t even from Hadejia—executed more meaningful projects there. Clearly, “Kwalliya ba ta biya kuɗin Sabulu ba”.

WHO IS CRITICIZING MALAM UMAR NAMADI’S GOVERNMENT?

Some supporters of Governor Malam Umar Danmodi claim there is a grand conspiracy to sabotage his government, supposedly because it originates from Hadejia. They even suggest that people from other regions, aided by unpatriotic elements within Hadejia, are driving the opposition. But that narrative is misleading. And the critics of this government can be broadly categorised into three groups:

THE POLITICIANS.

These are politicians who worked tirelessly and spent their resources to bring this administration to power. After the victory, they were cast aside. Their disappointment and frustration have led them to form alliances and challenge the government.

LOYALISTS OF THE FORMER GOVERNOR.

While not necessarily politicians, these individuals are close to the former governor. They took offense when Malam Umar began probing the previous administration and took actions perceived as targeting their benefactor. In retaliation, they began opposing the current government, criticizing its every move and encouraging others to do the same.

THE COMMON PEOPLE.

These are ordinary citizens who feel betrayed. Despite numerous announcements of new projects and the release of funds, they see little to no work on the ground. They witness government officials living lavishly while their schools lack teachers, hospitals lack doctors and medicines, and basic infrastructure is crumbling. These are the same citizens whose votes made this government possible, and now they are rightfully speaking out. So, is it a crime for the people of Hadejia to fall into any of these groups?

Some people are trying to twist the narrative, making it seem like the government is being attacked simply because it’s from Hadejia. But the reality is this: it’s the government being critized, not the region.

WHAT’S THE SOLUTION?

There is still time for reflection and correction. The administration should reach out to the neglected politicians from Hadejia who worked hard for its victory. Offer them a sincere apology and reintegrate them into the fold. Once that happens, their supporters will follow suit, and the political tension will ease.

Likewise, the faction loyal to the former governor and now Minister of Defense, Badaru Abubakar, should be approached with humility. Apologize where necessary, stop discriminating against his allies, and rebuild that bridge. Doing so will reduce hostility from that quarter.

Lastly, address the real issues affecting the people: poor healthcare, teacher shortages, and neglected infrastructure. Let the people see and feel the benefit of the support they gave. Prove to them that they made the right choice.

CONCLUSION

No one fights their own child. The people of Hadejia do not hate Malam Umar Namadi. They are simply disappointed by the neglect and lack of attention he has shown them—despite the overwhelming support they gave him when he needed it most.

Once he wakes up to this reality and takes action—not just words—to correct his course, the people will forgive and support him again.

May Allah guide us to do what is right.

I wrote the Article in Hausa, and I used ChatGPT to translate it into English.