Opinion

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Petrol and electricity are the oxygen of any nation. Once these two crucial resources are restricted, the country struggles to breathe. Many Nigerians were surprised to learn that Nigeria’s petroleum importation from Malta surged significantly to $2.8 billion in 2023, up from zero importation between 2017 and 2022. 

On the other hand, the majority of Nigerians were unhappy with the news that the $19 billion Dangote Refinery is struggling due to a poor supply of crude oil and other hindrances from government agencies that are supposed to support such a national asset.

For most Nigerians, Dangote Refinery represents hope and the expectation of lower petroleum prices. Regardless of people’s opinions about Dangote, he has accomplished what Nigeria has failed to achieve in decades. In fact, in the last ten years, only six countries in the world have managed to build new massive petroleum refineries, including the Dangote Refinery. 

Other countries that have built refineries include China, which has added multiple new refineries like the 400,000 barrels per day (b/d) Yulong Petrochemical Plant and the 300,000 b/d Shenghong Refinery; Kuwait’s Al-Zour refinery with a capacity of 615,000 b/d, which started operations in 2021; Saudi Arabia’s Jazan refinery with a capacity of 400,000 b/d, also operational since 2021; and Oman’s Duqm Refinery, with a capacity of 230,000 b/d, which commenced operations in 2022. Additionally, India has expanded its refining capacity with new units at the Ratnagiri refinery.

Nigeria’s importation of petroleum products was initially intended as a temporary solution to the insufficient supply from its four state-owned refineries. However, due to inefficiency and corruption, this temporary measure has become a permanent solution.

In Nigeria, the prices of refined petroleum products are heavily influenced by import-related factors. There are over ten components contributing to the landing cost of petrol, including freight, port charges, the NMDPRA 1% levy, storage costs, marine insurance, fendering, the NMDPRA COQ and NOA, Q&Q analysis, letter of credit fees, and interest. Additionally, the high exchange rate further inflates the price of imported petrol. To eliminate these extra costs, local refining is the only viable solution. Nigeria’s only option for now is the Dangote refinery.

Many Nigerians, ordinary citizens, and bureaucrats view the $19 billion Dangote refinery as an asset and a blessing. It has the potential to liberate Nigeria from decades of dependence on petrol importation, which is one of the major causes of pressure on the Naira and the scarcity of the dollar. The refinery will position Nigeria on the map of nations exporting crude and refined petroleum products and fertiliser. 

Dangote Fertiliser is one of the largest fertiliser plants in the world, with an annual production capacity of 3 million metric tonnes of urea. Nigeria’s yearly urea fertiliser needs are only 1.5 million metric tonnes. 

Dangote has already demonstrated his capability in the cement industry. With Dangote Cement, Nigeria is a net exporter. Nigeria boasts one of the largest cement industries in Africa, with a combined production capacity of over 58.9 million metric tonnes per year among major producers. It leads the cement industry in West Africa, hosting at least 12 registered companies. Dangote Cement is the largest producer in Nigeria and West Africa, contributing over 35.25 million metric tonnes per year (Mt/yr) to the region’s cement capacity. Due to Dangote’s significant cement production capacity, Nigeria satisfies not only its domestic cement needs but also exports to neighbouring countries, enhancing regional trade and economic integration.

Let the Dangote refinery be! It will transform the Nigerian oil and gas industry into a net exporter of refined petroleum products.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli, ANIPR 

Experts say that the newly established Dangote Refinery might address Nigeria’s energy crisis, but this legacy project is finding its footing in navigating the rigours of International Oil Companies (IOCs). Not only this, but government strategy policy greatly affects operations in the business space. The refinery is facing a fresh challenge from regulatory bodies in Nigeria, which may make or mar its success.

The $19 billion Dangote Refinery project has ignited a fierce debate between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPC) and Aliko Dangote – Africa’s richest man. This flagship project, poised to be the largest single-train refinery in the world, has the potential to transform Nigeria’s economy and reshape the continent’s energy landscape. 

Yet, the dispute between NNPC and Dangote threatens to derail this vision. Can Nigeria find a harmonious balance between private sector efficiency and public sector oversight, unlocking the full potential of this game-changing project?

Aliko Dangote’s vision for the refinery is to reduce Nigeria’s dependency on imported refined petroleum products, saving the country billions in foreign exchange. He emphasises the need for private sector management to ensure efficiency and accountability, citing historical inefficiencies in government-run enterprises. Dangote seeks assurances that his substantial investment will yield returns, expressing concerns about potential government interference that could jeopardise profitability.

On the other hand, the NNPC maintains that it must have a significant role in the refinery to safeguard national interests. The corporation argues that state involvement is crucial to ensure that the refinery’s output aligns with national energy policies and goals. NNPC also emphasises the need for regulatory oversight to prevent monopolistic practices and ensure that prices of refined products remain affordable for Nigerians.

According to Mele Kyari, NNPC’s Group Managing Director, “Our involvement in the Dangote Refinery is to ensure that the project aligns with national interests and that the country benefits maximally from the investment.” Aliko Dangote, however, believes that “private sector efficiency is key to the success of the refinery, and government interference could hinder its progress.”

Dangote might be jittery about the government’s ineffectiveness in running similar assets. His fears would be that he who failed to turn around his refinery successfully wanted a front seat and, perhaps, direction. The business mogul’s aims surpassed the government’s fight against it after the allegations of monopoly attempts by the government. 

Dangote said his friend, who warned him against investing in Nigeria, now mocks him. He was ready to be bought out by the government when the regulatory body said that the refinery’s output was inferior to imported products. This statement ignited reactions from netizens.

The dispute highlights the tension between private enterprise and state control in critical sectors. Both sides present valid arguments that merit consideration. Balancing economic independence with national control, operational efficiency with public accountability, and investment security with public interest is essential to harness the benefits of both approaches.

As the saying goes, “Too many cooks can spoil the broth,” but in this case, finding a harmonious balance is key to ensuring the refinery’s success and, ultimately, Nigeria’s economic stability. Efficiency must be paired with accountability for any project to succeed, and this wisdom applies aptly to the current NNPC-Dangote situation.

Transparency and mutual respect are the pillars upon which this partnership should rest. By acknowledging the strengths and concerns of both parties, Nigeria can move towards a solution that advances the Dangote Refinery project while ensuring sustainable and inclusive growth for the nation.

In the words of Aliko Dangote, “The success of the refinery is paramount for Nigeria’s economic stability.” Mele Kyari also notes, “Our goal is to ensure that the refinery serves the national interest while also providing returns on investment.” Ultimately, the NNPC-Dangote dispute underscores the complexities of managing critical national assets. By finding a middle ground that balances private sector efficiency with public sector oversight, Nigeria can unlock the full potential of the Dangote Refinery and secure a brighter energy future for generations to come.

The path forward lies in a collaborative effort where the private and public sectors work together. If handled with care and foresight, this partnership can transform Nigeria’s energy landscape and set a benchmark for future endeavours. The Dangote Refinery has the potential to be a game-changer, and it is in the best interest of all Nigerians to see it succeed.

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Hamza Muhammad Tasiu

I want to start with a powerful word: Kafkaesque! The meaning? It is when you enter a surreal world in which all your control patterns, plans, and how you have configured your own behaviour begin to fall to pieces. You find yourself against a force that does not lend itself to how you perceive the world. You don’t give up; you don’t lie down and die. You struggle against this with your equipment and whatever you have. But of course, you don’t stand a chance. That’s Kafkaesque as defined by Frederick R. Karl.

Kafkaesque comes from the name of the German author Franz Kafka. The word perfectly describes the cases of most kidney failure patients. The disease starts with back pain, then people go for diagnosis, and dialysis follows (Thank God it is free for Yobe indigenes). Swelling in arms and legs, shortness of breath, and hiccups follow and then comes the expected: slow and painful death. These are some of the things patients go through. 

But what is kidney failure? Kidney failure is a condition in which the kidneys lose the ability to remove waste and balance fluids. In other words, the kidneys have failed. 

Ordinarily, kidney failure should not be a death sentence. Dr. Ibrahim Sulaiman told us that a person can survive on 25% of his total nephrons, the kidney cells. That is, you only need half of one kidney to survive. But for most people, being diagnosed with one kidney failure is like being issued an indirect death certificate.

Most patients diagnosed with kidney disease put everything they can into the fight against the disease, but they stand no chance in most cases. And as the word says, ‘You don’t give up, you don’t lie down and die. You struggle against this with your equipment and whatever you have. But of course, you don’t stand a chance.’ 

Gashua has the highest number of cases of kidney failure in the whole of Yobe State. You could go to the dialysis unit in Yobe State Teaching Hospital and look at a kidney failure patient and ask him, ‘Are you from Gashua?’ The most probable answer? ‘Yes!’ 

As we speak today, hundreds of families are at the mercy of this disease. May we, the healthy ones, be protected from it. We also pray that this crisis comes to an end soon. 

My attempts for writing this short piece are that we may get someone (individuals, NGOs, governments, etc.) who will come to our aid and relieve the pain in my heart. As Neil Gaiman said, ‘Pain shared, my brother, is pain not doubled but halved.’

Hamza Muhammad Tasiu wrote via hamzamtasiu@gmail.com.

By Haroon Aremu 

The role of public relations (PR) has become increasingly crucial in the digital age. Beyond just administrative tasks, PR now serves as a vital managerial function within organizations. 

It is widely acknowledged that an effective PR function shapes an organization’s image, fosters relationships with the media, manages crises even before they erupt, and ensures continuous engagement with key stakeholders and the public. As outlined by the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA), and further expanded to meet modern demands, the core PR functions form the backbone of any successful communication campaign.

While traditional offline PR remains relevant, the reality is that in the digital age, the deployment of technological tools has transformed the way PR is practiced. The essential PR functions, however, still remain valid in this contemporary period.

Media Relations: Media relations is the gateway to public perception. With the rise of social media, video conferencing, and other digital tools, building and maintaining relationships with the press are now more accessible than ever. Effective media relations ensure that an organization secures favorable coverage and manages its image in the press. This involves regular engagement with journalists, responding promptly to media inquiries, and providing accurate and compelling information that aligns with the organization’s objectives.

Community Engagement: Engaging with the community is key to building a positive reputation and fostering goodwill. This can be achieved through digital platforms, such as online event invitations, participation in virtual events, supporting local initiatives, and maintaining open lines of communication with critical stakeholders. An organization must be seen as a valuable and responsible member of the community.

Crisis Management: Navigating stormy waters through crisis management is also essential. Most crises are now triggered and spread through social media. Every organization should anticipate crises and put in place robust crisis management strategies to mitigate the impact on its reputation. Developing response plans, training spokespersons, and swiftly addressing issues as they arise are attributes of a consummate communicator. Effective crisis management protects the organization’s image and ensures continued trust from stakeholders.

Employee Relations: Employee relations are the heartbeat of an organization. Technological advancements have facilitated frequent communication between employers and employees. Regular interactions are crucial for building trust, motivation, and alignment with organizational goals. Employee relations involve regular updates, recognition programs, and fostering a positive workplace culture. When employees are engaged and informed, they become advocates for the organization, enhancing its overall image.

Public Affairs: Influencing policy and legislation through public affairs builds relationships with government and regulatory bodies. Public affairs professionals work to ensure that the organization’s interests are represented in policy discussions and that regulatory changes are communicated effectively within the organization.

Reputation Management: Protecting the brand with reputation management involves monitoring and enhancing an organization’s overall image. This includes proactive strategies to build a positive reputation and reactive measures to address any negative perceptions. Consistent and strategic communication is key to maintaining public trust and confidence.

Social Media Management: Social media management is vital for engaging with audiences, promoting the organization, and managing its online presence. This involves creating and sharing content, responding to comments and messages, and monitoring social media trends. Effective social media management helps to build a strong online community and amplify the organization’s message.

Content Creation and Distribution: Producing and distributing content that aligns with the organization’s objectives is essential for engaging target audiences. This includes press releases, blog posts, videos, and infographics. High-quality content not only informs but also inspires and engages, helping to build a loyal audience.

Event Management: Organizing and managing events is a powerful way to promote the organization, its products, or its services. Whether it’s a product launch, a community event, or a corporate meeting, well-executed events enhance visibility and create positive experiences for attendees.

Research and Evaluation: Conducting research to understand public perceptions and evaluating the effectiveness of any campaign for continuous improvement is crucial. This involves gathering data, analyzing feedback, and making informed decisions to refine strategies and achieve better outcomes.

In the ever-evolving landscape of public relations, practitioners must adapt to the changing demands of the digital age while upholding the core principles of the profession. By mastering these essential functions, organizations can effectively communicate their message, build strong relationships with their stakeholders, and navigate the complexities of the modern PR landscape.

Haroon Aremu is a Mass Communication graduate and a youth corps member at the PRNigeria Centre in Abuja.

By Abubakar Idris

As Nigeria celebrates International Youth Day 2024, the nation finds itself at a pivotal moment in its journey towards sustainable development. This year’s theme, “From Clicks to Progress: Youth Digital Pathways for Sustainable Development,” resonates deeply with Nigeria’s demographic reality. With over 60% of our population under 25, the country is uniquely positioned to harness its youth dividend in the digital age.

The Nigerian tech ecosystem is flourishing, driven by the ingenuity and determination of its young innovators. From fintech to health tech, agritech to civic tech, young Nigerians leverage digital tools to address pressing societal issues and contribute to sustainable development. Their efforts are transforming various sectors of the economy and positioning Nigeria as a hub for technological innovation in Africa.

In the fintech sector, companies like Flutterwave, co-founded by Iyinoluwa Aboyeji, have revolutionised digital payment solutions across Africa, facilitating economic growth and financial inclusion. Similarly, PiggyVest, founded by Somto Ifezue, Odunayo Eweniyi, and Joshua Chibueze, is reshaping how young Nigerians save and invest, promoting financial literacy and security. Fara Ashiru Jituboh’s Okra is another standout, providing data infrastructure that enables secure and seamless financial transactions by connecting bank accounts to various financial services.

The health tech sector has also seen remarkable innovations. LifeBank, founded by Temie Giwa-Tubosun, is tackling the critical issue of blood shortages by connecting blood banks with hospitals and clinics. Tito Ovia’s Helium Health is streamlining hospital administration and patient care, improving the efficiency of healthcare delivery across the country. Meanwhile, Ifeoluwa Dare-Johnson’s Healthtracka offers at-home lab testing services, providing Nigerians with accessible and affordable healthcare options.

In the agricultural sector, youth-led digital transformation is crucial to Nigeria’s economy and is making significant strides. Farmcrowdy, founded by Onyeka Akumah, is an innovative agritech platform that connects farmers with investors and markets, boosting productivity and livelihoods in rural areas.

As we celebrate these success stories, nurturing the next generation of innovators is crucial. Initiatives like Andela, founded by Iyinoluwa Aboyeji, are pivotal in this regard. By providing world-class training to young developers, Andela is creating job opportunities and building a robust talent pipeline for Nigeria’s tech industry. Similarly, CodeLn and Devcenter equip young Nigerians with the skills to thrive in the digital economy.

The push for sustainable development through digital innovation must be inclusive. Women in Nigeria’s tech industry are breaking barriers and setting new standards for excellence and impact. Fara Ashiru Jituboh’s work with Okra makes financial data more accessible, directly addressing the challenges of financial inclusion that many Nigerian women face. Tito Ovia’s role at Helium Health is particularly significant in a sector where women often have limited access to healthcare. Ifeoluwa Dare-Johnson, through Healthtracka, addresses the often-overlooked need for accessible and affordable healthcare.

While these examples showcase the immense potential of Nigerian youth in the digital space, many challenges remain. Access to reliable internet, consistent electricity, and affordable devices are hurdles for aspiring innovators, especially in rural areas. However, these challenges also present opportunities for further innovation and problem-solving.

The Nigerian government has recognised the importance of digital innovation for sustainable development. The National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020-2030) and the Nigeria Startup Act (2022) are significant steps towards creating an enabling environment for tech startups and young innovators. The Act includes provisions for a Startup Investment Seed Fund, tax incentives for startups and investors, capacity-building initiatives in higher education institutions, and streamlined regulatory processes for startups.

Practical initiatives like the NCC Technology Hub, launched by the Nigerian Communications Commission, are also crucial in nurturing digital innovation. This hub serves as an incubator for tech-driven ideas, providing a supportive environment for young Nigerians to turn their innovative concepts into reality.

As we look to the future, it’s clear that fully realising the potential of Nigerian youth in digital innovation will require continued effort and investment. Improved infrastructure, education reform to include digital skills and entrepreneurship training, increased funding for youth-led startups, mentorship programs, and supportive policies are all crucial elements in creating an environment where digital innovation can thrive.

On this International Youth Day, we celebrate the achievements of our youth and recognise their role as leaders in the global digital revolution. The journey “From Clicks to Progress” is well underway, with young Nigerians leveraging technology to tackle some of the nation’s most pressing challenges. Their creativity, resilience, and determination are the driving forces that will lead Nigeria toward a brighter, more sustainable future.

As we move forward, let us continue to empower and support our youth, ensuring that Nigeria keeps pace with global technological advancements and leads the way. The future of sustainable development in Nigeria is digital, and it is in the capable hands of our youth. Their innovative spirit promises progress and a transformation that will resonate for generations to come.

Abubakar Idris wrote via abkidris99@gmail.com.

By Muhammed Bello Umar 

The ongoing protest saga in Nigeria has brought to light the issue of hunger, which is affecting many Nigerians. The protests, which began as a call to end bad governance, have snowballed into a wider outcry against government corruption, poor governance, and economic hardship.

Many Nigerians, especially those in lower-income brackets, have been struggling to make ends meet due to the economic impact of the pandemic (hunger virus) and decades of mismanagement by the government. With the protests shutting down major cities across the country, many businesses have been forced to close, leaving workers without income.

It is important to acknowledge that bigotry and discrimination can exist in any society, including Nigeria. The Nigerian government and its citizens have the responsibility to promote inclusivity, diversity, and equal rights for all individuals. 

The Nigerian Constitution provides for the protection of fundamental human rights, and it is essential that these rights are upheld and respected in all aspects of democratic practices.

A sharp rise in food prices has compounded the bigotry situation, as the cost of basic food items such as rice, beans, and cooking oil has skyrocketed. This has left many people unable to afford even the most basic necessities.

The government has responded by promising to address the concerns of the protesters and to implement reforms, but many Nigerians remain sceptical. In the meantime, this has made Nigerians keen on the government’s response to current happenings in society.

The hunger virus affecting Nigerians is a symptom of a much larger problem, and the country can only hope to overcome it through sustained efforts to address poverty and inequality.

There are roadblocks to a strong democracy in Nigeria at all levels of government. Conflict—triggered by political competition and communal, ethnic, religious or resource allocation rivalries—poses a major threat to democracy. Corruption pervades the daily lives of Nigerians.

Muhammed Bello Umar wrote via princemub28@gmail.com.

By Zailani Bappa

The Sahara Reporters reports that the Kano All Progressive Congress (APC) has called for the arrest of Bello Galadanchi, popularly known as Dan Bello, “for inciting violence.” This comes after his smash video, released two days ago on his X handle.

On the special skit, he alleged an unwholesome practice by a former Commissioner for Local Government Affiars under the Governorship of Abdullahi Ganduje. He backed his claims with evidence, though.

Now, instead of going to court, the APC in the state has gone completely off balance (as the former Commissioner was its Deputy Governor-Candidate), forgot about the Nigerian Judicial System, and done the unthinkable. 

If I may ask, how can Dan Bello be arrested for this allegation, please? He does not live in Nigeria, where the APC rules; he lives and teaches English in China. Moreover, he is a United States Citizen, and the US is known to fiercely protect its citizens’ rights, lives, and property anywhere in the World.

If it is true that the APC is poised for a battle with this young man, someone should advise the Party to take it easy because this guy is equipped with everything it takes to do damage to its members and its Government, not only in Kano but beyond.

I say he is equipped because he has the required knowledge, intelligence, and journalistic acumen to dig; he has excellent film and skit facilities to make his messages appealing to anyone; and he has the protection he deserves to stay safe (especially if all his messages are true).

What is remarkable about Dan Bello so far is that, unlike most of our so-called investigative journalists in Nigeria, whose findings are often hijacked and promoted by equally corrupt politicians, he appears to be highly balanced in his presentations.

For those politicians who gloat over his recent searchlight on the Kano APC politician, they should be advised to keep off Dan Bello as their turn will surely come. 

May God protect the efforts of this young man and all his likes on social media.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

With my viva voce a few days ago, the sojourn that began five years ago has ended. Although the coursework started late, around May 2019, it was successfully navigated through that year.

Postgraduate students often think coursework should be eliminated. They wonder how a PhD student could be sitting in a four-corner wall in the name of lectures, arguing that PhD candidates should dive straight into research. However, after completing the coursework, none of us agreed with that sentiment.

One notable sacrifice that potential postgraduate students should be prepared to make is financial freedom. Study not only limits one income but also eats deep into the fabric of the little one on the hand—it is an attack from a double front. So, it only takes individual ambition to succumb to that.

One common question from those considering enrolment but still undecided is, “How long will it take to finish a postgraduate program?” My quick response to them is to enrol as soon as possible because time will pass regardless. 

In Nigeria, pursuing a PhD is a journey where you likely only know the starting point, facing a path fraught with unforeseeable circumstances; the end sight can’t be rightly assured. While I read posts that some lucky individuals graduate in about three years, others aren’t as fortunate and may take seven years or more. So, I believe graduating in five years is an average.

The first major hurdle of my five-year PhD journey emerged at the beginning of 2020. Immediately after the year clocked, the COVID-19 pandemic struck the globe. The world came to a standstill as countries implemented stringent measures to combat the virus. In Nigeria, after the first confirmed case was announced in late February, we swiftly followed suit; wearing facemasks, using hand sanitisers, and maintaining strict social distancing became the order of the day. 

Despite the initial disruptions, as the pandemic began to wane, my supervisor and I would forge on, adapting precautionary measures. The lockdowns would be a blessing in disguise as they provided valuable time for my supervisory team and me to finalise our research topic and draft a comprehensive literature review manuscript.

Another significant hurdle arose with the ASUU strike. As early as February 2022, the agitation for the government to implement the 2009 agreement mounted. It began as warnings but escalated into an indefinite strike lasting eight months. Like the COVID-19 pandemic, the strike ultimately became a diamond in the rough. It afforded me more interactions with my advisors and crucially facilitated a collaboration with the Centre for Resources Recovery in Sweden, known for its extensive work in my research area. Leveraging the online meeting platforms adopted during the pandemic, such as Zoom, expedited our collaboration.

Another serious hurdle I encountered was frequent power outages. Just as I was about to enter the lab after completing all preparations, ABU experienced a series of power disruptions; their light would be cut due to failure to pay the bills—an issue I had never expected. This cultural shock paled in comparison when I later heard that even Aso Rock faced threats of power cuts. The inconsistency of electricity, compounded by national grid collapses and ABU light cuts made the initial stages of setting the research in motion unforgettable.

A five-year journey demanding a high level of commitment, teamwork, tight schedules, and stringent deadlines, in addition to the inherent conflicting perspectives in group work, inevitably led to clashes—sometimes titanic ones. However, what mattered most was understanding each other’s viewpoints and even finding humour in the aftermath. You have an added advantage for those who are naturally diplomatic, persuasive, and humorous: you will come to handle such pressures far more easily.

One of the major successes of my PhD journey was the significant contribution to knowledge pioneering an innovative method: the development of mesoporous support for heterogeneous fermentation for the first time. This achievement has culminated in forthcoming publications in high-impact (or not-so) journals, the filing of a patent, and facilitated international collaborations.

No matter how daunting the task may seem, it can’t be insurmountable, provided there is consistent effort (even a bit), patience, and perseverance.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, is a public affairs commentator and science writer. He can be reached via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

Before the hunger protest under the banner of #EndBadGovernance ensued, organisers made their intentions public. Initially, they were considered “faceless groups” plotting under the cover of night. Ironically, once they revealed themselves, they were labelled “unpopular” groups, previously invisible in Nigeria’s politics.

Despite their perceived unpopularity, the call for a nationwide demonstration did not take long to gain momentum. The nation’s youth were enraged by their constant battles with hunger and their struggles to make ends meet. 

Sensing the state of the nation and the high possibility of the demonstration turning into a full-blown riot, the authorities summoned political, traditional, and religious leaders to rally their followers, giving the administration time for its tree of uncommon economic policies to bear fruit.

This move was counterproductive. Political and traditional leaders had lost their influence, and religious clerics had lost their authority. Posters flooded the streets of Nigeria, demanding better living conditions. The protest did not disappoint those who predicted opportunistic hoodlums would hijack it.

Protesters seeking to “End Bad Governance” looted and carted away various materials from both private and government-owned establishments. Tragically, some lives were lost. God rest their souls. It is worth mentioning that the exercise was peaceful in some locations with no hiccups.

To quell the protest, Mr President addressed Nigerians in a nationwide broadcast. Some accepted it as a speech of “compassion, unity, leadership, and direction.” Others dismissed it as “empty and annoying” because it did not address the pressing issues.

Interestingly, the first day of the ten-day hunger protest (August 1) coincided with World Breastfeeding Week (WBW). The first week of August (1-7) is supported by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and many Ministries of Health, including Nigeria’s and civil society organisations such as WBW. 

This initiative encourages breastfeeding and aims to improve the health of babies around the world. This year’s event, themed “Closing the Gap: Breastfeeding Support for All,” is a campaign that celebrates breastfeeding mothers in all their diversity throughout their breastfeeding journeys. 

It showcases how families, societies, communities, and health workers can support every breastfeeding woman. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, this important occasion to celebrate and support our mothers, sisters, and friends in raising healthy babies has been overshadowed by the ongoing protest. 

At the same time, UNICEF has scored Nigeria low in this regard, lamenting that a whopping 76 per cent of babies between 0-6 months are denied exclusive breastfeeding. Although the exclusive breastfeeding rate in Nigeria rose to 52 per cent in 2017, it dropped to 38.9 per cent in 2021 due to a decline in the sustenance of the “Hospital Exclusive Breastfeeding Initiative” introduced to fast-track the rate. 

The Federal Government says it is working with development partners to achieve a 50% rate by 2030. The government’s support for breastfeeding initiatives reminds us that breast milk is the gold standard for infant nutrition. It is safe, clean, and contains immunity-boosting antibodies that shield babies from illnesses. 

Breastfeeding is crucial to achieving the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Despite the economic situation, let us all take a moment to appreciate and support all nursing mothers. 

By upholding the theme “Closing the Gap: Breastfeeding Support for All” of the 2024 World Breastfeeding Week, we recognise that nursing mothers are not only giving babies the best possible start in life but also playing a vital role in building a healthier, more sustainable future for all. Remember, breastfeeding is made easier when mothers have our support.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Ismail Hashim Abubakar

The coming of the current President, Bola Ahmad Tinubu, on May 29, 2023, was not the beginning of the ongoing hardship that Nigerians have been grappling with. His predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, elected with high hopes, introduced severe and draconian policies such as the closure of northern borders, which Nigerians consistently condoned due to their optimistic sentiments towards the exceedingly and unanimously celebrated integrity of the former army general. 

The masses and different sections of civil society, including religious leaders and respected elites, rejected slight censure of his policies. There were genuine reports of people being corporally attacked and penalised by mobs for openly criticising Buhari, who spent almost two-thirds of his eight-year regime being excused, exculpated and defended until people finally got convinced that the man was no better than other politicians.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu had a tough time becoming President owing to his many dark records and the stigma with which especially northerners viewed him. His eight-year rule as the governor of Lagos state (1999-2007) was a period that witnessed a series of massacres of northerners in Lagos and neighbouring towns within the same Southwestern geopolitical zone. These senseless mayhems were primarily engineered and perpetrated by the OPC militias, who were said to be connected to his alleged political brigandism. This significantly made Tinubu almost infamously unsellable to northern electorates when he showed his ambition to become Nigeria’s president in 2023. 

Perhaps Tinubu was fully aware of this or was at least made to know by his northern political allies and loyalists. That was probably why, as part of image-deodorizing strategies, Tinubu paid serial visits to Ulama, especially those who might have been earlier wary, sceptical and apprehensive of his patriotism, nationalism, vision for unity, morality and religious uprightness. 

How I wish one of the religious leaders present when Tinubu paid homage to respected Shaykhs in Kano soliciting for support and courting for votes had politely but point-blank told him that due to the experiences of northerners in the crises that erupted in Lagos and Southwest, our people would never accept him until he accepted to do some conciliatory moves which might assuage the age-old void and the stigma our people viewed him. One of them was to advise him to institute a committee that would investigate the OPC massacre of northerners in October 2000, present an estimation of the lives and properties lost and pay for their compensation. He should also charge the committee to offer recommendations to forestall future occurrences and forge unity and cohesion among diverse non-Yoruba ethno-religious groups and their host community living in the Southwest. I do not doubt that although this would sound politically awkward, it would have reminded Tinubu that these religious leaders were concerned with the plight of their people. He would eventually accept any other request for nation-building that northern leaders would have tabled before him as a condition and prerequisite for his election. 

Tinubu was able to successfully navigate these hurdles when the Ulama finally accepted him and joined his campaign train, partly due to the apparent reason for promoting a Muslim-Muslim presidency. In one short video clip uploaded on Facebook, one religious leader claimed that it was the Ulama who had insisted that Tinubu must relentlessly contest for presidential post in the 2023 elections, even after he was determined to withdraw from the race (the clip is available herehttps://www.facebook.com/reel/1198771691128341/?mibextid=pX794QQbNUXe42Mf.). All of this combined to prove that the Ulama were instrumental in catapulting Tinubu to the highest political office in the country and would expectedly have weighty words in his government. 

The removal of subsidy on the very day Tinubu was sworn in, followed by similar other thoughtless and capitalist policies, had quadrupled the hardship of the masses, drastically shelving the middle class in Nigerian society and forcing people to live in perpetual agony and unprecedented misery. People now eat leaves and grasses that would otherwise only be suitable for animals. Conversely, people in government were busy allotting themselves hefty allowances and big remunerations to ascertain their luxurious lives at the behest of citizens. The president procured a multibillion Naira jet and stupendously expensive yacht from the country’s treasury, besides other juicy and crazy packages, hastily designed and approved within a year of assuming office.

 All this while, several efforts have been made by various constituencies to admonish leaders, including the Ulama, who, in their pulpits and other public platforms, called on Tinubu’s government to soften its harsh policies and make life bearable for the poor. As this went on deaf ears, about a month or so ago, winds of mass protest started blowing all over the spaces and skies of the country, signifying that Nigerians have been pushed to the extreme of the wall where they could no longer withstand the increasing stroke of hunger. 

Although with barely-known leadership and organisers, the protesters’ demands are obvious and revolve around the reinstatement of fuel subsidy, ending insecurity in all its manifestations, fighting corruption, increasing minimum wage, etc. As soon as plans to hold the protest were laid bare, the northern Nigerian cyberspace became inundated with jurisprudential deliberations on the legality of protest in Islam, with the most popular faces among the Ulama, including those who allegedly endorsed and supported the candidature of Tinubu condemning the move, declaring protest as haram and forewarning the public of its costly consequences. Only a few known clerics have issued statements that support the protest, and their views seem to have been vetoed by their counterparts in the other camp. 

This worsened the situation as youths anxious to demonstrate their grievances through the protest interpreted the anti-protest fatwa as an attempt to thwart the masses from checking on and holding leaders accountable. Fingers of blame were brandished by youths against particularly scholars who openly campaigned for Tinubu and others who are known to have partisan loyalty to the ruling party, All Progressive Congress (APC) or have even served in any capacity under the APC-led state or federal government. The youths kept calling on the Ulama to form a united front, meet the president, and advise him to restore the fuel subsidy. 

In the psychology of most of the youths, since it was the Ulama who insisted that Tinubu must run, despite his alleged plan to recant the decision, but he finally bowed to the pressure of clerics, the latter have the power to force the president to make a U-turn on the removal of fuel subsidy. In the same vein, since the clerical establishment has been wielding enormous clout and their words “are” (or ought to be) highly respected in the Muslim north, the Ulama did not hesitate to voice their opinions on the planned protest, with little or no recourse to the psychology of the youths or an in-depth consideration of the precise reality of the majority of the youths. Some youths, in fact, never believe that most Ulama are passing through similar situations or do not have a full sense of their difficulty. And because the youth sometimes see some Ulama dining and rubbing shoulders with politicians, they concluded in the protest that they were helpless, with no one among elders to stand with or speak for them. Thus, they had no option but to come out en masse to protest. 

In addition, while the youths could recall a leading voice among the Ulama participating in prior protests without any condemnation similar to what was ringing in their ears, they considered the fatwa a clandestine cover given to President Tinubu. This was even conflated when the utterances of some Shaykhs sounded to be encouraging and emboldening the planned crackdown of the protest by Nigeria’s law enforcement agents, without in most cases, warning the security to protect human rights and be cautious of the sanctity of life. The protest has turned chaotic, with dozens of lives and properties worth millions of Naira lost. Still, the articulations of some Ulama reveal a disconnect with the plight of the masses. 

In my opinion, instead of the blanket condemnation of the protest, which was planned to be peaceful, albeit operationally difficult, the Ulama should have, in the first place, infiltrated the youths and hijacked the movement and, even if momentarily, emphasised to the government that they recognised peaceful protest as a constitutionally-sanctioned right and means of channelling grievances to authority. Had the youths seen religious leaders in this picture showering their blessings on the movement, they would have behaved more orderly, regained their confidence in the clerics and listened to any order that the Ulama might have issued to them, including possibly postponing the protest for some reasons. 

Scholars would have cashed in on the exuberance of the youths as a weapon to force the government to do the needful instead of appearing to have disowned the youths and cursed their movement. Since the reverse is true, the youths still feel that the federal government might have already felt encouraged and correspondingly justified not to listen to them but to also even embark on a mission to stop the protest with excessive force since the youths would be operating under an anathematised umbrella which lacked the blessings of men of God. To restore immediate sanity and stability in the strained relationship between the Ulama and the youths, the latter forming the large chunk of their following and being the backbone of any society, I below offer a few recommendations:

• The Ulama, particularly those whose anti-protest fatwas are circulating, should convene an emergency public lecture to, in vehement and uncompromising language, condemn the crackdown of protesters, warn security agencies to desist from the ongoing brutality against protesters and innocent citizens, remind them of the right of the protesters to demonstrate, call on the government to institute an investigative panel and pay compensation for families of the people killed by Nigerian security, including both among the protesters and the innocent people shot ruthlessly inside their homes.
• The Ulama should advise the government to recant its position and work towards simplifying life for Nigerians. It should immediately start by restoring fuel subsidy and reversing all financial policies that raise the price of the US dollar against the Naira. They should warn the government of possible degeneration that may escalate to anarchy if the government remains dogged and recalcitrant in responding to this request.
• The Ulama should avoid making public comments that may sound like they are absolving politicians of their commissions and omissions while discharging their duties. In line with this, the Ulama should be meticulous and extra-cautious in their dealings with politicians and political leaders. As the latter have gone far in dislodging the influence of traditional leaders, they may go to any length to destroy the career of a cleric who is not careful and gives in to their devilish desires and selfish political interests.
• The Ulama should further take the lead or accordingly guide the next measures, steps, and remedy processes that the youths are planning to resort to in place of the protest, which is fizzling out. These include the organisation of mass prayers, orientation on the need to resort to recall lawmakers and sensitising the public to strategise the public for future elections.
• Youths and protesters should avoid issuing generalised, unverifiable allegations against the Ulama and desist from making scathing comments about their persons. They should wholeheartedly accept their views or honourably reject them in favour of contrary opinions. All this should be done in good faith.
• The protesters should be careful not to allow mischievous elements within and outside the country to hijack the protest to promote perpetual conspiratorial ambitions in the land. In line with this, they should outright stop calling for a military coup and desist from waving the flag of any country.
• Muslim scholars and intellectuals need to create a forum to deliberate Nigeria’s political climate vis-à-vis Islamic leadership provisions and formulate a political vision and working formula that will take into account Islamic political values and the existing realities of Nigeria’s political setting.
• Last but not least, the federal government headed by Bola Tinubu should be cautious of its move to use force to quell dissent and remember that it is a democratically elected institution and not a military junta. Therefore, it must listen to its citizens and work towards ameliorating their conditions. It should focus on discharging its mandate and avoid meddling in the affairs of the state in a way that jeopardises its security. It should allow state governors to manage their affairs and intervene positively without the littlest detrimental political motives.

Ismail Hashim Abubakar wrote from Nouakchott, Mauritania and could be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.