Opinion

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

The word ‘craze’ has often veered my mind towards fashion. It’s not uncommon to hear the noise of the latest, let’s say, designer clothing brands or accessories referred to as the “new craze” in town because of how it has people emptying their pockets and savings just to fit in with the vogue purchasing the latest brands.

Well, since cryptocurrency became a household name (to me) at least six years ago, there has been much obsession with it. 

For those who are unfamiliar with it, individuals involved in this believe that it was not merely introduced to benefit a larger segment of the global population, but rather created to empower people to take charge of their assets—in the form of their finances. For instance, the “Democratization of assets” refers to a situation whereby individuals have the authority to control their wealth. These same individuals argue that it decentralises their interactions with banks and similar institutions. 

Given the vocabulary used to explain this, it’s hard to resist. After all, who doesn’t want to grow wealth “fast” and “more”?

As intriguing as this may sound from personal observation and experience, I would argue that this venture has very little to do with what it claims as its intention. At least, its true intentions seem to have been hijacked by unscrupulous individuals who view this as an easy means of facilitating money laundering or engaging in a classic case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. This means rallying the masses to invest in a venture that ultimately benefits the wealthy more than the impoverished, turning a few into the rich while further impoverishing those already in need. This is unmistakably a form of exploitation that the poor will undoubtedly bear the brunt of. Thus, in the spirit of Marxism, I believe this will only exacerbate the imbalance between the rich and the poor in our society, rather than promote financial liberation, at least not for the latter.

This reflects the reality of many instances I have observed. Suppose there is any reward reaped by those who invest time and energy in this. In that case, it is typically only a tiny fraction of people who have succeeded, most likely by promising others definite rewards if they partake in one training or another that offers the secret to unlocking wealth within the crypto venture. For this group, the lies never cease, and for their victims, they cling to the hope that this one more book purchase, class, training, or crypto platform could bring them a step closer to becoming wealthy. 

Consequently, they ensnare people in a cycle of addiction that has driven many to make desperate decisions to “salvage” their so-called wallet or invest further. Among other instances, I have heard of a mother who arranged for the kidnapping of her daughter and used it to solicit donations from the public, which she planned to use to invest in one of these ventures after incurring some losses. 

Another story is of a man who invested all his life’s savings while his family slowly died of hunger. Yet, their breadwinner threw the gospel of their action as driven by a desire to create generational wealth or their long-term investment. This is the habit of a gambler, which inevitably reminds me of the character Isaac Solar in the Telemundo programme Price of Fame, who was a chronic gambler who betrayed his family’s famous Music record label due to his gambling addiction, which eventually led him to the killing of his brother Julio Casear.

So, how is the cryptocurrency scenario any different from gambling–only that it is a digitalised form of gambling that has succeeded in throwing everyone into the loop of addiction? 

Evidently, the actors behind this have tapped into humanity’s psychology regarding the desire for wealth, particularly in our time—it is the new craze of society that we have come to believe can be earned by any means, thereby keeping us on a constant hamster wheel in pursuit of riches. Our attention is drawn to every word, every instance where money is mentioned, casting doubt on its legitimacy. And I could go on. 

So, ultimately, what I set out to say is

People fail to see these mining and crypto-related ventures for what they truly are. To me, they represent another form of gambling, albeit not in the traditional sense we know. Yet, we remain blind to this fact, and even more so, our ears are deafened, as those who have set out to swindle the masses in order to amass wealth for themselves have not only studied the psychology of individuals but have also mastered the art of using language to mislead the world into perceiving this as a reasonable and profitable venture. 

All this does to the poor, however, is rip them of their little savings and, of course, their peace of mind. Many have starved their families just so they could invest in something that yields neither results nor returns; they have gained depression after borrowing and pouring all their life savings into ventures, waiting years for nothing. And let’s not even start with the “it’s a long-term investment” nonsense because that’s rubbish. 

What happens if the investor dies? Can his or her family retrieve the funds? If I need money urgently, can I access my money quickly to address an immediate need? The answer is a definitive no! At least with banks, I can do all of the aforementioned. Therefore, due to the tendency of cryptocurrencies to fluctuate, which keeps you on edge and causes anxiety, I believe banks are more certain alternatives. 

We know for a fact that one of the plagues of the 21st century is the tendency to use language to glamourise the abnormal, turning it into something attractive—the era of double-speak, or what is infamously known as Orwellian language. Where gluttony is called cravings, bleaching is termed toning, being selfish is referred to as self-care, and, of course, in this regard, gambling is portrayed as trading or investment.

Fortunately, few people have gained from these ventures compared to those who spend good time and money but reap nothing over the years. 

It is obvious that after investing, there is no way to retrieve one’s capital in case one no longer finds the venture profitable. It is just dormant, so-called wealth that can’t be retrieved. Let’s not talk about how one’s family cannot retrieve their loved one’s investment after his/her demise. 

It’s sad that many of us have fallen into this trap. Though I’m no Sheikh or Ustaz, whenever I see the craze over cryptocurrency, these are some of the prophets’ sayings that come to my mind.

There is much controversy about the legitimacy of mining or crypto, which is enough reason to avoid it. The prophet SAW has advised us to avoid anything that is ambiguous. 

I come in peace.

 A verse of Allah to reflect upon: 

(2:275) “As for those who devour interest, they behave as the one whom Satan has confounded with his touch. Seized in this state, they say: “Buying and selling is but a kind of interest,” even though Allah has made buying and selling lawful and interest unlawful. Hence, he who receives this admonition from his Lord and then gives up (dealing in interest) may keep his previous gains, and it will be for Allah to judge him. As for those who revert to it, they are the people of the Fire, and in it shall they abide.”

 And the Hadith of the prophet:

Messenger of Allah ﷺ said, “Verily, there is a Fitnah (trial) for every nation, and the trial for my nation (or Ummah) is wealth”. At-Tirmidhi.

Instead of viewing cryptocurrency and its likes as another innovational breakthrough or digital economic revolution, let’s reflect on it from the perspective of the end of times.

Saadatu is a writer and lecturer at the ABU Distance Learning Centre. She can be reached at: Saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Jamil Jetta

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has noted the recent decamping of some of its stakeholders in Kaduna State to the All Progressives Congress (APC). While this move has been long anticipated, it comes as no surprise given the lack of credibility, political momentum, and true patriotic zeal exhibited by these individuals in their various constituencies. It is remarkable to understand that some of the decampees have left the Party since 2024.What happened was just a political Circus show put forward by the APC to mask its dwindling fortunes.

The PDP remains unshaken by this development, as the party continues to enjoy the unwavering support of the majority of the people of Kaduna State who recognize its commitment to good governance, national unity, and sustainable development. The decamping of these individuals, many of whom have struggled to maintain relevance in their political careers, only reinforces the PDP’s position as the party of choice for the people of Kaduna State who value integrity and progress.

For those decamping from Southern Kaduna, it is important to remind them that the zone has always been a traditional PDP stronghold. Their departure will not alter the fact that the PDP remains the preferred party of the people in this Zone.The voters of Southern Kaduna are politically astute and have consistently demonstrated their loyalty to the PDP, a trend that will continue in future elections.

To those decamping from other Senatorial Zones, the PDP wishes to remind them that the political opportunities they have enjoyed were made possible by the party. Without the platform provided by the PDP, many of these individuals would not have attained the positions they hold today. Their decision to abandon the party that nurtured their political careers is a testament to their lack of gratitude and foresight.

The PDP reiterates that politics is ultimately a game of numbers, and the majority of actual voters remain loyal to the party. These voters, who are the backbone of Kaduna State’s democracy, have consistently voted along the lines of integrity, development, and good governance – values that the PDP embodies. The decamping of a few individuals will not sway the resolve of the millions of Nigerians who continue to stand with the PDP.

The PDP remains committed to its mission of delivering a brighter future for all the people of Kaduna. The party is confident that its track record of achievements and its vision for a better Nigeria will continue to resonate with the electorate. As we approach future elections, the PDP is more determined than ever to consolidate its support base and emerge victorious.

The PDP urges its members and supporters across the country to remain steadfast and focused. The party’s strength lies in its people, and together, we will continue to champion the cause of democracy and development in Nigeria.

Piquantly,the People Democratic Party (PDP) is one of Nigeria’s leading political parties, committed to promoting democracy, good governance, and sustainable development. With a rich history of achievements and a vision for a better Nigeria, the PDP remains the party of choice for millions of Nigerians.

Honorable Jamil Shuaib Jetta, a former aspirant for the Kaduna State House of Assembly, wrote in from Kaduna and can be reached via jamilshuaib57@gmail.com.

By Sani Mu’azu

I am still reeling from the news of Souleymane Cissé’s passing. As a young filmmaker, I had the privilege of meeting him at the Shitengi Film Festival in Cape Town and later at Fespaco in Ouagadougou. His presence, wisdom, and generosity left an indelible mark on me.

Cissé’s cinematic legacy is a testament to his unwavering commitment to African storytelling, deep humanism, and profound political engagement. His iconic film Yeelen (Brightness) was a turning point for me. Its powerful narrative, stunning visuals, and masterful storytelling ignited a fire within me to tell African stories that matter.

Yeelen‘s exploration of traditional Bambara culture, the struggle for power, and the quest for knowledge resonated deeply with me. It was a cinematic experience that not only inspired me but also challenged my perspectives on African identity, culture, and history.

As I grew in my filmmaking journey, I often reflected on Cissé’s words, wisdom, and work. His passion for African cinema, dedication to mentoring emerging filmmakers, and unwavering commitment to telling our stories with dignity and authenticity continue to inspire me.

Papa Cissé, as I affectionately called him, may be gone, but his cinematic legacy, his wisdom, and his impact on African cinema will continue to illuminate our screens, our hearts, and our minds.

Rest in peace, Souleymane Cissé. Your brightness will continue to shine.

Farewell, Papa Cissé.

My attention was drawn to an article in the Education Monitor tabloid of Monday, 25 February 2025, written by what the tabloid referred to as the ex-ABU ASUU Chairman. The article was supposedly a rejoinder to a discussion I had with Nagarta Radio, Kaduna, on the changing dynamics of university administration in Nigeria and its implications for university education. The discussion took place during a weekly phone-in program that focuses on topical issues of public interest.

Prof. MK Aliyu

The radio station was concerned about recent events leading to the sacking of some Vice Chancellors and their Governing Councils at Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, and Yakubu Gowon University, Abuja. During the discussion, I cited the recent misconduct and miscarriage of justice in the appointment of a new Vice Chancellor at ABU, aiming to draw the attention of the federal government and other stakeholders to prevent ABU from suffering a similar fate as the two universities mentioned.

Sadly, the rejoinder by the former ASUU Chairman, ABU Chapter, deliberately ignored the issues raised during the radio program. Instead, it focused on personal attacks against me regarding my tenure as Acting Vice Chancellor of Kaduna State University. While it is not in my character to engage in public disputes with a younger colleague, especially when discussions become personal, I find it necessary to clarify the issues raised both in the radio program and in the rejoinder itself.

For the record, the personal attack in the rejoinder, which appears to satisfy the rhetorical standards of an archaeologist, falls far below the analytical rigor expected of a historian. It does not deserve much attention.

In the rejoinder, the former ABU ASUU Chairman insisted that the Council acted within the law by appointing a candidate with a lower score instead of the highest-scoring candidate. However, this raises a moral question that legality alone cannot address. The fact that something is legal does not necessarily mean it is morally right. While the law is a system of rules enforced by a governing body, morality is a set of ethical principles guiding right and wrong behavior.

The key issue here is that the appointment of a candidate other than the highest scorer appears to have been politicized, possibly to serve the political interests of the Chairman of the Council, Alhaji Mahmud Yayale Ahmed, who belongs to the ruling party in Bauchi State. The candidate he announced as the new Vice Chancellor was a former Commissioner of Lands and Survey in Bauchi State. Was this appointment a political favor or a reward for past services rendered to Alhaji Yayale or his political allies?

Laws are meant to ensure that society functions better and more peacefully. Civil law is not intended to regulate the entire spectrum of human conduct, which is where morality comes in. This is precisely where the Council Chairman missed the point.

The Council lacked ethical consideration, an essential principle in decision-making that ensures transparency and prevents harm or injustice to individuals and the system. Alhaji Yayale, a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation who once oversaw the Federal Character Commission—an agency responsible for ensuring federal character compliance in public service—should have known that appointing a Vice Chancellor from his own state under his chairmanship was ethically problematic, even if the candidate had been the highest scorer.

Instead of learning from history—such as the controversy at Yakubu Gowon University, Abuja, where the Council Chairman from Katsina State appointed a Vice Chancellor from his own state—the ABU Council repeated the same mistake. The outcome in ABU is expected to be even worse, especially considering that, unlike in Abuja, the announced candidate did not even score the highest.

The University Miscellaneous Act of 1993, before its amendment, allowed the Council to nominate and recommend three candidates with the highest scores to the Visitor (the President), who would then make the final appointment based on government discretion and considerations such as federal character. In such cases, the government could not be accused of violating the law. However, with the amendment transferring this power to the Council, ethical considerations must be taken into account.

The same Council that advertised the position, set the criteria for selecting the best candidate, ensured all candidates passed integrity screenings by law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies, and conducted interviews to determine the most qualified person, cannot suddenly shift the goalpost at the announcement stage by introducing undisclosed criteria. This lack of transparency fuels doubts and suspicions about the fairness of the process.

The rejoinder also mentioned a past ABU appointment where the Council selected Professor Abdullahi Mustapha (then Vice Chancellor of Umaru Musa Yar’adua University), who ranked second, instead of Professor Abdullahi Zuru (from Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto), who ranked first. However, the rejoinder deliberately omitted the reasons behind that decision.

In that particular case, ABU was experiencing a leadership crisis that resulted in two Acting Vice Chancellors in quick succession, with the possibility of a third. To stabilize the university, Professor Zuru was deemed unsuitable because he had never been associated with ABU in any capacity—as a visiting lecturer, external examiner, or stakeholder. Appointing an outsider at such a turbulent time would have further destabilized the university.

Thus, instead of appointing someone who would require two to three years to understand ABU’s internal dynamics before taking meaningful action, the Council chose Professor Mustapha. This decision, unlike the current one, was justified.

In the present case, Professor Sadiq Zubair Abubakar, the highest-scoring candidate, has been with ABU since graduating as an Agricultural Engineer from the university. After completing his National Youth Service Corps in 1987, he rose through the ranks to become a professor in 2006. He served as Executive Director of the National Agricultural Extension and Rural Liaison Services, where he initiated a 3-star hotel project that significantly boosted ABU’s Internally Generated Revenue. He was also Vice Chancellor of the revoked Federal University of Education, Owerri, and later Vice Chancellor of Capital City University, Kano. Additionally, he served as Dean of the School of Postgraduate Studies and later as Deputy Vice Chancellor (Administration) at ABU.

Compared to the appointed candidate, Professor Abubakar had submitted over 130 publications for promotion, while the candidate announced by Alhaji Yayale had submitted only 23, as reported by the ABU Bulletin of Wednesday, 5 February. This glaring disparity further supports our argument that the highest scorer, with superior academic and administrative credentials, was unfairly denied the appointment in favor of a politically favored candidate.

The rejoinder attempted to discredit me personally for insisting on merit-based appointments at ABU. As a Nigerian, a bonafide Northerner, and an academic with ties to ABU—albeit not as a former student or current staff member beyond a sabbatical—I have every moral right to express concern over this flawed decision. The wrong decision made by the Mahmud Yayale Ahmed-led Governing Council will negatively impact ABU in the short and long term.

Some candidates were disqualified over serious moral issues and chose not to challenge their disqualification due to the credibility of the allegations against them. Instead, they sought to align themselves with potential appointees, only to switch allegiance once the Council announced a different candidate. This kind of opportunism reflects poorly on the integrity of those involved.

The rejoinder neither redeemed nor absolved the Council from wrongdoing. Instead, it reinforced our concerns about ABU being subjected to an improper and self-serving appointment process. While some may argue that the decision did not violate any legal provisions, we maintain that moral considerations are distinct from legal technicalities.

I am confident that the Federal Government will investigate this matter and take necessary corrective measures. Alhaji Yayale Ahmed’s actions have tarnished his legacy, and ABU must not be sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. The university’s academic excellence should never be compromised for selfish interests.

This is my position against whatever rejoinder that supports wrongdoing and morally unassailable actions.

Prof. Ashafa, a directing staff member on sabbatical at NIPSS, Kuru, wrote from Zaria in Kaduna State, Nigeria.

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, PhD

Etymologically, the terms “autos”, “bios”, and “graphein” are Greek forms. While the former stands for “self”, the “bio” represents “life”, and the “graphein” which diachronically and morphologically changes over time to “graphy,” means “to write”. Thus, autobiography is a self-written narration of one’s own life. 

According to Celluni, “All men, whatever be their condition, who have done anything of merit, if so, be they men of truth and good repute, should write the tale of their life with their own hand”. Thus, the recent 420-page memoir launched by the former military Head of State, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, on Thursday, 20^th February 2025, is a typical instance of a self-written account of one’s own life experiences.

Babangida’s A Journey of Service: An Autobiography is highly anticipated due to the author’s role as one of Nigeria’s most controversial, if not enigmatic, military leaders. His perceptive ingenuity and cunning leadership style earned him the nickname “Maradona” or “evil genius.” Thus, his reign was marked by numerous seemingly unforgettable controversies and troubles, ranging from the mysterious death of journalist Dele Giwa, the failed coup of Mamman Vatsa and his subsequent execution, Gideon Okar’s bloody failed coup, the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), the OIC palaver, and above all, the 1993 June 12 saga. 

As noted by Lejunre (1975), the supreme value of autobiography lies in its nature as a product of the writer’s self, the private realm of his reflective self that informs the bios and graphein, with which they interact to form a text as a discourse about his existence, particularly emphasising the development of his own life and personality. Therefore, as an autobiographical text, A Journey in Service represents a personal account of its author.

In addition, Babangida, in this book, makes a striking revelation, submissions and confessions that left some of its readers in a deep shudder and bewilderment. For instance, about the June 12 saga, an election that was annulled in broad daylight by him, he writes that on June 23^rd, 1993, he left Abuja for Katsina to commiserate with the Yar’adua family over the death of their patriarch, Musa Yar’adua, the father of Major General Shehu Yar’adua and the late Nigerian president Umar Musa Yar’adua when “a report filtered to me that the June 12 elections had been annulled” (pp-275). He thus shifts blame to former Head of State General Sani Abacha, who was then his Chief of Defence Staff, the accusation which some people view as not only baseless but rather a joke and a scapegoat as succinctly captured in the book “But annulment was only a component of series of other options. But to suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming. I remember saying: ‘These nefarious inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me! I would later find out that the forces led by General Sani Abacha annulled the election. There and then, I knew I was caught between a devil and deep blue sea” (pp-275).  

Therefore, Abacha served as a whipping boy or a fall guy, thus taking the blame. This is where the need for thanatography- a death writing comes up. Had Abacha been alive, the people would like to hear his side of the story on this saga, or had it been possible to write from the grave, thanatographically, his submission will help in striking a balance. Therefore, it is probable to say that Babangida’s autobiography, A Journey of Service, is just a metaphor of self that conceptually and schematically treatises his life journey from his early years, school years in Wushishi and Bida, early military career as a young officer to Nigerian civil war and NDA teaching years, mounting the saddle of leadership as the military head of state and the challenges that follow. 

In short, this autobiography is timely as it emerges in an era where one of MKO Abiola’s disciples, who fought for the cause of June 12, which led to his exile, is ruling the country. Meanwhile, the public’s eagerness to hear Babangida’s perspective after 32 years since the incident, along with numerous intricate mysteries, controversies, and decisions that characterised his regime, makes the book’s readership thought-provoking. 

However, my prediction is that the book will be subjected to various interpretations, re-readings, and misinterpretations depending on the perspective of its readers. Therefore, critics of this autobiography or memoir may approach it with the intention of deconstructing it, as the autobiographical activity (by Babangida) is also a form of deconstruction, evident through the narrative account and the self-writing upon the subject self.         

Dr Bashir Uba Ibrahim writes from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University, Kafin Hausa. He can be reached via bashirubaibrahim@gmail.com.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri 

On February 20, 2025, Nigeria marked a pivotal moment in its historical and literary landscape by launching A Journey in Service, the autobiography of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, the nation’s former Military Head of State. Held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel’s Congress Hall in Abuja, the event drew an illustrious crowd: President Bola Tinubu, former Presidents Yakubu Gowon, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and Goodluck Jonathan, alongside business magnates Aliko Dangote and Abdulsamad Rabiu. 

Beyond the fanfare and the nearly N17.5 billion raised for the IBB Legacy Centre—mistakenly dubbed a presidential library in early reports—the memoir’s release reignites a profound discussion about autobiographies. Far from being vessels of absolute truth, such works are meticulously crafted narratives designed to logically articulate an author’s perspective while justifying their actions and thoughts—past, present, and future. Babangida’s A Journey in Serviceembodies this, offering a lens to explore the constructed essence of autobiographical storytelling.

Autobiographies are, by design, subjective endeavours, distinct from impartial chronicles. They weave personal accounts from memory, intent, and selective disclosure, often prioritising coherence over unvarnished fact. Babangida, who governed Nigeria from August 27, 1985, to August 26, 1993, remains a divisive figure. Known for deft political manoeuvres—earning monikers like “Maradona” for his agility and “evil genius” for his cunningness—he oversaw a tumultuous era marked by economic upheaval and democratic setbacks. His most infamous act, the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election—widely deemed Nigeria’s freest at that time, won by Moshood Abiola—has haunted his legacy for 31 years. 

Nigerians anticipated A Journey in Service as a chance for clarity or confession, yet its launch reveals a narrative sculpted to reflect Babangida’s self-perception. He acknowledges Abiola’s victory, a move Tinubu hailed as “unusual courage,” but frames the annulment as an unauthorised act by General Sani Abacha and other officers while he was in Katsina, sidelined by circumstance. This selective disclosure suggests not a full unveiling but a justification, repositioning him as a constrained leader rather than complicit.

This subjectivity underscores a broader truth: books, especially memoirs, filter reality through hindsight, bias, and audience expectation. Babangida’s 420-page work, reviewed by former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, promises insights into his eight-year tenure—economic reforms like the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), infrastructure feats, and banking deregulation—yet sidesteps a complete reckoning. 

Critics highlight glaring omissions: no confession regarding the October 19, 1986, assassination of journalist Dele Giwa by a parcel bomb widely linked to his regime; no accounting for the $12.4 billion Gulf War oil windfall, per the 1994 Pius Okigbo report; and no remorse for the executions of coup plotters like Mamman Vatsa in 1986 and Gideon Orkar in 1990. Babangida’s claim that he feared Abiola’s assassination if he took office—a speculative justification—casts him as a reluctant actor amidst a military cabal, absolving himself of agency. As much as the revelations, these silences illustrate how A Journey in Service constructs a narrative that defends, rather than fully discloses, a deliberate choice aligning with autobiographical norms.

The memoir’s role as a legacy-building tool further amplifies its constructed nature. Launched as Babangida, now 83 (born August 17, 1941), nears life’s twilight, and Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, the event doubled as a fundraising spectacle for the IBB Legacy Centre. Billion-naira pledges from Dangote, Rabiu, and others—totalling N17.5 billion per ThisDay—underscored Babangida’s enduring clout 31 years after stepping down. 

The title A Journey in Service reframes his rule as a patriotic endeavour, softening the authoritarian edges of his “evil genius” persona. By admitting Abiola’s win while distancing himself from the annulment’s execution, he crafts a complex portrait: a transformative leader navigating chaos, appealing to admirers who credit him with modernisation while mitigating critics’ ire over economic hardship and political repression. This duality reflects a narrative engineered to reconcile his past with the statesman image he seeks today, extending its influence beyond the page into Nigeria’s political present.

The historical context of Babangida’s tenure enriches this analysis. His regime followed a series of military coups, inheriting a nation battered by oil-dependent economics and factional strife. The SAP, intended to liberalise the economy, sparked inflation and unrest, while his annulment catalysed protests and deepened ethnic divides, paving the way for Abacha’s reign. A Journey in Service likely glosses over these ripple effects, emphasising achievements—like the Third Mainland Bridge or Abuja’s development—to counterbalance failures. This selective memory mirrors how autobiographies prioritise legacy over accountability, inviting readers to weigh Babangida’s narrative against Nigeria’s collective experience.

Reactions to the memoir underscore its status as perspective, not fact. Tinubu, a June 12 activist turned president, praised its candour as setting “records properly,” perhaps reflecting political pragmatism. Afenifere, a pan-Yoruba group, rejected it as too late to mend the annulment’s “ogbonge damage,” echoing Yoruba grievances. Activists accused Babangida of exploiting Nigeria’s accountability vacuum, a sentiment rooted in decades of unresolved justice. Literary scholar Pius Adesanmi, were he alive, might have called it a “textual performance,” blending truth and theatre. These responses reveal a fragmented reception: the book’s narrative is interpreted through readers’ biases, not universally embraced as truth, highlighting the elusive nature of autobiographical authority.

However, this constructed nature does not diminish the value of A Journey in Service; rather, it enhances its complexity. It provides a window into Babangida’s mind: his rationalisations, regrets, and aspirations amid a career of calculated risks. At the launch, Goodluck Jonathan urged the preservation of such narratives to enrich Nigeria’s political archive, calling for the institutionalisation of personal histories. 

Readers, however, must approach it sceptically, recognising it as one voice in a cacophony of perspectives—those of June 12 activists, SAP victims, and silenced journalists. Its significance lies not in claiming absolute truth but in sparking reflection and debate, compelling Nigerians to confront the ambiguities of their history. For youth, as commentators suggest, it offers leadership lessons—resilience and adaptability—albeit through a self-justifying lens that demands critical parsing.

Comparatively, A Journey in Service fits a global tradition of autobiographical narrative-building. Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom blends triumph with curated humility, while Barack Obama’s Dreams from My Father navigates identity with selective introspection. With its wit (per Osinbajo’s review) and strategic candour, Babangida’s work joins this lineage, tailoring Nigeria’s military past to a personal saga. Its launch timing—amid economic woes and democratic flux—amplifies its relevance, positioning Babangida as a commentator on leadership in crisis, a narrative thread justifying his past while influencing future discourse.

In conclusion, autobiographies like A Journey in Service are not absolute truths but woven narratives serving their authors’ ends. Launched on February 20, 2025, Babangida’s memoir—through selective revelations, strategic omissions, and legacy-driven intent—justifies actions like the annulment while shaping his present stature and future remembrance. 

As Nigerians grapple with its contents, it stands as a testament to storytelling’s power: not a final word, but a provocation to question, analyse, and seek broader truths it skirts. In a nation wrestling with its past—where military rule, economic policy, and democratic betrayal remain raw—such narratives are vital, not for certainty, but for the conversations they ignite, urging a deeper reckoning with history’s many voices.

Ibraheem A. Waziri wrote from Zaria.

By Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr. J)                 

Isn’t the religious institution now on the brink of suffering the same fate as the traditional institution, whose integrity, moral authority, and influence have been swept away by the political hurricane?

Historically, the Nigerian traditional and religious institutions were best known as the custodians of culture and justice, commanding immense respect and dignity. They were no-go areas with clear boundaries known to politicians. Their political neutrality, ethical brevity, and golden silence made them stand out, shielding them against political threats and disrespect. But with the gradual mental shift and negligence of purpose, the passage of time paved unnoticeable ways for political interference in their affairs, rendering them into a vulnerability that warms what once cooled them.

Although the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not clearly prohibit traditional rulers from engaging in politics, it expects public officeholders, including traditional rulers, to remain neutral. The state laws of most states, if not all, prohibit traditional rulers from participating in partisan politics, as such acts can be seen as a breach of their traditional duties and a justification for removal.

History has shown that most allegations against Emirs were connected to issues like partisan politics, outspoken nature, and mismanagement, among others. On March 9, 2020, the Kano State government under Governor Abdullahi Ganduje officially dethroned Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as the Emir of Kano. His grandfather, Emir Muhammadu Sanusi I (1953–1963), faced the same issue under the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, on April 10, 1963. Similarly, Emir Mustapha Jokolo of Gwandu (1995–2005) was deposed in June 2005 by the Kebbi State government under Governor Muhammad Adamu Aliero, while Emir Abubakar Atiku of Zurmi (2010–2012) was removed from his position by the Zamfara State government in 2012.

Having successfully influenced traditional institutions, are Nigerian politicians not now attempting to test the same waters on religious institutions through their appointments and donations services?

How our religious leaders glorify and endorse politicians while also criticising one another on political matters in mosques, churches, or during their religious sermons is akin to setting a bushfire that would consume all its inhabitants. It is not difficult for politicians to offer them lucrative sums of money, gift them extravagant cars, and so forth, enabling them to manipulate their views and dilute their words during sermons for material gain.

The silver lining is that the spiritual blueprints and the footsteps that guide them would resolutely remain unchanged till eternity, no matter their deviation.

The recent verbal altercation between Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir and Sheikh Muhammad Kabir Gombe, which stemmed from the issue of the ‘Qur’an Festival,’ is disheartening. I view Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir as a cleric who strives to speak the truth but often talks excessively. He is a mature, responsible Sheikh who should not demean himself by engaging in disputes with younger individuals like Sheikh Kabiru Gombe. His reputation, knowledge, and age should elevate him beyond such conflicts. He ought to discourage the young, emerging ‘Shuyukh’ under his mentorship from becoming involved in such matters, let alone involving himself.

As for Sheikh Kabiru Gombe, I see his utterances as disrespectful and illogical toward a man of that age, no matter the heat of the moment. If two ‘Shuyukh’ and their followers resort to ranting and calling each other names, what credibility do their preachings hold, and how will their followers perceive them? Where is the unity, patience, and love for one another that Islam teaches and which they claim to promote? No matter the misunderstanding, religious leaders should be careful with their words toward one another in all circumstances.

In conclusion, unless our religious leaders fight selfishness among themselves, adhere to the teachings of Islam, respect one another despite divergent views, and remain united, the future will unravel unfavourably. Only by adhering to the holistic teachings of Islam and the prophetic tradition can they stand resolute against any factor that seeks to erode their strength.

Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr.J) wrote via muhammadrabiujibrin@gmail.com.

By Ishaka Mohammed

My employers often commended my efforts, increased my salary and gave me bonuses even when I didn’t see any significant impact of my tutelage as a private school teacher. I was worried about my studentsʼ poor comprehension, negative attitude towards learning, and low morals. I couldn’t even stop them from cheating in tests and exams.

Although it was safe to link my failure to a lack of formal teaching qualifications, I expected the impact of the workshops I attended. And to cap it all, most of the teachers I knew (with the required qualifications) weren’t getting any better results. I was frustrated; I blamed parents, society and inadequate facilities—in that order.

However, I was joyous to get a job with an international school in 2024. The school offered excellent educational facilities, teacher training, a six-figure salary, pension, heavily subsidised lunch, and transport and accommodation allowances, among other things. Everything about the school was promising.

Nonetheless, my first meeting with the students ended my excitement. I worked harder than ever before, but as each new week brought tougher challenges, I conceded that I could neither minimise nor tolerate the disruptive behaviour and utter disrespect of the children of politicians, diplomats, business tycoons, etc. They came to the school for two reasons: to have fun and build rapport with their future business partners or political allies.

I quit the job after a term. While I was leaving, some senior colleagues commended my courage to do what they had been unable to do for years despite facing the same challenges that prompted my resignation.

I became jobless but happier, and I didn’t wish to teach again. But a call from a school proprietor in a distant state changed my mind. The head of the department I resigned from recommended that I attend a school he believed would suit me.

This happened when I was already preparing to start a new position in a different industry. My prospective employer is notorious for delaying salary payments.

After weighing the salary factor and the state of education in Yorubaland, I chose to return to teaching, and bingo! My new students meet all my criteria, particularly regarding their morals. Even though they come from privileged backgrounds, they are humble, respectful, and eager for knowledge. 

There was a day when we didn’t have enough teachers to invigilate the tests, and I was the only one who seemed concerned. Two halls were left without invigilators, yet everything went smoothly. I was impressed by the students’ maturity and honesty.

My meeting with these students has reminded me of many things, one of which is the importance of being oneself. While I recognise the significance of adaptability, I still believe that some principles should not be compromised. I appreciate the gentleman who referred me to my new employer. I commend the parents and guardians of these learners, the school management, and all the staff for nurturing such remarkable members of society. Once again, I am optimisticthat Nigeria will be better in the future.

Ishaka Mohammed wrote via ishakamohammed39@gmail.com.

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

In Nigerian landscape today, people need help. Almost everyone needs one form of help of another. This is especially since after Buhari’s brutal leadership which took Nigerians 20 years backward. Baba Tinubu promised that he would continue, not to change and turn things around. And Nigerians are really witnessing a massive and huge form of suffocation, where everyone is gasping for air and therefore, many people don’t care much about what the leaders should do or not do.

A lot of people are hungry as a result of the reckless driving of the nations drivers. You won’t understand the depth of the challenges in Nigeri’as political arena until you engage some politicians, especially those who are genuinely interested in contributing positively to the community. That’s why people like us—who are so much inquisitive—struggle a lot in this field!

I don’t particularly enjoy discussing or praising politicians because whatever they do, they are just doing their jobs. However, there are some reasons that compel me to write on the MB Shehu’s empowerment program, and God willing, I will not do it to flatter; I will only share what I know about that support program, and I know that God is my witness regarding what I write. I also speak from a position of being part of the support committee.

MB Shehu is the current member federal house of representatives, representing the good people of Fagge. During his campaign rallies, he has mentioned and promised many things he intended to do to his people if elected. Today, he is the member, representing Fagge in Abuja. As part of promise fulfillment, he distributes, or rather, he has already distributed a lot of items, to his constituents, to mitigate and cushion the sad and bad effect of the T-pain. While I do not know where he got the idea for this kind of distribution, I believe it stems from the large number of people he has attracted politically, most of whom are needy and in dire need of such support and assistance. He has promised them that he will do good for them if given the opportunity and he is now doing exactly what he said.

Someone might ask, what is more important: meeting the needs of one person or meeting the needs of many people? Many will tell you that meeting the needs of many is more significant. However, how can one meet the needs of the entire community if one doesn’t start from individual people?

Initially, I don’t personally see such “empowerments” as worthy programs, but now, having seen the actions taken and how they have been implemented and also, hard situation which most of the beneficiaries are battling with, I believe that a leader, should, in such kind of situations, do two things:

1) Assist their community in a way that is pleasing to God, through proper channels—those that the people desire (not necessarily highly sophisticated and systematic way), even if a leader sees other ways as more beneficial.

2) A leader should strive to seek and identify certain vital good initiatives that are beneficial, even if many in the community do not see the immediate advantages. This is because most people lack the knowledge or understanding to discern what is more important for them.

Both the above two ways should be integrated! There should be plans for political accountability, and there should be thoughtful and dignified initiatives that can be recognized as good deeds even after one’s life.

During the opening ceremony of the program, the executive Governor of Kano, Abba Kabir Yusuf, aka Abba Gida-gida, inaugurated the program, and it was expected that around 3,000 people will directly benefit from the empowerment, indeed it is serious. Here are some of the items being distributed to the community members:

i) Cars
ii) Motorcycles
iii) Mechanic toolboxes
iv) Car diagnostic gadgets
v) Sewing machines
vi) Deep freezers
vii) Industrial sewing machines
viii) 50,000 Naira to over 1,000 people, with the total number reaching 1,107
ix) Welding machines
x) High-powered cameras, etc

These are just a few of the items I have seen, and some I have heard about.

The Governor of Kano, Abba Gida-gida, who was present during the inauguration of the support program, expressed his happiness and said that he was at a loss for words due to his joy. He added that he had never seen any member who did something like what MB Shehu has done.

This is indeed a significant achievement, and I know that MB Shehu is committed to implementing more initiatives. Anyone interested in knowing about such initiatives can contact Alkanawy, as they are the ones disseminating news and promoting the activities of the legislator.

Before the empowerment, a very strong committee was formed under the leadership of Professor Bashir Yusuf Fagge, and genuinely, there has been a commitment to identifying deserving beneficiaries. I can confidently say that a great effort has been made, day and night, to ensure this work is done perfectly.

In this current political climate under Tinubu, if someone gives you a car, motorcycle, or money, you certainly should appreciate them. Because in Nigeria, especially now, if they don’t give you, there’s nothing you can do. Many elected members do not contribute anything to their constituents and nothing happens.

Finally, some people oppose this empowerment due to their personal reasons or grudges against the one who did it, the committee members or the process. No one can do things that can be accepted by all. Just do your best and move on. No one (especially the politicians) would loved or hated by all. This is why doing things with great foresight and consultation is invaluable. I saw happiness in the faces of the recipients. I hope the money and items given will metamorphose and multiply into bigger fortune.

I call upon the respected member to continue working diligently, to fear God more in carrying out his responsibilities, and to keep doing good for the people. Amen.

Muhammad Kano

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria is one of the most important countries in Africa and a key player in the global Black community. Its economic strength, strategic geographic location, and influence (on its own rights) in international affairs have made it a significant hub for investment and business. Therefore, it is no surprise that Binance and its leadership were drawn to Nigeria, seeing the country as a lucrative market.

However, recent developments involving Binance executive Tigran Gambaryan have raised serious concerns. His wild and unsubstantiated allegations against high-ranking Nigerian officials and lawmakers are not just an insult to the nation but a blatant attempt to blackmail and tarnish Nigeria’s international image. Such reckless accusations should not be ignored, as they undermine the country’s sovereignty and credibility on the global stage.

The Nigerian government must not take this matter lightly. To ensure that such behavior is met with firm consequences, further diplomatic, legal, and economic measures should be pursued against Tigran and his company, Binance. If Nigeria fails to act decisively, it risks setting a dangerous precedent—one where foreign actors can manipulate narratives, evade responsibility for economic crimes, and attempt to pressure the country through international channels.

This situation is not happening in isolation. In early 2024, Binance was accused of operating illegally in Nigeria, manipulating forex, and conducting economic activities that destabilised the Naira. Both Tigran Gambaryan and Nadeem Anjarwalla were arrested and charged with money laundering and illicit financial transactions. While Anjarwalla managed to escape, Tigran was released on diplomatic, health, and compassionate grounds—a gesture of goodwill that is now being repaid with hostility.

Nigeria cannot afford to tolerate individuals like Tigran, who engage in questionable financial practices and resort to baseless and outrageous accusations against the country’s leadership. If strong and unapologetic action is not taken, we will likely witness more figures like Tigran exploiting diplomatic loopholes and using ‘below-the-belt’ tactics to evade accountability for their economic crimes.

The Nigerian government must further explore all available legal options, including international legal action and targeted economic sanctions against Binance, to hold those responsible accountable. Nigeria is not a playground for foreign business entities looking to manipulate its financial system while disrespecting its institutions and high-ranking officials, including lawmakers.

Nigeria has the capacity to defend its interests and safeguard its economic stability. It must act decisively to ensure that those who attempt to undermine its economy and reputation face the full weight of the law. International diplomatic channels should be leveraged to demand a formal apology from Tigran Gambaryan if necessary.

Nigeria’s sovereignty, financial stability, and international standing must be protected at all costs. Any attempt to blackmail or pressure the country must be met with strong resistance, ensuring Nigeria remains in control of its economic and political destiny.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@gmail.com.