Politics

By Abdulgaffar Tukur

The ongoing internal wrangling within our great party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is deeply disheartening—especially at a time when Nigeria desperately needs a united and visionary opposition. As a committed member and believer in our shared democratic values, I speak not out of sentiment, but out of a sense of duty: this is not a time for blames, ego, division or personal ambition.

Nigeria is bleeding. Under the reckless and dictatorial leadership of the APC-led government, headed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the nation is suffering from severe economic hardship, rampant insecurity, deepening poverty, and increasing political intimidation. Our democracy is under siege—and the people are losing hope.

The PDP must rise above these petty divisions. We must remember who we are and what we once offered this nation—16 years of stability, progress and pride. That legacy is worth defending. It is worth reviving. But to do so, we must become a united and formidable force, focused not on personal ambition, but on national salvation.

It is time we start thinking strategically, patriotically, and selflessly.

Why can’t our leaders rally behind a powerful, unifying ticket—such as His Excellency Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and His Excellency Senator Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed? This is a ticket that could inspire confidence, promote healing and unite Nigerians across board. It is realistic, respectable and widely acceptable.

And to our elder statesman, His Excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar—sir, your legacy and lifelong contributions to this party are undeniable. But now is the moment to write your name in gold by becoming the father of a new movement. Step in not as a contender, but as a peacemaker and unifier who helps to rescue Nigeria when it matters most. That act alone could define your legacy more than any presidency ever could.

Let us make no mistake in 2027: this is not just about winning an election—it’s about saving the country. It’s about restoring dignity, good governance and democratic values. It’s about telling the Nigerian people that PDP is still their party—and that we are ready to fight for them once again.

Let us rethink. Let us regroup. And together, let us reclaim the soul of our beloved Nigeria.

Abdulgaffar Tukur is a PDP member; he writes from Kebbi State, Nigeria. He can be reached via:
abdulgaffarkalgo@gmail.com

By Uzair Adam 

Two federal legislators from Kano State have left the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) and joined the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), citing unresolved internal issues within their former party.

The defection of Kabiru Alhassan Rurum, representing Rano/Bunkure/Kibiya, and Abdullahi Sani Rogo of Karaye/Rogo federal constituency, was formally announced by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, during Thursday’s plenary.

Their move adds to the recent wave of defections to the APC, with Oluwole Oke, a lawmaker from Osun State, also officially joining the party during the same session.

The sitting was attended by APC National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje and other top party members, who were in the green chamber to receive the new members.

The House has recently witnessed a series of defections, many of which have strengthened the numerical advantage of the APC.

By Prof. Abdelghaffar Amoka

Breaking news yesterday was that Consultant Psychiatrist Comrade Chris Piwuna has been elected as the new president of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) for a two-year term. The fact that he is a psychiatrist is unsettling to the political class, who, rather than injecting the necessary funds to improve our education sector, choose to embezzle money they do not need.

The post on the Facebook page of Mahmud Jega, a media aide to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu during the campaign for the 2023 election, is an indication that the news of the newly elected president is unsettling. He said Chris should examine the heads of ASUU members for choosing a strike as an option to make the government perform its responsibility to the university they willingly established and are still establishing. Earlier today, someone was thanking his Senator on Facebook for his bill to establish the Federal University of Agriculture, Kura in Kano State. 

Whose head needs to be checked by a psychiatrist? The one fighting for the survival of public universities or the one who makes all the promises, then gets to the office, but chooses to steal public funds, an amount they can’t spend for the rest of their life. In the 21st century, we have one of the worst education and health sectors. Our people now travel to Ghana, as well as to Niger and Sudan, to study. Hunger is now a pride. One of them recently acknowledged that they are aware we are hungry and referred to it as “Hunger for Change.”

Who should we take to Prof. Piwuna’s psychiatric clinic for a mental health evaluation? As people wonder about the cause of the massive and mindless corruption in the country, as we watch public institutions collapse, they feel that corruption within the political class may be a mental issue. According to Punch of 16th December 2016, the first person who made this recommendation over 30 years ago was Prof. Adeoye Lambo, a famous psychiatrist and a former Vice-Chairman of the World Health Organisation. He was astounded by the level of corruption at the time. 

Well, the corruption was child’s play then compared with what we have now. Mrs. Farida Waziri, the former EFCC boss, was reported to have also recommended psychiatric examination for politicians, citing the reason that the grand corruption we see in our public life is a hackneyed recommendation. So, the psychiatric test recommendation for politicians is not a new call. 

Despite the justification for the strike over the last two years and the members’ vote in a referendum, the ASUU leadership has attempted to apply diplomacy to avoid the strike. That has produced a strike-free 2 years. They have been lobbying and begging for the last 2 years. But what have academics got? Many people can’t afford to fuel their cars to go to work. So, what’s the alternative to the strike? Maybe instead of striking to force the government to fund tertiary institutions they willingly established, we should just manage what we have like that till they are no longer manageable, like our public primary schools? Please educate us on a practical alternative to strike. 

The Nigerian university system was once a beacon in West Africa. If corruption is the reason why there are not enough funds to make our universities what they used to be, who needs to queue in their Agbada to see a psychiatrist? The people (political class) who have kept the universities in their present state, or the people (ASUU) whose fight over the years gave our universities a semblance of a university? 

Irrespective of our political affiliation, I think we need to set our sentiment and hatred for ASUU aside and sit back to reflect on the state of education. As a former academic, journalist, and associate of the political class, Mahmud Jega should join hands with ASUU to urge the government to take the necessary steps for the education sector. The North is the worst hit, and coincidentally, Mahmoud Jega is from the North. We need public education institutions at all levels that are of high quality for their students. As the immediate past president of ASUU stated during the ASUU NDC in Benin a few days ago, we cannot build a knowledge-based economy without a sound education system.

We can’t continue this way. The status quo is unsustainable. The most powerful weapon against poverty, extremism, and ignorance is not the bullet, but the book. The time to act is now. Nigeria must return to the classroom—rebuild it, empower it, and invest in it—for therein lies the salvation of the nation.

I don’t like strikes, Mahmud Jega doesn’t like strikes, but I was left with no other options aside from a strike. And a strike is the only thing that has kept our universities functional to date. So, can Mahmud propose an alternative that will work even better than a strike? 

The test I think we need to do for ASUU members is to find out why they are fighting very hard to ensure that public universities do not collapse. They could have chosen to be like our refinery workers who watch the collapse of the refineries and earn a fat salary without refining a drop of crude oil. 

In conclusion, no matter the hatred, Mahmud Jega cannot pretend that he does not understand the situation of our educational institutions. I would like to encourage him to utilise his influence and pen to help facilitate an education summit by this government. As Prof Attahiru Jega proposed at ASUU NDC at the University of Benin a few days ago, the stakeholders of the Nigerian project need to meet and discuss the sort of tertiary education system they want and then agree on the funding model. 

Prof. Amoka wrote from Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria.

By Maryam Ahmad

Former First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan has ruled out any intention of returning to Aso Rock Villa. She affirms her support for the incumbent First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Speaking at a public event over the weekend, Dame Patience expressed her commitment to working closely with Senator Tinubu to promote unity and women’s political participation. 

Mrs Jonathan noted that her focus is on national development and supporting the current administration’s efforts, rather than seeking a return to political power.

“I have no interest in returning to Aso Rock,” she said. “I am fully behind our First Lady, Senator Remi Tinubu, and I will campaign alongside her come 2027.”

Analysts see this move as a significant show of solidarity between two of Nigeria’s most prominent political women and a potential boost for the ruling party’s female outreach ahead of the polls.

By Emeka Blaise Okpera

What is today known as the “Arab Spring” started with the singular action of one man, Mohammed Bouzizi, the young Tunisian fruit seller who set himself ablaze as a result of constant harassment from the authorities. If anyone had told Mohammed Bouazizi that morning, before leaving his house for his daily activities, that his impulsive action would ignite a revolution that would sweep away long-term regimes not just in Tunisia, but also in Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and some other countries in the Middle East, perhaps he would have dismissed it with a smirk or snigger. 

Fortunately and unfortunately, it happened, and no one saw it coming. Such is the nature of revolutions all over the world;they are not planned, but when they happen, no force can stop them until they achieve their desired results. Revolutions are offshoots of long-suppressed or bottled-up anger accumulated over time. It gets to a point where people can no longer take it.

For context, it is instructive to point out that Bouzizi’s self-immolation could not have ignited a revolution. His actions sparked widespread public anger because a vast majority of Tunisians were sick and tired of the regime of the then-ruling family, Ben Ali, who had been in power for over two decades. 

When the people rose in unison, not even Tunisia’s entire military apparatus could stop them. This reminds me of an Igbo adage that says, ” When one man cooks for the public, the public will consume it, but when the public cooks for one man, he cannot consume it.” Would Mohammed Bouzizi’s singular action have ignited the same form of public outrage it did in Tunisia if it had happened in Nigeria?

The answer is no! Many factors can be attributed to this. Firstly, Nigerians are largely divided along ethno-religious lines. This is one of the greatest advantages that political office holders enjoy in Nigeria, and they have learnt to put it to good effect. There is often a sense of communal ownership that compels particular sections of the country to protect their own. 

To the average Nigerian, political leadership is seen from the perspective of turn-by-turn. More often than not, a typical Nigerian has the notion that occupants of political office are in a position to serve the turn of their people. Therefore, they often form a mob to defend him to the last! To such people, it doesn’t matter if a political office holder is living up to the demands of his office. There is a school of thought that believes Nigerians love their oppressors as long as he is one of them! 

What this means is that Nigerians would first have considered the religious or ethnic background of a Mohammed Bouazizi to determine their reaction. Politicians would have reacted swiftly by giving it an ethnic or religious coloration. Tunisians were able to unite against the despotic regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali because every Tunisian sees himself as a Tunisian. 

None cared about the ethnicity or religion of Mohammed Bouazizi. In contrast, Nigerians prioritise their ethnic nationality above all else.  Instead of public outrage, Nigerians would have analyzed the situation that led to his actions while exonerating the government. In fact, any protest would have faced a counter-protest against it. This illustrates how unusually complex Nigerians are. A nation where the  people are divided against themselves cannot stand up to any form of oppression. 

Secondly, Nigerians are malleable. The average Nigerian can easily adapt to any situation, no matter how difficult. To say that Nigerians are resilient to the point of docility would be putting it mildly.  When pushed to the wall, a Nigerian doesn’t fight back but easily finds a way to break the wall to negotiate an exit. 

In the past and even recently, we have seen cases of Nigerians jumping into the Lagos lagoon due to economic hardships,yet this has never sparked any public outrage. Not many have fully recovered from the tragic incident of the shootings at the tollgate during the #EndSARS protest. We have experienced many Mohammed Bouazizis whose deaths have merely become fodder for content creators. 

Naturally, Nigerians often don’t take matters of value seriously. It’s typical for the average Nigerian to dwell on issues that have no meaningful impact on their lives while neglecting real-life challenges. Essentially, in Nigeria, it would be unthinkable for an individual’s act of self-immolation to provoke national outrage because such an act would be seen as extraordinary rather than mundane. The outcome of the #EndSARS protest still comes to mind.

Another factor that can be alluded to is ignorance. Nigerians are mostly unaware of their rights as citizens. There is a willful ignorance among Nigerians that enables those in government to get away with anything. This ignorance is present not only among those without formal education but also among highly educated individuals! This lack of awareness is another political capital that political office holders exploit to the disadvantage of citizens. In Nigeria, there is a prevailing belief that the people cannot fight the government and win. This belief is purely borne out of ignorance because the reverse is true – no government can fight the people and win! 

Those who don’t learn from history always repeat it. While it is true that a revolution cannot happen in Nigeria due to some of the factors mentioned above, it is important to note that political office holders should learn from history. Nicolae Ceausescu was the strongman of Romania. He had a monstrous reign from 1967 to 1989, and he thought he had it all covered until there was a spark and the people spoke. His story is a clear testament to the fact that the power in the people is far greater than the people in power. 

What is most important is that Nigeria doesn’t reach the point where violent change becomes justifiable. After all, Tunisians were docile and malleable for 23 years before a Mohammed Bouazizi happened. Political office holders must tread with caution and realize that power is transient. 

Political leadership should be for the common good, not for personal gain. No individual should be carried away by the complacency of office. The people should remain the central focus of governance. As such, leaders must act responsibly at all times. It serves everyone’s interest for both the government and the governed to be on the same path. This is because the task of building a nation is a collective responsibility. 

Blaise Emeka Okpara, a Student of International Institute of Journalism writes from Abuja and can be contacted on: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

Amid speculations of discontent within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), key loyalists of former President Muhammadu Buhari have reaffirmed their support for President Bola Tinubu and pledged to remain in the party.

The group, operating under the Forum of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), made the declaration in Abuja on Thursday, countering reports that some Buhari allies were planning to exit the APC.

Those present at the meeting included Katsina State Governor Dikko Radda, Niger State Governor Umar Bago’s representative, former Nasarawa State Governor Senator Tanko Al-Makura, former Katsina State Governor Aminu Bello Masari, and Chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Gen. Buba Marwa (retd).

Other notable figures in attendance were former Voice of Nigeria Director General Osita Okechukwu, former presidential aide Okoi Obono Obla, former APC National Secretary Waziri Bulama, ex-lawmaker Farouk Adamu, a representative of Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, and Foreign Affairs Minister Maitama Tuggar.

The forum emphasised that although individuals are free to pursue personal political interests, they should not do so under the guise of representing former CPC members.

Responding to whether the bloc would support Tinubu beyond the current administration, Hon. Farouk Adamu expressed confidence, saying, “We are with Tinubu just like our leader (Buhari), and it is our hope that Tinubu continues to remain our leader.”

By Uzair Adam

Dr. Yunusa Adamu Dangwani, former Chief of Staff to ex-Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso and current Chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Maiduguri, has officially defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) alongside his supporters from various local government areas of Kano State.

The defection took place on Sunday in Kano, where many top APC stalwarts gathered to welcome the former PDP chieftain and his political allies into the ruling party.

The Daily Reality reports that the event was described by attendees as a major boost to APC’s strength in the state ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Dangwani, who has previously held several strategic positions including Commissioner for Water Resources, board member of the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, and representative of the Northwest on the National Borders Commission, described his return to APC as a homecoming.

“APC is our home. We just went out and have now returned, knowing there is no place like home,” Dangwani said, adding that his defection was driven by deep reflection and the realization that the PDP was gradually collapsing.

“I have seen what the APC-led government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has done in the areas of security, economy, and social welfare.

“PDP, on the other hand, is going down the drain. No sensible person will remain in a cracked house and wait for it to collapse on him,” he stated.

He emphasized that his decision was also influenced by persistent calls from his political associates who believe in APC’s developmental programs.

“Everything has its time. This is the right time for us to leave PDP for APC and contribute to the progress of Nigeria and Kano State,” he added.

Though Dangwani was a governorship aspirant under the PDP in the last election, he clarified that he currently has no personal political ambition in the APC.

“My ambition is for APC to do well for the good of Nigeria. Wherever I find myself, I will contribute. I leave everything to God,” he said.

On the political climate in Kano, Dangwani expressed confidence that APC is on track to reclaim the state from the ruling New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), citing recent defections of NNPP lawmakers, including Senator Kawu Sumaila and House members Kabiru Alhassan Rurum and Abdullahi Sani Rogo.

He also criticized the NNPP government for what he described as missteps that would cost them future elections.

“People remember the demolition exercises, the chaos in the traditional institution, and even the existence of two emirs at the same time — something never witnessed before in the history of Kano or any northern state. These will surely make people vote them out,” he said.

Dangwani urged Kano residents to assess the performance of the APC and compare it with the NNPP’s governance. “The difference is clear. The people of Kano will speak through the ballot in the next election,” he concluded.

In his remarks, Kano APC Chairman Abdullahi Abbas welcomed the defectors and described Dangwani as a political heavyweight whose presence would strengthen the party.

“You came at the right time. No one will look down on you. We value hard work, not laziness,” Abbas said, calling on the new members to register with the party in their respective localities.

Professor Umar Farouk Jibril, a long-time associate of Dangwani and former Kano State Commissioner of Information also reaffirmed their commitment to the APC, stating that both he and Dangwani were founding members and are known for their integrity and hard work.

“Our track record speaks for itself. Even with political differences, we never abuse or defame others. That’s not what politics is about,” he said.

By Abdurrahman Musa

As political fireworks ignite across Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections, one looming move threatens to shake the very foundations of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC): the speculated defection of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—former Kano State Governor and NNPP national leader.

To some within the APC ranks, welcoming Kwankwaso appears to be a masterstroke, but others are warning because, his entry could ignite a political inferno that burns the APC’s fragile peace in Kano, upends Tinubu’s re-election ambitions, and hands the opposition [which he might later join] a golden ticket to power.

Here is why:

Kano could explode as a factional earthquake looms

It is a known fact that Kwankwaso is no ordinary politician. He is a master strategist who always thinks for himself and what would favour him. Therefore, for him to join the APC, people should know that he will not just come with followers—he commands a powerful political cult – the fiery Kwankwasiyya movement that stands in direct confrontation with the Ganduje-led APC structure in Kano. Welcoming him is like inviting a hurricane into a house of cards. The party risks a full-blown internal war, splintering into rival factions, parallel commands, and electoral sabotage that could spell doom in 2027. APC’s strength in the North’s largest voting bloc may shatter into chaos.

Collapsing NNPP could be the PDP’s resurrection.

They said politics is a game of chess. When you think in a rush and make a wrong move, you woefully lose the game. Here’s the twist: dissolving the NNPP doesn’t automatically benefit the APC. In fact, it might just revive the PDP from the political coma. Kwankwaso’s defection could enrage his loyal base, pushing them straight into the waiting arms of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the PDP.

Mr President, do you remember 2023? The fragmented opposition in the North gifted Tinubu an edge. Destroy that balance and the pendulum swings possibly against you. Therefore, a fractured NNPP doesn’t guarantee APC victory—it may instead restore Atiku’s Northern stronghold.

A clash of presidential titans between President Tinubu vs. Senator Kwankwaso

Let us be honest—Kwankwaso isn’t joining to play a backup singer. His presidential ambition is loud, clear, and relentless. He might demand a Tinubu-Kwankwaso 2027 ticket or insist on a powerful stake in the party. If denied, he could turn against the APC from within—just like in 2019, when he was accused of deliberately undermining Atiku’s campaign in Kano while funneling resources into his gubernatorial candidate. If welcomed, Kwankwaso could shake the APC from the inside. If sidelined, he could sabotage it. History could repeat itself – this time inside the APC.

Kano youths might revolt against you

History has shown that youths are the vanguard of Kano politics. They are the ones that win you election. Currently, the streets of Kano pulse with the energy of Kwankwasiyya youth. Integrating them into the APC is not a handshake—it’s a negotiation with a volatile base. Mismanage it, and the backlash could be swift: boycotts, protests, or backing a rival candidate. The APC risks alienating the very people who once delivered it millions of votes. One misstep, the youth quake could be catastrophic.

Ganduje is the pillar—don’t shake it

In my own opinion, instead of importing instability, the APC should solidify Ganduje’s party leadership and Kano political camp. It guarantees a winning formula. Furthermore, consolidate strategic allies like Senator Barau Jibrin from Kano North and Senator Kawu Sumaila from Kano South, this offers a more convincing future and gradually win over NNPP supporters. With this, APC can present a united, formidable front—without the drama.

The ball is in your court, Mr President

Mr President, the choice is yours—so are the consequences This is no time for political gambling. The illusion of short-term gains from the Kwankwaso’s defection may cost you the presidency itself. The NNPP’s demise must not become PDP’s rebirth. The APC must learn from the PDP’s collapse—a tale of chaotic mergers and unchecked egos, in which Kwankwaso played a starring role. The hunger for Kwankwaso’s two million Kano votes is strong—but deceptive. It’s a honey trap. What looks like a prize could become a poison pill that wrecks the APC from within and opens the floodgates for a PDP resurgence.

Mr President, it’s your turn: “Emilokan“. But only if you don’t blow it. Listen to Kano. Consult the real stakeholders. Do not gamble away your second chance on a political wild card with a history of wrecking alliances from within. This is not just a political move—it’s a potential crisis in the making. Mr President don’t repeat PDP’s mistake. The voice of reason is calling. Will you listen?

Abdurrahman Musa writes from Kano. He’s a political analyst and APC stakeholder.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri’s remarkable success in politics and governance is built on three solid pillars. First and foremost, he holds an unshakable belief that power is granted solely by the Almighty Allah, who bestows leadership upon whomever He wills. This belief is not just theoretical for Fintiri, it defines his attitude toward leadership, power, and responsibility.

Secondly, Fintiri is a man of conviction. He cannot be swayed or coerced into decisions. However, he remains open-minded and receptive to superior arguments. This rare blend of firmness and intellectual humility sets him apart in a political environment where many leaders either succumb to pressure or refuse to listen to alternative views.

Thirdly, Fintiri possesses an in-depth understanding of governance and political power, how it works, when to deploy it, and where it can be most effective. His grasp of these dynamics has allowed him to wield power not for personal gain, but in service of meaningful, people-focused development.

From his early days as a member of the State House of Assembly, through his rise to Speaker, Acting Governor, and now two-term Executive Governor of Adamawa State, Fintiri has consistently demonstrated strategic acumen. What has kept him ahead of his adversaries is not just political skill, but his deep-rooted belief that power belongs to Allah alone. This faith has given him clarity, courage, and calmness in the face of political storms, enabling him to remain fearless, resolute, and capable of making difficult yet visionary decisions. These are decisions that echo not only in the present but will define his legacy for generations to come.

His independence of thought, combined with a willingness to embrace sound reasoning, has driven unprecedented transformation in Adamawa State. In a state once typified by political patronage and a “yes-sir” culture, Fintiri has introduced a new style of leadership; one that prizes merit, innovation, and long-term development over short-term political expediency.

Under his leadership, Adamawa has witnessed a massive infrastructural renaissance. Roads, flyovers, and underpasses have sprung up, redefining mobility and connectivity. The 1,000 housing for the masses. He has established three mega science schools, one in each senatorial district, positioning the state as a hub for scientific and technological advancement. He also ensured the construction of 21 model nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools across all local government areas, ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to quality education.

Fintiri’s health interventions are equally groundbreaking. From the provision of free kidney treatment to the establishment of one of the most advanced medical laboratories in Nigeria at the Specialist Hospital in Yola, his vision is clear: a healthy population is the foundation of a prosperous state.

His administration has also been proactive in addressing youth unemployment and gender inclusion. Through programs like PAWECA (Poverty Alleviation and Wealth Creation Agency), thousands of women and young people have been empowered with skills, funding, and job opportunities, restoring dignity and creating pathways for self-reliance.

Leadership, as Fintiri understands it, is both a divine responsibility and a human enterprise. Often, when the Almighty Allah grants leadership, He also grants a unique wisdom, the ability to see what ordinary eyes cannot. Fintiri not only possesses this foresight, but he also understands the fine balance between authority and service. He knows when to exercise power and when to listen; when to act boldly and when to build consensus.

A perfect illustration of this wisdom was his recent declaration that his successor must be a grassroots politician. This was not a vague or politically convenient statement, it was a profound and strategic vision. What Fintiri meant was clear: his successor must share his belief in putting the people first, must be committed to inclusive and comprehensive development across all socioeconomic sectors, and must be a leader with the intellect, experience, and moral compass to lead Adamawa into the future. Such a successor, in Fintiri’s view, must be refined, educated, visionary, and capable of seeing tomorrow through the prism of today.

In summary, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri exemplifies a rare style of leadership rooted in faith, defined by principles, and driven by results. You may agree or disagree with his politics, but one cannot ignore the defining qualities that make him not just a political figure, but a true grassroots leader .

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

As I scrolled through the timeline of Senator Natasha H. Akpoti, her most recent post, titled “Satirical Apology Letter,” sparked confusion and elicited public reactions from her followers and various opinion leaders across Nigeria. Many are left questioning whether it constitutes a genuine apology or if it is merely another provocation in the ongoing feud between her and the President of the Nigerian Senate, Godswill Akpabio.

The senator representing Kogi Central wrote the letter in a manner that satirically questioned her adversary’s integrity and condemned the corrupt aspects of the Nigerian political system, describing it as a matter of mere compliance rather than merit.

Previously, if you can recall, the unrest between the two began in February this year, due to a minor disagreement over a change of seat, which was rejected by the female senator. This disagreement later escalated into allegations of sexual harassment against the Senate President, which Senator Akpabio and his family denied. The discord ultimately resulted in her suspension from the Senate for six months.

As I continued reading the letter, it felt like waking up from a brief slumber regarding the case. While the public believed it was over, Natasha returned with determination and strongly re-emphasized her stance on the issue. She not only criticized her suspension by the Senate under leadership of Akpabio but also offered a sarcastic condemnation of the current system that led to her situation.

Senator Natasha’s Apology Letter rebukes to the status quo. The second paragraph critiques the current happenings in the Senate chamber. Although the sentences are framed as an apology, they are laced with biting sarcasm. Some individuals perceive the letter as an attempt to remain relevant, as she was nearly forgotten after the case was silenced. This sentiment was expressed by several citizens in the comments on her Facebook post.

In my opinion, the letter exemplifies passive-aggressive diplomacy. Senator Akpoti Uduaghan claims to apologize for her “failure to recognize that legislative success… is apparently not earned through merit, but through the ancient art of compliance.” The implication is clear: the political arena, particularly in Nigeria, is not a space where competence and the will of the people necessarily dictate success. Instead, it is a realm governed by deference to the powerful and the perpetuation of unwritten rules that demand personal loyalty over professional integrity.

Some people believe that the female senator wants to settle the case, but she is concerned about how the public will react. A direct apology could raise questions from the public, especially from those who have supported her from the beginning. They may ask whether she was sincere in her allegations or if she intended to tarnish Akpabio’s reputation. Nevertheless, what is truly remarkable about this piece is how it is presented as a ‘satirical apology letter.’ Instead of directly admitting fault, it takes a different approach.

The senator ridicules the notion that her refusal to engage in patronage or political favoritism warrants an apology. She frames her decision to decline the “requests” of influential figures in the Senate not as a betrayal, but as a badge of honor—a testament to her commitment to her mandate and her constituents, rather than a subservient compliance with behind-the-scenes negotiations.

The letter’s central message is encapsulated in its bitter, mocking phrase: “Please find it in your magnanimous heart… to forgive this stubborn woman who mistakenly believed that her seat in the Senate was earned through elections, not erections.” The wordplay here is both clever and sarcastic, implying that political power in Nigeria is often not merely a matter of democratic legitimacy, but rather the outcome of personal ambition, ego, and, at times, quite literally, the ability to manipulate others through unseen means.

As stated in the letter, the bold assertion regarding the nature of power and politics is undeniably risky. However, it is this very willingness to challenge complacent norms that renders Senator Akpoti Uduaghan’s letter so impactful. In a world where political leaders often issue insincere apologies when faced with allegations of corruption or incompetence, her letter serves as a powerful reminder of the fierce independence and self-respect that are frequently compromised in the quest for political survival.

Moreover, the satire is not directed at a single individual; rather, it serves as a broader condemnation of the system that perpetuates this toxic political culture. Akpoti Uduaghan critiques not only Akpabio’s conduct but also the institutional framework that enables the manipulation of power, allowing it to be transferred based on personal alliances rather than merit. The reference to “quid pro quo” arrangements and the necessity for private, off-the-record negotiations highlights a system in which transparency and accountability are frequently overshadowed by more secretive and, at times, questionable practices.

The final line, “Unafraid, Unbought, and Unbroken,” serves as both a declaration of defiance and a reminder that some individuals in the political arena remain unyielding against the forces that seek to undermine genuine progress. It is a call for a return to integrity and for leaders who are willing to challenge the status quo, regardless of the cost.

I believe that Senator Natasha should not surrender; however, considering how the system operates in Nigeria, it is crucial to find ways to ensure that the conflict does not negatively impact her constituents. Given that she and Senator Godswill Akpabio were good friends in the past, it would be beneficial to seek reconciliation, even though the damage has already been inflicted on Akpabio’s part.

Naziru Muhammad writes from the Department of Mass Communication at Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic in Bauchi.
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