Opinion

By Rabiu Muhammad Gama

For a start, protest is something that you do to show publicly that you think something is wrong and unfair. Protest is an expression of disapproval; it’s done in different forms and on any day; it can be verbal or physical or via social media. In a democratic society like Nigeria, protest is an effective and legitimate tool, usually the only tool, that citizens can use to express their displeasure concerning some government measures or policies publicly. For example, when the government fails to discharge its duties, the citizens can hit the streets to register their grievances against the government. The nagging question, which this article sets out to answer, is: must people get a permit from a state governor or the Police Commissioner before convening a protest?

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), is the fundamental law of the land. It is the law on top of which there is no other law. It is over and above any law, body or authority. It has been aptly submitted that the Constitution of any country, and don’t forget Nigeria is still a country, is the embodiment of what the people desire to be their guiding light in governance – their supreme law – the “grundnorm” of all their laws.

By virtue of Section 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution, any law, and that ‘any’ does mean ANY, that is inconsistent, or in conflict with a provision of the Constitution, that law is invalid and utterly useless due to its inconsistency with the Constitution. Please, permit me to draw an analogy; whenever there is a boxing match in a ring (read: court of law) between the Constitution and any other law, the referees (judges) always rule, and will undoubtedly continue to rule, in favour of the Constitution. No law can knock out the Constitution, no matter how strong and powerful its muscles are. The Constitution always prevails.

The Constitution provides for Fundamental Human Rights, precisely from Section 33 to Section 44, and these sections are in Chapter Four of the Constitution. These Fundamental Human Rights are simply those Rights that every human is entitled to simply because he is human. Therefore, these Rights cannot be taken away or restricted except in full compliance with Section 45 of the Constitution and some other relevant provisions therein.

Section 39 and Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution provide for the Right to Freedom of Expression and the Right to Freedom of Association and Peaceful Assembly, respectively: merging these two Sections gives us the Right to Protest. In the light of the foregoing, it is safe to submit that Right to Protest is a Fundamental Human Right that is clearly guaranteed and enshrined by the 1999 Constitution. Hence it cannot be restricted by anybody, including the DSS or the Police, or rather particularly the DSS or the Police. It is only the Constitution that can restrict that Right.

Before 2005, there was one undemocratic federal law (Act) that was dripping with dictatorship and some leftovers of colonialism mentality, the Public Order Act. The Law (Act) was initially promulgated as the Public Order Decree 5 Of 1979, and it later became an Act of the National Assembly under Section 274 of the 1979 Constitution. Sections 1 (2) (3) (4) (5) (6), 2, 3 and 4 of the Act required intending protesters to get a permit from the Governor (he can delegate the powers to the Commissioner of Police) of the state where the protest is to be held before they can protest. When the Governor, or the Commissioner of Police as the case may be, thinks that the protest is likely to disrupt public order, he can refuse to issue the permit.

However,  in the celebrated case of IGP v. ANPP (2008) 12 NWLR 65 when Malam General Muhammadu Buhari (as he then was) and his then political party, the ANPP, lost the presidential election in 2003 to Olusegun Obasanjo, requested the Inspector General of Police (IGP) by a letter dated 21^st May 2004, to issue police permits to their members to hold unity rally throughout the country to protest the alleged rigging of the 2003 election. The request was refused.

General Buhari and the rest of them organised the rally without the permits. As a result, there was a violent disruption of the rally organised in Kano on 22nd September 2003, on the ground that no police permit was obtained as required by the Public Order Act. The Federal High Court invalidated the provisions of the Act that required a Police permit before a protest is staged on the ground of their being inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution, particularly Section 39 and 40, and Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights ( Reification and Enforcement) Act, Cap. 10, Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1990.

On appeal, the Court of Appeal also affirmed the decision of the Federal High Court. Right from the Federal High Court, the learned trial judge relied on the decision of the Supreme Court of Ghana in the case of New Patriotic Party v. Inspector General of Police (1992 – 93) GBR 585 – (2000) 2 HRLRA 1 where it was aptly submitted that:

“Police permit has outlived its usefulness, statutes requiring such permits for peaceful demonstrations, processions and rallies are things of the past. Police permits is the brainchild  of [the] colonial era and ought not to remain in our statute books.”

That was how the Court sent those unconstitutional provisions of the Public Order Act to their eternal grave. By the way, it may interest you to know that by virtue of Section 83 (4) of the Police Establishment Act, 2020, where a person or an organisation CHOOSES to notify the police of his or its intention to hold a public meeting, rally or a procession on a public highway, the police officer responsible for the area where the rally will take place shall mobilise personnel to provide security for the rally! The police or the DSS have no powers whatsoever to stop or restrict the Fundamental Right of Nigerians to freedom of expression and assembly once those rights are exercised within the ambit of the law.

As the law stands today, no police permit is required before staging a protest in Nigeria. The right to protest is a Fundamental Human Right given by the Constitution, which cannot be taken away or restricted except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

Rabiu Muhammad Gama is a Law student from Bayero University, Kano (BUK). He can be reached on 09061912994 or via rabiuminuwa327@gmail.com.

Ahmadu Shehu, PhD.

It is true that the large chunk of Nigeria’s export comes from oil and that Nigeria depends to a great extent on this commodity for economic survival. However, this situation results from economic laziness – one of the many curses that came with crude oil to our country.

Pre-oil era, Nigeria was faring better, leading in many aspects of social and economic endeavours, especially agriculture and technical skills. This diversity of resources made our economy very resilient. Those were the days when Nigeria was a role model to the developing world.

Speaking of livestock and animal husbandry in today’s Nigeria leads to misleading insinuations that some supremacist ethnic group domiciled in the bush wants to hijack the “southern-oil-money” to rear cows.

These claims are not only wrong, but their makers are also pathetically ignorant of national and global economics. The fact is that, all over the world, animal husbandry is mainly economic and not ethnic, religious or regional. It is a matter of income, survival and sustenance. Data from butcheries, ternaries, restaurants, etc., in Enugu, Lagos and Port Harcourt can confirm this.

However, I do not squarely blame the proponents of these narratives for their lack of understanding of the fundamental economic outlook of this country. Instead, I assume that this kind of utter ignorance is also one of the curses caused by crude oil in Nigeria. Just as it killed all other viable sectors of our economy and transformed our political leadership into a set of docile, sit-and-wait set of people, it has succeeded in destroying our intellectual discourse. Today, all socio-economic conversations are viewed from the narrow prism of petrodollars.

Thus, our socio-economic and political conversation is now bereft of ideas and far from our social realities. It is sad to see many people failing to appreciate the glaring fact that six decades after the discovery of oil at commercial quantity, this country did not only fail to develop but has moved backwards in all indices of human and social development.

The topmost hierarchy of political leaders, policymakers, and civil society has failed to learn one simple, practical truth: our country’s strength, resilience, and prosperity are not in oil. They are right there under our feet and noses, at the backyards, waiting forever to be harnessed and utilised. Nigeria can take a cue from our mates, ala Malaysia, Indonesia, Brazil, India, etc.

Now, back to the “oil-money” narrative. Are herders and cattle breeders asking for “oil money”? No. In fact, herders do not care – or are not interested in crude oil in Nigeria.  Secondly, those of us advocating for the development of the livestock sector do so for the economic advancement of Nigeria, in general, and not just the herders, or “Fulani”, as would say the bigots.

For one, agriculture (livestock and crop) is the largest contributor to Nigeria’s economic growth. It contributes 40% of economic activities, employing over 60% of our country’s population – that is, one hundred and sixty million Nigerians.

You may think that the livestock sector is economically barren and that governments and other sectors of the economy do not benefit from it. You may even argue that only the “malams/awusas” benefit from the economic resources in this sector. But, you are dangerously mistaken, and I will show you why.

In Nigeria today, livestock is a multibillion-dollar business sector. Estimates by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture show that each year, Nigeria produces (and consumes) at least 18.4 million cattle, 43.4 million sheep, 76 million goats, 180 million poultry birds, among other things. Multiply these numbers to any amount of years and see the contribution of the livestock to the Nigerian economy.

For demonstration, let’s assume each of the 18.4 million heads of cattle is valued at $200 only. What you get is a staggering 6 billion dollars – three trillion naira per year – i.e. about ¼ of the country’s annual budget.

My experience in cattle businesses tells me that governments at all levels make a minimum of 10% direct revenue on each cattle, ranging from the market, local government, state, transportation, etc., levies that trail the cattle market chain.

But, this is just for cattle. These numbers multiply exponentially when other varieties of livestock come into the equation. Now, consider additional extended revenues on factories and sub-sectors that rely solely on livestock, such as leather, meat, and dairy.

While doing the maths, please remember that these raw and food materials serve Nigeria, one of the largest markets in the world, the most populous African country and the largest economy on the continent. Thus, the economic resources and taxations derived from this sector are massive!

Therefore, the question that naturally follows this arithmetic is: How much is Nigeria’s budget for the development of this sector and the millions of people it employs? 

As Nigerians, we are aware of the 12% derivation to the so-called oil-bearing states at the expense of other equal federating units. The basis for this disparity is to enhance the development of the immediate oil-bearing communities.

Similarly, a large chunk of the oil income is reinvested in the oil and gas industry development. Businesses and individuals in this industry benefit tremendously from these incentives and investments.

On the contrary, the Nigerian budgetary allocations for agriculture, particularly the livestock sector, have been very meagre and far below the lowest AU benchmark of 10%. For instance, from 2015, the allocations for agriculture have been below 2% of the budget, receiving a paltry N160 billion (1.37%) in 2020.

Obviously, this is far from commensurate to the economic and financial contributions of the sector in Nigeria’s GDP. It also negatively affects the lives of the majority of Nigerians whose livelihoods depend on agriculture.

While the government’s spending on agriculture is pathetic, the situation is even worse in the livestock sub-sector. For instance, under “promotion and development of animal production and husbandry value chain”, the 2020 budget proposes only N546, 156, 792 for the whole livestock sub-sector. Note that this amount was not budgeted for just cattle, sheep, or poultry but Nigeria’s entire livestock value chain. And that is just a proposal, not actual spending.

This, given the resources, financial and material contributions of the sector, is an insult on the human senses of any keen observer. Moreover, juxtaposing this estimate to that of the crop value chain makes the economic injustice against livestock producers even more glaring.

Therefore, it appears that livestock production and development are grossly marginalised across all three tiers of government and even within the agricultural sector. I had hypothesised elsewhere that this disparity is one of the major causes of the setbacks in Nigeria’s efforts at agricultural development.

Now, in this socio-economic reality, the governments and other Nigerians outside the economic chain of livestock anticipate a quick, sufficient, and even elegant modern livestock breeding system in Nigeria.

Worse still, the government expects these people who suffer from this severe lack of financial support, access to social development and political representation to be absolutely immune to the social consequences of this economic inequality and injustice.

This, without fear of contradiction, is an impossible mission. For, we have learned from the works of the philosopher-king, Emir Muhammad Sanusi II, that every economic situation bequeaths social reaction(s), as humans are not only social but also “economic animals”.

The points derived from the previous discussion are that herders and livestock breeders do not need oil or its by-products to grow livestock. They do not also ask for money accrued from the oil and gas industry to be invested in developing the sector.

What the livestock needs – which is legitimate and necessary – is the reinvestment of a fair portion of the wealth it creates back into the sector and the social development of the herding communities.

By and large, herders are not asking for “oil money” because the cow does not need oil to prosper. We are only saying that the money accrued from the livestock sector – a small portion of our contribution to the nation’s economic basket – be reinvested into the very sector that produces it as is done for other salient sectors of the economy. Full stop!

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a herdsman and academic. He can be reached via ahmadsheehu@gmail.com.

By Najeeb Maigatari

It has been six years since the inhuman massacre of unarmed citizens in Zaria perpetrated by the Nigerian army under the guise of “alleged road blockade” to the then COAS, Tukur Buratai.

According to activists, civil organizations and analysts, the massacre is among the “notable human rights violation since the return to democracy” in Nigeria.

While the Nigerian army claimed that their personnel acted within laws of engagement, a finding by the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the attack established by Kaduna State government in 2016 remarks, “The Nigerian army exerted disproportionate and excessive force against unarmed, defenceless civilians”.

The Commission further indicted top army officials for their role in the heinous crime and recommended that they be brought a book. Unfortunately, not one of them has been brought to justice to date, while the victims of the massacre and their grieving families still immeasurably suffer in silence.

In his testimony before the Judicial Commission of Inquiry, the then Secretary to Kaduna State Government noted that at least 347 people were killed and buried in mass graves. On its side, the Islamic Movement in Nigeria compiled a list of over 700 people missing since the incident.

During the attack, men, women, children and the elderly were mercilessly killed without regard for stipulated laws against such crime. For instance, the leader of the Islamic Movement, Sheikh Zakzaky (H), witnessed how his three sons, including a fifteen-year-old Humaid, were gunned down before his eyes.

The breadwinners of several families were killed, thus turning their wives into widows and children orphans. Some families were wiped out completely. For example, Dr. Bukari Jega, a lecturer at the University of Abuja, was killed alongside his wife and only daughter- a 6 months old Batoul; and several other families too numerous to mention.

Moreover, several hundred individuals were fatally shot at very close range during the attack, as a result of which some of them have become disabled, and others are still living with life-threatening injuries of great concern.

The release of the leader of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria and his wife from captivity after spending almost six years in illegal detention is commendable. It signifies a step forward to ensuring justice to the victims of the Zaria Massacre. We, therefore, hope that the President will live up to his words and ensure justice is also served to other families who have lost their loved ones in the incident.

There is no democracy without justice: irrespective of gender, tribe or religious inclination, it’s the pillar to peaceful coexistence in a society. The Zaria Massacre is amongst the recorded crimes against humanity in our time, and we, therefore, six years on, still demand justice for the victims and their families.

Maigatari writes from Jigawa State and could be reached via maigatari313@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sagir Bauchi

The deteriorated security situation of Nigeria and specifically its Northern region is no longer news. Insecurity and terrorism have become the norm to its daily life. The North is now used to ugly situations. From paying enforced levies to terrorists for permission to farm, paying kidnappers ransom and other related dues is also the new normal, especially in the Northwestern part. Upon all these calamities, the usual response from the government is not beyond “press release” or “rhetorical warnings”, but with no effort to translate these rhetorics into concrete action.

If we count the number of terrorist attacks in Northwestern states, excluding those of the Northeastern states, we’ll surely make a bulk of the report. In all these incidents, President Buhari is nowhere to be found. His presence is only felt in press releases from his out of touch paid spokesmen. One consistent thing the presidency is good at is sending a delegation to represent him in the mourning spots. However, when it comes to attending foreign summits or international conferences (no matter how insignificant they are), a delegation of duty is not an option; self-presence is the order.

As the saying goes, good things should be reciprocated with good, for that is better. One can easily recall those days; when the President was actively everywhere, scouting for acceptance and mandate to lead the country, he had the chance of visiting almost all nook and crannies of the North, crying on cameras purportedly for the nation. That emotional gimmick tricked Northerners into believing that the 2015 presidential election was the last chance to secure a fair deal of social contract.

People did everything to ensure that Buhari was elected to give the country a new lease of life, where lives, properties, and rights are prioritised. Unfortunately, while doing that, lives and properties were lost to that cause. Some were sent to their graves early for standing up to actualise the birth of a promised new dawn. Based on that, these troubled spots deserved a sincere first-hand visit, assessment and action by the president, especially whenever a terror of high magnitude happened in the region. His in-person visit doesn’t mean instant eradication of its problems, but at least it would give them a sense of relief to the victims and rebirth ordinary person’s confidence in the government.

After the recent brutal burning of some innocent passengers in Sokoto State by some bloodthirsty terrorists, the assassination of Katsina State commissioner and 16 faithful in a mosque in Niger State, tension in the atmosphere and unusual critical voices were raised. Some choose to walk for peaceful street protests in their states, and others bombarded social media with protest hashtags. That shows how worried Northerners are about the insecurity bedevilling them and their region. Yet, despite this development, some VIP pens and voices were dead silent, and that makes me wonder whether they still exist or are hidden somewhere else.

If not because wishes are horses, I would’ve said that I wish the mighty pen of the current Minister of Education that pinned down “Tears of Haramain I & II” is still alive to pin the tears of present North. It also took me back to nostalgic moments, where the current Minister of Communications and Digital Economy’s tearful voice was name-calling the previous administration to take action on the lives of Muslims murdered in some Northern States. Not long ago, the most powerful leader of the Tijjaniya Movement (Not the Khalifa) alive, Sheikh Tahir Bauchi, met the President and discussed the unprovoked killing of his followers along Jos-Zaria Road on their way back home after their annual Zikr. But today, all those voices and powerful pens are nowhere to be heard.

Moreover, a heavyweight politician from the North, who is also eyeing the seat of presidency, boarded a plane to a Southern State, where he met the Governor of that state and discussed the situation that led to senseless violence that resulted in killing HIS fellow Northers! Additionally, when an ongoing project of a 21-storey building collapsed in Lagos, Northern States governors went all the way to Lagos to sympathise and show solidarity to the victims of that catastrophe, the Governor and people of Lagos state over that sad occurrence. Yet, despite this humane gesture, no Lagos or any Southern state governor has set his foot in Sokoto to sympathise with the victims and the State government!

Northerners in the diaspora are also left behind as they are only good at calling the poor masses in Nigeria to take over their streets for a protest without any effort from them. But, as we all know, their countries of residence are more comfortable than the whole NIGERIA. As such, they can stage a protest in their Nigerian Embassy. But we only heard the voice of a few among them.

In my opinion, if we want reasonable action from the President, we should apply the approach of the Coalition of Kano Ulama. I mean the method they used earlier this year to curtail the activities of someone they regarded as a reckless and blasphemous scholar in their domain. The coalition used a single voice and stood through a consensus of respected leadership that forced the government to take the desired action. The coalition set aside all ideological differences and faced what it considered a common enemy of all. Therefore, the region’s highest traditional rulers, religious leaders, politicians, and business community should apply the same strategy to face the government over this unprecedented waves of insecurity in the region. This will surely force the president to go beyond press releases or rhetorical warnings to these heartless terrorists.

Lastly, to borrow from the words of the #Nomorebloodshed Movement, here are our simple demands to the President;

1. Federal Government should immediately organise a national security summit with all critical security stakeholders within and outside the government, with the sole objective of getting new/other ideas and approaches to end this state of insecurity.
2. All the security forces and agencies that are often deployed to ensure successful elections in recent times should be deployed to all the theatres of insecurity across the nation immediately.
3. The Federal Government must publish the names and identities of all the financiers of all insecurity as promised by both Mr President and the AGF, and they should be made to face the full wrath of the law.
4. If the President cannot guarantee peace, security of the lives and properties of Nigerians, we at this moment advise that he respectfully RESIGN.
5. We hereby unequivocally declare and submit that no Nigerian blood is less sacred than that of other compatriots from any part of Nigeria, enough of unwanted politicisation of these killings and insecurity.
6. We are no longer at ease with the ongoing “condemnation” of the actions of criminals among us. We call for the State to effectively go after these criminal terrorists, apprehend them and put them before the courts of law.

May peace reign in Nigeria.

Sagir writes from Bauchi State and can be reached via ibrahimsagir1227@gmail.com.

By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir

It is no longer news that on December 7, 2021, 42 innocent travellers were gruesomely burnt in a bus as they moved through Gidan Bawa village of Sabon Birni local government of Sokoto state. Thirty-five died instantly, and seven survived with very severe burns. May Allah shower their souls with his mercy.

The attack is one of the most horrendous and inhumane acts of the bandits that have since visited Northwestern Nigeria with an orgy of violence. I believe this barbaric act accounts more for Sheikh Gumi excusing himself from speaking on behalf of the bandits than the reason he gave – citing their proclamation by law as terrorists. This heartless, baseless and demonic act of burning a fellow human being alive has laid bare the true nature of what Nigeria has been fighting for so many years.

Fighter jets bombarded many enclaves of the bandits, east of Dumburoum forest in Zurmi, Zamfara, and also in Sokoto and Kaduna states, as well as ISWAP locations in far away Borno state, a day before this inhuman slaughter at Gidan Bawa. It is evidently a reprisal attack and an inadvertent confirmation of the nexus between ISWAP, Boko haram and Bandits – the same hydra-headed terrorism monster.

It is no longer news that northerners are moaning beneath the anguish of the mayhem that these ‘organisations’ have visited upon their people – annihilating human lives like they were crickets. More lives are lost to terror, and there doesn’t seem to be a decline. A 100 lives are lost in a week sometimes. Northerners are increasingly livid over the fact that PMB is a northerner. As President, he ought to secure his northern constituency – letting their governors, legislators, service chiefs and other top government functionaries off the hook for the bizarre and profoundly depressing situation of the North.

It is no longer news that the FG has made massive investments in security, purchasing no less than 60 fighter jets (fighter helicopters, FJ-17s, Super-Tucano, M346 Italian jets) along with battle tanks, MWRAPS, TAVORS, Armored navy vessels, and sophisticated surveillance systems. Bases have been positioned throughout the length and breadth of the war theatre. More boots are on the ground than ever, most definitely more than the civil war. All air assets have been deployed in the North to fight terrorism. So what in God’s name could be the problem?

It is no longer news that the weaponisation of poverty, in the long term, especially in Northern Nigeria, is mainly responsible for the hell pit we’ve found ourselves in. We watched our leaders dig us in and did us in while we egged them on for as long as it favoured us. We genuflected before them, made them take bows, applauded them – and allowed them to go scot-free. The masses and the village dwellers suffered this weaponisation with years of untold hardship, weeping blood. In contrast, we, the elite and the city dwellers, enjoyed all the blood money and whatever elitist pleasures therein. Now the shoe shiner is wielding an AK-47, so is the Maiguard. The herdsman is a warlord, so is the Vectra driver an informant. One of the Northern universities’ security chiefs is a kidnap kingpin, and a Hajiya in the village is the supplier of thousands of rounds of ammunition to bandits. The questions bang your scalp like the heavy August rainfall; who is not a bandit, or a terrorist, or an informant, or a kingpin or some helper of a sort to these terrorists? The North is hardly an image of its once prestigious self, now hunched with woes and barely a shadow of its erstwhile esteem. The hypocrisy screams to the high heavens, muttering sulky and morose invectives at PMB alone as the bane of our problems. Indeed.

It is no longer news that a foreign journalist, in an article titled, “The bandit warlords of Nigeria”, navigated the nooks, crannies and alleyways of bandits in the North, unharmed by these demons; inadvertently betraying the conspiracy of banditry in the North. He waxed politics with the bandits, claiming OBJ and Jona are far better than PMB, who the bandits say stifles Islam! Lord have mercy on our souls. He also erroneously put Fulani bandits as conquest driven Islamic extremists. This faulty description only further lumps Boko haram and Bandits together.

The news headline that should be etched into our consciousness is the reality of Nigeria long being marked as a state for Balkanisation. A proxy war is being fought out with our homeland as the battlefield. Eastern merchants versus western warlords are slugging it out, punch for pound. Islamic North, its idealistic and archaic ways are a thorn in their meal. As they carve their diamonds clean, our population suffers the brunt of their steel.

What is left for us is the Sunna of the Prophet (SAW), backed by his hadith, describing the bigger Jihad as striving for one’s cleansing and towing the path of righteousness – backed by Q22:78. The strange situation in the North is the duty of every northerner to un-knot, un-tie, and crack. Prophet SAW was the last one, so we have to be messiahs unto ourselves.

We must encourage ourselves to eradicate this phenomenon that has become the new Yahoo or money bet of the North. We must expose ourselves and fight ourselves by ourselves. No war ends with a gunshot. It can only start it. So we must sit together, back-benchers, frontliners, warts and all, voodoo if you like – and do the needful. As our faith is in our hearts, so is our fate in our own hands.

Tahir is Talban Bauchi. He wrote from Bauchi via talbanbauchi@yahoo.com.

By Mubarak Shu’aibu

The insecurity challenge in Nigeria has assumed a formidable dimension that requires a stakeholder’s approach as it is being touted in various quarters and, in all honesty, necessitates a call for creativity and long-term work. The alarming rate of insecurity is no less disturbing despite the reform undertaken and a substantial share of the national budgets allocated to the security sector.

The sensation of insecurity citizens of our societies experience is one of the main threats against the quality of life in a democracy. Thus, this has caused public opinion to cry in favour of searching for solutions to the woes.  There is an acceptance that a lot needs to be done to turn the current malaise around, and espousing Forensic Science as a tool should be considered on the list of priorities as it would make a profound impact and or even lay a groundwork for the fight against insecurity. Proof for sexual offences, drugging, cold blood murder, bank robbery, identification of victims and other menaces could be decisively dealt with by forensic techniques.

Forensic Science refers to the application of scientific methods in the recovery, analysis and interpretation of relevant materials and data in criminal investigations. It is both an intelligence and evidential tool to assist in the crime management and delivery of justice.

Scientific advances already play an essential role in solving crimes. According to the American National Institute of Justice, since 2009, the institute has funded forensic science projects worth more than $127 million, including approximately $116 million for 269 research awards and nearly $11 million for projects by federal partners. This funding has resulted in more than 900 reports, publications in scholarly journals and presentations. Therefore, it is a wise bit of business in a country like Nigeria, where the criminal activities are devoid of sophistication like that of America, to expend more resources in forensics.

Just as medical, agricultural and economic research are crucial for the advancement of a country, a sustained progression in the research underlying forensic sciences also is critical for advancing safety and the administration of justice. Unfortunately, Nigeria is hooked on instant highs and short-term fixes, which has ultimately and gruesomely halted our general progress as a country.

In retrospect, lack of intrinsic abilities on forensic had many arguing in favour of the Kano State Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje when his videos stacking dollars into his pocket were leaked. This event had the public stupefied, including President Muhammadu Buhari, who in the aftermath remarked that he didn’t know the extent of technology used to record the video, a matter that could quickly be settled within a fraction of seconds with good forensics in place.

In a similar terrain, a snake swallowed handsome money in the JAMB office, a fire outbreak in one of the finance offices in Abuja, the recent accident that occurred recording scores of deaths by one of the elite sons and many more stories whose verdicts to date remain surreptitious for Nigerians.

Bringing this to a close, I can say employing forensic science techniques in our fight against lingering insecurity and corruption should be considered inevitable and necessary. That will solve many other problematic issues such as sexual offences, drugging, cold murder, etcetera.

Mubarak Shu’aibu wrote from Bauchi State, Nigeria.

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

It is harvest time, where farmers all over the country harvest their crops. Some have already harvested the early maturing varieties of crops, while others are counting days to commence harvesting, or at least have started preparations for the harvesting of Agricultural produce after toiling, expending funds, and hoping of getting bumper harvest as a reward for everything.

By Musa Sa’adu

Political parties remain the only vehicle or platforms for candidates/politicians to aspire for political offices. This, however, leads to the emergence of various interest groups within a party. The groups work harmoniously together to pursue their common goals. However, the success or otherwise of a political party depends mainly on how the stakeholders manage these interest groups in the distribution of party positions, party tickets, appointments and the traditional largesse as the case may be. Failure to do these for any reason has, on so many instances, led to the internal party crises.

The 1983 election that produced Senator Sabo Bakinzuwo against a well-performing Governor Abubakar Rimi, seeking reelection resulted fromf party crises. The PRP crises that metamoposed into ‘Tabo‘ and ‘Santsi‘ factions, led by Malam Aminu Kano and Rimi respectively, forced Rimi as a sitting Governor to dump PRP for NPP to seek reelection. However, this was one of the cardinal reasons behind his Waterloo despite his performance in office throughout Kano and Jigawa.

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau and, of course, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje are no doubt the principal actors of the Fourth Republic Kano politics. The three have benefited and suffered the consequences of internal party crises.

Our memories are still intact on how the political hullabaloo, shenaniganism and internal party wranglings ruined the reelection bid of Governor Kwankwaso during the 2003 Governorship election. The defection of Danhassan, crises between Kwankwaso and some members of the National Assembly, notably the then speaker of the House Of Representatives, Hon. Ghali Na-Abba and perhaps General Buhari factor were among the contributing factors that led to the Kwankwaso/Ganduje downfall and the emergence of Malam Shekarau.

Likewise, Shekarau suffered the repercussions of internal party crises; his anointed candidate Salisu Sagir Takai was defeated by Kwankwaso/Ganduje. The crises between Shekarau and his deputy, Abdullahi Gwarzo, popularly known as Ruwa Baba, the over fifty thousand votes garnered by him during the Governorship election, has smoothly leveraged the second coming of Kwankwaso and Ganduje in the 2011 election.

The current turmoil rocking the Kano APC is a cause of concern to any committed party member. The internal crises that paved the way for two parallel conventions that produced Abdullahi Abbas and Haruna Zago representing Ganduje and Shekarau led factions respectively will create a hole that will gradually sink the Kano APC ship, and neither the Ganduje nor Shekarau will survive the mishaps including their supporters.

In politics, number matters; everyone is important! Don’t tell me someone who’s Governor for eight years and a serving senator doesn’t have political influence, and these G-7 members, as they fondly called themselves, are blessed with sturdy supporters and resources to bankroll political movements that can make or mar an election.

With the Tuesday court verdict favouring the Shekarau-led faction and considering the nature of Nigerian litigation processes, I’m afraid that whichever faction the pendulum swings and even if they won the general polls, the replica of Zamfara 2019 is imminent.

Both Ganduje and Shekarau should tread with caution; there is still time. They shouldn’t listen to the sycophants instigating the crises. Let them sit, discuss and iron out the grey and problematic areas and find out political solutions; otherwise, Kwankwaso will send them to political oblivion.