Opinion

By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir (Talban Bauchi)

By Ahmadu Shehu, PhD.

My previous article titled If there was Biafra generated debates around Biafra’s disadvantages (and advantages) to the Igbo people. Many of these comments were very insightful, and in line with the thoughts I presented. While I cannot respond to all the commentators, I will briefly address the most salient rejoinders. But, once again, let me quickly state that this conversation does not target the Igbo as an ethnic group. Instead, I aim to provide an outsider view to these pressing issues of national unity on which all Nigerians share equal rights and responsibilities to tell ourselves the home truth.

Some commentators say that the article was biased as I only focused on the disadvantages and neglected the “obvious” advantages the Igbo will gain from Biafra. However, I do not see a single demographic, economic, geographical or even political advantage the Igbo will gain by simply seceding from Nigeria. That is the thesis of the previous article. In fact, the post-exile writings of Odumegwu Ojukwu, the architect of Biafra himself, buttress this point.

The most critical observations from many prominent Igbo elites and friends claim that as much as the Igbo people enjoy Nigeria’s unity from both economic and political perspectives, we should equally be thankful to the southeasterners for the jobs they create for other Nigerians. In other words, the Nigerian market saturated by Igbo traders is also lucky to have the Igbo money as capital for the employment of other Nigerians.

Well, this claim might seem valid at face value. Still, it may not be entirely accurate when Igbonomics – a term I use here to refer to the economic strategy of the Igbo people – is subjected to a critical view. In the said article, I noted that one of the weaknesses of the southeastern economic model is that it is closed to other Nigerians. The resentment the Igbo folks have against the majority of Nigerians do not allow “strangers” from any region of the country to freely establish or run businesses in Igboland. That is why most Igbo billionaires today were made one hundred per cent in and by other regions of this country, but not the other way round. There is hardly a non-Igbo billionaire made by or in the southeast.

This xenophobia is not only applied against the Hausa-Fulani northerners or the Yoruba south-westerns but also their closest cousins, the Niger-Deltans. This approach is based on three exclusionist strategies of Igbonomics: First, the market and product, and indeed the value-chain must strictly remain an Igbo affair. Second, other regions’ markets, their products and value-chains must be proportionately shared with the Igbos. Third, to drift public attention from this ongoing reality, maintain the victim card by crying louder than the bereaved – the real victims of marginalization. While the first two tenets are lawful but greedy, the third is a clear case of hypocrisy. Here is a simple example to foreground this scenario.

The Igbo form the largest group of Nigerians in the diaspora. Since Nigeria is an import economy, the Igbo people in diaspora serve as business agents for their brethren in Nigeria. Therefore, the import business is basically an Igbo – Igbo transaction. Here in Nigeria, these goods are transported mainly to the southeastern markets, such as Abba and Onitsha. Instead of Lagos or Port Harcourt, most Igbo traders, who are widely dispersed across the nooks and crannies of this country, buy their goods mostly from Igbo distributors in the southeast. Another Igbo – Igbo transaction.

Up here in the north and other parts of the country, the Igbo employ strictly Igbo artisans, mostly from their own villages or communities in the east, and in some cases, the so-called northern Igbos. From sales girls and boys to messengers, marketers and suppliers, the Igbos domiciled in the north only trust their own ethnic brothers regardless of the opportunities employing locals might portend to their businesses.

For instance, you find a single Igbo shop owner in a village. By the following year, s/he has brought two, three or four Igbo artisans, thereby growing in population, manipulating the resources and seizing the business opportunities further away from the local people.

In most cases, the deal is that a separate business in the same line is established for the younger artisan, expanding further the grip of the Igbos in that line of business in the communities they are domiciled. Thus, the profits, gains and resources of the business in any of these communities become an Igbo affair entirely. Therefore, in this arrangement, the Igbo create jobs primarily for themselves while other sections of Nigeria serve as their consumers.

While the Igbos living in the north own properties and investments in the region, they return their proceeds to their homelands. Thus, I can bet my last penny that Igboland has more properties and investments built from profits and wealth acquired outside the Igboland than those made from the businesses run within the Igboland. Moreover, I had said earlier that businesses domiciled in the southeast largely depend on the larger Nigerian market to thrive.

Therefore, it should be clear from the foregoing that Igbonomics in the north is an Igbo economic affair that largely – if not only – benefits the Igbos. The brutal truth is that the Igbo are NOT marginalized in Nigeria. Instead, they are playing a victim card to maintain the economic status quo. While the various sections of this great country have a lot to thank one another for, none of these sections should claim any superiority. Neither should any of these play a gimmick of marginalization. We are equals in the hands of God and our country.

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a nomad cum herdsman, an Assistant Professor at the American University of Nigeria, Yola, and is passionate about the Nigerian project. You can reach him via ahmadsheehu@yahoo.com.

By Ibrahim A. Waziri

By Mujahid Ameen Lilo

When in 2015, the then incumbent president of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan, called to congratulate his opponent ahead of the announcement of the election winner, it was hailed as a heroic act. The act further cemented the country’s democratic maturation and avoided the imminent disintegration of the country had the president not accepted defeat. Moreover, it ensured a stable and successful government transition in a country on the brink of war.

The former president of the Niger Republic got the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership because he respected term limits. Yet, nobody was found worthy of the award for eight years, which points to African leaders’  disgraceful culture of disregard for term limits and bastardising of democracy. What’s more annoying, though, is the culture of celebrating the few ones that respect the term limits.

When we understand that it’s the moral imperative of our leaders to bow to the people’s will, to respect the constitutional authority that put them there and dictate their term limits. Until then, we wouldn’t rush to make a big deal of it and lionise them, present them with awards, among other things. We tend to forget and forgive their misrule. The great disenchantment with the previous administration’s sadistic leadership style made Nigerians ready to go to any lengths to vote out that party. People were prepared for war if the election got twisted. So it’s the morally and politically correct thing to do, that is,  handover.  Most of these leaders leave behind enormous debts, worsening insecurity, cases of corruption and so on.

The recent coups in Guinea and Chad and the foiled one in Niger indicate the frightening facts that the West African countries are far from political stability. Military intervention hardly change matters. It shouldn’t be the response to a faulty democracy. The West African subregion should thoroughly shake itself off the yoke of any military powers. The democratisation of the whole subregion would go a long way in stabilising it. Not that democracy is perfect per se (what with her so-called upholders violating one of the fundamentals: periodic election), but that we can and should practice it most purely, quite distinct from the military system. There should be an atmosphere that’ll facilitate proper reforms of democracy.  A stable system of government will guarantee peace and also bring about the desired developments.

It’s on this premise that I’d now address another factor that is damaging to our democracy, threatening what little peace and stability is left in the region: electoral processes.  In my country Nigeria, once it’s time for elections, people who live away from their states of origin start rushing back to their hometowns because elections have been synonymous with violence leading to the death of many people. There should be peace for people to exercise their fundamental right of voting. Instead, thugs are paid to violate the process. Many people believe in the quote that ‘our votes do not count; otherwise, they wouldn’t let us vote’.  However, that is not where the problem lies.  I believe that we’re capable of holding free and fair elections as we’ve done in the past. We can cite many examples with Nigeria as a case study. The fourth republic election in Nigeria that put Chief Obasanjo into power was relatively free and fair. The two elections that put Buhari into power were also pretty free and fair. We cannot forget the annulled election of June 12, 1993.

I was born in the early 2000s. My generation is called the ‘golden generation’ because the Nigeria we’re born in is democratic, free from colonial and military powers. But my generation suffers from a collapsing education system (most have to attend private schools because the government ones are total craps), from frequent strikes in universities to insecurity devouring our lands like an inferno. This semester, I was looking forward to fieldwork we are supposed to go on in a literature course but have to resort to what our lecturer calls ‘mental research’ because nowhere is safe. This generation is so angry – a wave of anger manifested in the Endsars protests.

On days like this, independence day, I sit and reflect on the happenings in my nation while my fellow teenagers are out having fun, draping their bodies in the country’s colours and posting things like ‘happy independence’ on social media. Yet, the ghost of Achebe and Gimba surrounds me as I struggle to intellectualise my thoughts, building it on Achebe’s dictum (the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership) and the Gimba’s theory that differs from Achebe’s.

I am a lover of columns. As a child, I was very socially and culturally conscious, reading my dad’s dailies. On my shelf, I have a collection of columns: Gimba’s Why am I Doing This, Tundes’s Nigeria: A Thousand Cries, A Thousand Laughs, Nda Isiah’s Nigeria: Full Disclosure, and Victor’s Excuse Me. The writings there span Nigeria from Obasanjo’s first tenure to the eventful short tenure of Yar’adua and Goodluck’s tenure. Presently, I read Kakanda, Bulama and Abubakar,  whose columns are about the present administration. All through, there is rage. There is a disappointment. These essays echo in my conscience, making it hard for me to celebrate not only Nigeria’s birthday but those supposed champions of democracy, that after much damage, step aside and respect term limits. Like Jonathan. Like Niger’s Muhammdou, winner of Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership.

Mujahid Ameen Lilo is a winner of the Wole Soyinka Essay Competition and a student at the Department of English, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Compiled by Aisar Fagge

Today, October 5, is designated as World Teacher’s Day. Students across the globe are celebrating the day with their teachers by sending them flowers, cards, taking them out for dinner and writing goodwill messages on various social media platforms.

The Daily Reality collects some opinions of Nigerian students about this day. Here are some:

IN MOST CASES, we look at many successful people without remembering those people that held the lamp for them. Teachers are the light-bearers of success, the beacons of progress and the building blocks of a good generation. “Islamiyya teachers” at the top, and the Boko teachers; they all hold lamps for us. But they are less assisted, remembered and appreciated.

By Nasiru Tijjani

Doubtless, stealing is one of the social problems bedevilling the peace and stability of almost all human societies. Therefore, stealing means taking something away from a person, shop/store, etc., without permission and without intending to return or pay for it. The problem, needless to say, is known to every reasonable person who cares to look and discuss their societal issues. Quote me anywhere that no society can fully develop and excel in all spheres of life if its members are thieves, burglars or robbers. For clarity, thieves are persons who steal things, especially secretly and without using violence. Burglars usually get into a house, office, etc., especially by force, to steal stuff, while robbers steal property from a person or public place, especially using violence.

The rampant cases of stealing are gradually becoming a new normal in our society. The culprits are always employing different strategies to safeguard themselves against an unwarranted arrest by the security agencies and other community volunteers. The community members gradually become helpless and equally lose hope about when to live in peace and comfort with their property. I don’t need to justify anything here for you, or your brother might

Since time immemorial, stealing has been discouraged by Islam and Christianity. The duo has strongly warned their followers through a significant portion of scriptures that they should shun the attitude of taking someone’s property without the owner’s consent. Apparently, the act has been classified as taboo and unethical that can only be committed by the mannerless, heartless and idle good-for-nothing person whose faculty of reasoning is abysmal. The effects of their (thieves) actions negatively affect the peaceful co-existence of the entire society either by crippling the welfare of the people or creating an unresolved hatred and enmity.

What comes first on the list has to do with parents. To me, they should not be left blameless, for they have a role to play in the proper upbringing of their children. They have been saddled with the responsibility of meeting the needs of their children, right from appropriate education to marriage. Nowadays, children are left to stand on their own feet in all walks of life. Parents are gradually disowning the mandates of their children as enshrined in the religious and cultural provisions.

Coming next after the first is peer-group influence. Children usually commit crimes under the influence of friends. This is because they typically get to know the attitude of each other better during their friendship. Psychologists have identified imitation as one of the stages of cognitive development. Therefore, children effortlessly emulate the behaviour of their friends. A friendless child is safe for not associating with rotten eggs, for he is less likely to be influenced by peers.

It is a known fact that the care of children is being placed firmly within the domain of their parents. Therefore, they (parents) should ensure that they fulfil all the mandates saddled on them. They must be answerable for their children’s failure, either for poor upbringing or anything for that matter.

The influence of some films that are of no character-building is equally associated with the topic under discussion. For example, with the recent release of Kannywood seasons, youths learn different tactics of stealing and other unwanted behaviours. “A Duniya“, a new Hausa season produced by Tijjani Asase, is a classic example of such a film. Recently, the Kano State Censorship Board has cautioned its makers and asked them to reshape the season’s activities considering the negativity of some scenes.

The human being is a social animal that cannot live in isolation without associates. However, children/ youths should not be left under the control of friends. Instead, they need to be guided/assisted in choosing or deciding on whom to befriend/mingle with.

Besides, people should reduce their quest for materialism. For instance, youths should regulate their strong desire to possess smartphones, among other things. Parents and security personnel may begin to ask the owners to account for the source, originality and anything to do with the suspected phones or any other property.

In conclusion, stealing is a correctable problem like all other social vices. I can attest without any iota of hesitation that the above-stated recommendations will surely bring a lasting solution to the unwanted act if taken into consideration. Meanwhile, I fancy the idea of not forgiving the doers of the action, for they know not the purpose of being human.

Nasiru Tijjani, Gwaram Tsohuwa, Jigawa state. He can be contacted via tijjaninasiru@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani