Opinion

Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Throughout the week, discussions have arisen following the Christian Association of Nigeria’s (CAN) rejection of the closure of schools in some predominantly Muslim states in the North. In that context, I came across another article published by the Daily Trust on the same topic, written by a Muslim, or at least someone with a Muslim name; I cannot ascertain his faith.

This morning, I took some time away from assessing my students to read the articles. It is unfair to respond to a statement that one has not read. 

I read the press release by CAN a few times over, hoping I might find some wisdom. Unfortunately, I couldn’t. CAN is its usual self, apprehensive of anything Islamic out of fear of losing relevance. 

Christianity in Nigeria, as I often say, is merely surviving due to the presence of Islam. For instance, if Muslims were to cease going on hajj, all the Christian pilgrims’ boards, including the central one in Abuja, would naturally wither away. It is only when Muslims discuss Shariah that Christians recall the existence of Ecclesiastical law, which many of them know little about. The examples are numerous.

This time around, CAN understands that closing schools “for an extended period disrupts academic schedules and threatens the educational advancement of millions of students”. What CAN has forgotten is that Nigerian schools have always been closed for the same “extended period” of at least one month since our colonial days for Christian festivals. In fact, the Nigerian school calendar is designed to close all schools for at least two weeks each for Easter and Christmas celebrations. 

The Christian holidays have been officially recognised and embedded in our school calendar in a so-called secular country. If CAN were concerned about religious balance, as they falsely claim, they would have advocated for the cancellation of the Christmas and Easter holidays and proposed something neutral.

Archbishop Daniel Okoh, the signatory to the press release, wanted Nigerians to believe that the closure of schools during Ramadan would compromise the education of Christian children and devalue Christian communities in the North. This is an admission by the CAN President that the education of Nigerian Muslim children has always been compromised and that Nigerian Muslims have no value in Nigeria since their children are forced to remain out of schools for Christian festivals.

I am waiting for the CAN President and his team to go to court as they have threatened. What I would like to assure them is that Nigerian Muslims are now wiser. CAN hasn’t yet seen anything. All traces of Christianity as imposed on other Nigerians must be removed from our national life. It is just a matter of time.

The opening argument of the Daily Trust writer is that there is no single injunction in Islam mandating the closure of schools during Ramadan. I wish he would tell us where Islam mandates the closure of schools for Christmas and Easter. Islam is a complete way of life. Isn’t that what he is trying to argue? Does Islam not prevent us from blindly copying Jews and Christians?

From the beginning, Muslims have paid for the unity of the North and, indeed, Nigeria with their religion and, in some instances, their blood. This must stop at some point. If we are to remain united, then the rights of Muslims must be acknowledged and granted.

The people who colonised us were Christians. This explains why Christianity is ingrained in almost every aspect of our national life. Now that Muslims are expressing dissent, some people are calling for unity. A shared Northern identity? Yes. One Nigeria? Yes. One religion? No, we are Muslims and will not continue to accept the imposition of another religion upon us.

Finally, let me call on our Governors and, indeed, the Federal Government to embark on a comprehensive reform of our school system to align it with our values and beliefs. All neocolonial items should be removed.

Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia can be contacted via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Samira Usman Adam

Politics is a game of interests, influence, and sometimes, survival. But above all, it is about leadership and leading people with wisdom, fairness, and strategic foresight. At this critical point in Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s political career, one thing is clear: his ability to build more friends than enemies will define his legacy far beyond his tenure in office.

Just recently, Ganduje received a vote of confidence from the All Progressives Congress (APC) leadership, a significant gesture considering the turbulence surrounding his political journey. 

This is not just a lifeline; it is an opportunity he must seize to prove himself as more than just a money monger, as critics often describe him. If I were in his shoes, my approach would be simple: mend fences, consolidate power through unity, and rewrite my political narrative.

Power is Fleeting, but Influence Lasts

One of politicians’ biggest mistakes is believing that power alone is enough to sustain relevance. The reality, however, is that power is temporary, but influence, built through meaningful relationships, lasts far longer. 

Ganduje must realise that his current standing within the APC is not just about political loyalty but also about how he navigates relationships, particularly in Kano and at the national level.

If I were him, I would prioritise reconciling with those I have wronged, whether within the party, in Kano politics, or even in the opposition. Political grudges only create unnecessary enemies, and in a democracy, today’s enemy might be tomorrow’s ally. The greatest leaders recognise this and act accordingly.

Rewriting the Narrative: Beyond Money Politics

Ganduje’s name has been tarnished by allegations of corruption, with many reducing his political identity to financial controversies. Whether true or not, perception is powerful in politics. Now, with a renewed opportunity, he must take intentional steps to reshape how people perceive him.

If I were Ganduje, I would focus on key strategies:

 1. Promote issue-based politics: Shift away from financial influence and instead foster discussions on governance, policy, and party unity.

 2. Public Engagement and Transparency: Tackle concerns regarding governance and finances directly. The more open and accountable a leader seems, the more trust they can restore.

 3. Legacy Projects: Even beyond active governance, supporting meaningful initiatives in education, infrastructure, and youth empowerment can reshape how history remembers him.

Building Bridges for Political Survival

At this stage, every political move must be calculated with the future in mind. As a former governor, Ganduje still retains considerable influence in Kano politics, but influence without consolidation amounts to little. If I were in his position, I would engage in high-level bridge-building, both within the APC and beyond.

 • Reunite Factions Within APC Kano: The state remains politically divided, and without unity, APC’s strength in Kano could diminish.

 • Engage with Political Opponents: There is nothing undignified about reconciling with former rivals. In fact, it exemplifies true leadership.

 • Strengthen National Alliances: The political landscape is unpredictable, and having allies beyond Kano is crucial for long-term relevance.

Final Thoughts

The vote of confidence that Ganduje received is not merely a validation; it is an invitation to prove himself, to lead differently, and to transition from being perceived as a controversial figure to a respected statesman. 

If I were him, I would spend the next phase of my career doing exactly that: making more friends than enemies, consolidating my influence, and ensuring that my name, when written in history, is associated with strategy, leadership, and reconciliation rather than controversy.

This is the opportunity of a lifetime. Will he take it?

Samira Usman Adam wrote via sammyranoh@gmail.com.

Assalamu Alaikum Your Excellency,

I trust this message finds you well. May Almighty Allah accept our ibadah and make us among those pardoned in this blessed month.

I am writing to express my concerns about the Ramadan Feeding Program, which began last week. It is imperative that thorough measures are taken to ensure that the entire N4.8 billion budget reaches the deserving people of our state.

It is evident that the program has been plagued by numerous issues, including a lack of proper hygiene during food preparation, insufficient nutritional quality, and the replacement of community members with individuals from different areas, among other concerns.

Your Excellency, you know that N4.8 billion is a substantial amount—funds that could have been allocated for infrastructure and human capital development. However, you used it to alleviate the economic burden on the masses. This makes it even more critical to ensure that the program is implemented with the highest level of transparency and efficiency.

In this regard, I urge Your Excellency to involve Community-Based Organizations (CBOs) in each local government area to enhance accountability and transparency in executing the program. A case in point is our neighboring state of Kano, whose population is nearly double that of Jigawa. They allocated N8 billion for their Ramadan Feeding Program, and anyone can attest to the high quality of the food distributed, as strict measures regarding safety, quality, and nutrition have been met.

Meanwhile, in Jigawa, some images have surfaced showing a lack of proper hygiene, inadequate nutritional content, and an overall lack of transparency in the process. Since you are already planning a visit, I urge you to take this opportunity to probe some of the concerns raised about the program. It would be unethical to ignore how such a massive sum is being managed.

I commend your unwavering commitment to improving the lives of the people of Jigawa. However, Your Excellency, do not allow these successes to overshadow critical issues in other initiatives under your leadership.

Recently, we heard claims from the Commissioner of Health that the people of Birnin Kudu were denied access to billions of naira meant for the health sector. These concerns warrant urgent investigation.

Your initiative, Gwamnati da Jama’a (Government and the People), is commendable. I urge you to take this open letter as a direct message from the masses, calling for necessary action.

As a journalist, my responsibility is to ensure that Jigawa excels in every aspect and that the government remains accountable. I sincerely hope that Your Excellency will take the necessary measures to address these concerns and maintain the trust and respect of the people you serve.

Muhammad Abubakar Tahir is a freelance journalist, PRNigeria fellow and PDGP fellow. He can be contacted atabubakarmtahir81@gmail.com.

I would like to start by expressing my profound admiration for your work. I must admit that I have always been a great fan of yours, appreciating your leadership skills and vision more than any politician in Kaduna State.

Your impressive work ethic, policy foresight, demonstrated competence, and ability to resist criticism and implement what you consider the right thing earned you a place in my heart.

(Un)fortunately, I’m not the kind of fan who always praises his favourites and considers any criticism an attempt to discredit his master.

Sir, your recent actions, remarks, and holier-than-thou attitude have led some to speculate that you are suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. However, I prefer not to believe them.

In your recent interview with Arise TV,  you said things that, had I not watched the interview, I would have dismissed as typical political propaganda.

Firstly, you defined “friendship” as  “someone that has the fidelity to some ethical and moral standards, and will be there for you when you need him, not when it’s time to party or enjoy.”

Of course, I agree with you to some extent. However, in this context, are you suggesting that you prioritise loyalty over accountability, even if it means ignoring the concerns of those who elected you?

I believe that, by your definition of “friendship,” Uba Sani should prioritise being a “friend “ to the people of Kaduna who are struggling to get a meal due to these “economic reforms “ (which you said you supported and are the right orthodox policies…) rather than showing loyalty to his predecessor.

In your interview with Charles, you mentioned that the Late Yar’adua invited you to join his cabinet, an offer you declined. This remark reminded me of another instance in which you used his death as a mocking tool to brag about your resilience.

Your allegations against Nuhu Ribadu and his subsequent response reveal a lot about your dynamics with him. They raise questions about who has maintained the values of true friendship and who has not. I won’t elaborate further.

Sir, as you are probably approaching the last decade of your active political career, I would advise you to focus on nurturing your private life (considering your frequent references to prioritising it) rather than investing time and energy in making new (or perceived) enemies.

Do not dwell too much on criticism and allegations; do what Kwankwaso did: allow your track record to speak for you.

Lastly, may your famous political slogan — “MURUS” — not be used against you.

Best regards,

Ukasha Sani Idris

Facebook: Ukasha a Kofarnassarawa.

By Rashida Aliyu

The term ‘Jambites’ refers to new or fresh students at the university, and they often display certain characteristics that set them apart from returning students.

Upon their arrival at Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto, the faces of Jambites reflected a mixture of excitement and confusion, marking their transition from a secondary school environment to university life.

In observations, Jambites often exhibit behavior characterized by anxiety, as the university setting is entirely new to them. Many struggle with finding their way, navigating registration processes, and adapting to the academic system. As a result, they frequently seek assistance from returning students or university staff to understand how things work.

The fashion of Freshers and their engagement on social media is notable; Jambites tend to wear trendy outfits in an attempt to make a good first impression. They often document their initial experiences by sharing pictures and updates online to inform friends and family about their new journey.

Financial mismanagement is a common issue for many new students, particularly those living on campus. They often receive significant amounts of money from their parents to cover expenses, but inadequate financial planning—largely due to a lack of understanding of the environment—can lead some to spend extravagantly on unnecessary items during the initial weeks, resulting in financial difficulties later.

Eager to attend lectures, Jambites typically arrive early and try to secure seats at the front of the lecture hall to impress their lecturers. However, as the semester progresses, some may become less punctual as they settle into their new school life.

Jambites often seek guidance from senior students, who may either genuinely help them or exploit their naivety. Some returning students mislead newcomers by either exaggerating school rules or soliciting money for the assistance they provide.

Additionally, members of the local community and operators of computer business centers can sometimes betray the trust of new students. For instance, during the accommodation process, many new students are deceived by locals who take their money without providing housing. Furthermore, computer business centers and stationery shops often overcharge freshers for items and services compared to what regular students pay.

Hafsat Muhammad Tsamaye from the Faculty of FEED shared her experiences of life as a Jambite. She mentioned enjoying wandering around the campus without any specific purpose, simply to observe the movement of people. “During my first year, which people referred to as Jambito, it was amusing and easy because I was a Jambito. There were three things I normally did during that time: I was always looking for free Wi-Fi to download more movies than I could watch, even though I didn’t end up watching a lot of them,” she recalled.

Hafsat also shared her experience of attending night classes, remarking, “During my first semester as a Jambito, I always attended night classes, but I didn’t study much; I mostly just slept and changed classes every hour, spending money without any control. The funniest part was that I always cooked for others.”

The behaviors exhibited by Jambites upon their arrival at UDUS vary, but most of them show excitement, anxiety, and a strong desire to fit in.

In my opinion, the university management should implement a comprehensive orientation program to guide newcomers and facilitate their smooth transition into university life. This would help prevent potential issues. Additionally, returning students should treat freshers as their juniors and ensure they do not mislead them.

By Muhammad Usman

Markets do not exist in isolation; they rely on trust, fair competition, and robust institutions. When corruption remains unchecked, the market becomes skewed in favour of a select few, and ordinary individuals bear the consequences. 

Over the decades, Nigeria has experienced corruption at different levels, from the military era to democratic governments. This article examines corruption under different administrations and how it has affected various sectors of the economy, benefiting elites like MKO Abiola, Aliko Dangote, Mike Adenuga, and other politically connected businessmen.

Under General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, which should have been a national blessing, became a tool for personal enrichment. Instead of promoting a competitive and transparent market, Babangida awarded oil licenses to individuals and companies with close government ties.

A clear example is Mike Adenuga’s rise, who received an oil block from Babangida’s government. This preferential treatment enabled him to build a substantial business empire, including Conoil, while smaller enterprises lacking political connections were excluded. Likewise, Aliko Dangote, who later became Africa’s richest man, gained immensely from government-backed monopolies and exclusive importation rights.

During the first Gulf War (1990–1991), Nigeria earned an estimated $12.4 billion in oil revenue, which was never accounted for. The Pius Okigbo Panel (1994) revealed that these funds were squandered on questionable projects and private accounts instead of being used for national development. Ordinary Nigerians saw no benefit from this windfall, facing rising inflation and economic hardship, while a few became extraordinarily wealthy.

One of Babangida’s most significant economic policies was the 1986 Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). While it was meant to liberalize the economy, it favored those with government connections. Under SAP, state-owned enterprises were privatized, but instead of an open and competitive process, these businesses were sold at giveaway prices to Babangida’s allies.

For example, MKO Abiola, a wealthy businessman and close associate of the regime, gained immensely from these privatisation deals. Meanwhile, ordinary Nigerians suffered as the naira was massively devalued (that’s the beginning of the naira devaluation) that continues to haunt us to this day.

Babangida’s government also enabled massive corruption in public contracts. One infamous case was the $150 million Ajaokuta Steel project, which was riddled with mismanagement and corruption. Similarly, when Babangida moved Nigeria’s capital from Lagos to Abuja in 1991, many development contracts were inflated or abandoned, yet payments were made to political allies.

Furthermore, consider the power sector scandal during Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, in which over $16 billion was allocated to electricity projects with little to show for it. Examine the Halliburton bribery case from that period, where Nigerian officials allegedly received $180 million in bribes from foreign contractors in exchange for lucrative government contracts. Despite the overwhelming evidence, many individuals implicated were never prosecuted.

During this period (Obasanjo), Aliko Dangote’s business empire expanded rapidly, as he received exclusive waivers and importation rights. While many businesses struggled with high tariffs, Dangote was given government-backed monopolies in cement, sugar, and flour, ensuring that competitors could not challenge his dominance. 

Muhammad Sani Usman writes from Zaria and can be contacted at muhdusman1999@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

For some weeks, I had been involved in judging a photo competition themed “Spirit of Kano”. One way or another, I was made the “Chief Judge” by the Curator, Dr. Shuaib Sani Shuaib, Executive Director, Makuba Center for Arts and Culture, Kano. He is also the Curator for Global Shapers Community, Kano Hub. Overall financial support was also provided by Engr. Anas Yazid Balarabe, who is also the founder of the cooperative. 

As an amateur photographer with a deep and intense interest in art and the aesthetics of the environment, coupled with a fanatical advocacy for the best State on this side of the Milky Way Galaxy, I was honored to be appointed the Chief Judge. However, since it was an open competition and open voting, I designed the judgement criteria for the photos,which were used to judge the 100 or so entries by other judges. Photographers were urged to send pictures that, in their view, capture the “Spirit of Kano”. Many people participated, and many photos were sent. 

These entries were beautifully shot and captured the Spirit of Kanawa and Kananci. They were all beautiful. However, I judged them based on what the images conveyed about Kano in various visual ways—history, architecture, food, clothing, urban life, historiography, etc. For me, choosing the best three was really difficult because there was so much beauty and talent in each photograph—faces, places, spaces. The entire collection was a riot of colorful visual poetry that describes Kano. 

Each picture in the entries has unique features and communicates the dynamism of both urban and rural Kano. Thousands of words could be woven around each picture that communicate the vibrancy of Kano. My selection cuts across history, trade and lived-in experiences. I would have loved to see some architectural shots – the ones I saw were mainly Emir of Palace pictures (Ƙofar Kudu or thereof). A few shots of ‘mansions’ and ‘haciendas’ would have given an evolutionary trajectory of the Spirit of Kano, in addition to the alleyways and gidan kara.

Four judges trudged through the 100 or so entries and made their choices. These were then further pooled by common choice from each judge to pare down the selection to six, on which the final judgment of three was made. To ensure a fair and transparent selection process, the top three winners were chosen based on a combination of judges’ evaluations and public voting. The final ranking was determined by taking an average of the judges’ scores and the public vote ranking in which the winners emerged. Very transparent. Further, everything was done online. 

The final judgment of the top three (shown here) truly deserves it. The winners, based on the highest scores, along with their prizes, were:

1- Muhamad Sani Abbas (₦250,000)

2- Alamin Mohammed (₦150,000)

3- Aisha Suleiman Halili (₦100,000)

Muhammad Sani Abbas’s best picture was of a young greengrocer measuring a customer’s order in a local market. The intensity of his face captured everyone’s imagination and admiration. The photo of the boy is a bookmark on Kano and its commerce—never too young to start. It was indeed a beautiful shot. 

Alamin Mohammed took second place. Interestingly, the picture also shows another young lad galloping on a horse in full ‘royal’ regalia. Frozen in time, the horse rider captures Kano’s ancient tradition and royal heritage. 

Third place went to a composite study of the Kano Emir’s palace guards (Dogarai) from a truly sensitive POV. The winner, Aisha Halilu’s portrait of a shadowed Dogari, makes the maximum use of light and shadows to accentuate the beauty of the setting. The Dogari, with his back to the camera, clearly was not the focus of the shot but the far houses he was gazing at—a contrast between the traditional Hausa architecture of the palace and the post-modern bungalows he was gazing at. 

A picture by Ahmad Sufi, which I voted for, did not win, but that’s alright; after all, it was aggregate scores that mattered. I didn’t place it number one, but I had expected it to be at least number three. The outcome only highlights the high quality of the visual appeal of the photos entered in the competition. 

The one that did not make it on my list was a market scene with an Arab (at least the guy looks like an Arab but dressed in Babbar Riga) holding on to a camel. Far in the distance is a communication tower. To me, the pictures talk volumes about migration, cultural adaptation, trans-Saharan road networks and contemporary communication – all visually encapsulating what Kano has been for centuries and those to come. 

I think it is wonderful that an NGO of young, committed individuals could come up with this. It should be the purview of the Kano State History and Culture Bureau. A letter was sent to the Kano State Government requesting partnership/sponsorship, but there was no response at all. Even the prize money was sourced by Dr. Shuaibu, showing a commitment to Kano far greater than many of us. 

What could the next steps be? Perhaps an annual event? Or a regionalisation of the competition? For instance, it would be fantastic to see the “Spirit of Zazzau”, followed by Rano, Daura, Katsina, Gobir, and so on, all the way to Niamey. This way, we could have an annual Spirit of Hausa Kingdoms as visual poetry, encouraging young people to appreciate the historical, cultural, and aesthetic qualities of their environment. 

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

By Sadiq Mukhtar

Nigeria’s North-West region, comprised of seven states (Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara), has long faced significant socioeconomic challenges, including poverty, insecurity, inadequate infrastructure, and limited access to essential services. Recognising the urgent need for intervention, the Nigerian government, through the North-West Development Commission (NWDC) Act, 2024, provided the legislative framework for the Commission’s operations, powers, and functions.

In 2024, under His Excellency, President Senator Bola Tinubu’s administration, the NWDC governing board was formally unveiled, ushering in a new era of development for the region. At the forefront of this ambitious initiative is Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji, whose appointment as the pioneer Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer reflects his impressive track record and the immense confidence placed in him by the national leadership. Retained even after a rigorous review of nominees, Prof. Ma’aji’s selection underscores his reputation as a transformative leader poised to tackle the longstanding challenges of the North-West region.

On February 11, 2025, Prof. Ma’aji delivered his inaugural address as the pioneer Managing Director of the NWDC. He set the tone for his administration and outlined a bold vision for the future of the North-West region. He began by acknowledging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s trust in him and reaffirmed his commitment to revitalising the region.

His speech reflected a profound understanding of the socioeconomic realities faced by the North-West region, encompassing poverty, education, and healthcare challenges, as well as agricultural stagnation, energy deficits, and environmental degradation. Despite these obstacles, he emphasised that the region also holds tremendous potential, including vast natural resources, a resilient population, and a rich cultural heritage. His clear message was that with strategic leadership, genuine collaboration, and a commitment to accountability, the North-West region can become a beacon of inclusive growth and sustainable development. 

He outlined his four key priority areas for the NWDC:

1. Infrastructure Development – Upgrading our roads, bridges, and power supply to boost economic activity and improve our quality of life.
2. Economic Growth & Job Creation – Supporting small businesses, fostering innovation, and revitalising agriculture to create jobs and drive industrial growth.
3. Human Capital Development – Investing in education, agriculture, healthcare, and technical skills training to prepare our workforce for the modern economy.
4. Transparency & Good Governance – Enforcing strong anti-corruption measures and ensuring all projects are carried out in a collaborative and accountable manner.

The MD also emphasised that Nigeria’s future lies in harnessing the strength of its workforce – especially by promoting technical skill acquisition. He underscored the need to empower the North-West youth through vocational and digital training, aligning our education system with the demands of the modern economy to create lasting job opportunities. He reaffirmed his commitment to a leadership approach rooted in transparency, innovation, and impact-driven policies. 

His vision for transformation extends beyond policy rhetoric. His leadership is anchored in practical solutions and result-driven strategies. His extensive background in development studies, social policy, and community engagement has equipped him with the practical insights needed to drive impactful change. 

His foresight in innovation was evident during his tenure as the Dean of Student Affairs of the Federal University of Technology Minna (FUT Minna), where he established a University Media FM. This pioneering initiative highlights his commitment to technological advancement, youth engagement, and innovative education.

Prof. Ma’aji believes that the North-West region can only reclaim its position as a dynamic economic hub through transparency, innovation, unity, and visionary leadership. The NWDC represents a vital opportunity to reverse decades of neglect and bring tangible change to communities. 

Under his leadership, the Commission will conduct comprehensive needs assessments, develop a robust strategic plan, and implement effective policies to revitalise key sectors like agriculture, infrastructure, and education. By leveraging modern technology, innovative financing models, and a collaborative approach, transformative change is within reach.

At a time when visionary leadership is crucial to overcoming longstanding developmental challenges, Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji stands out as a transformative figure at the helm of the North West Development Commission. His unique blend of academic rigor, professional expertise, and ethical leadership sets the stage for the region’s revival.

As NWDC embarks on its ambitious mission to address poverty, insecurity, and infrastructural decay, the good people of the North West region remain hopeful that under Prof. Ma’aji’s guidance, a new chapter of growth, prosperity, and resilience is well within reach.

Sadiq Mukhtar, PhD writes from the Kano Municipal Local Government Area of Kano State via abubsadiq@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

Part (I)

In his natural quest and curiosity, it’s enticing that man wants to understand everything about all things – even though it’s an obviously unattainable goal. Observing, reading, speculating, conspiring, discussing, studying, manipulating, theorising…, in answering an “if” question of history, the man hardly provides a strictly wrong or right answer. This is simply because anything could be anything. Everything is just within the spectrum of possibility. What “if”, for example, Nigeria was colonised by the Spaniards?; Is a question that can be answered from multiple dimensions.

Reviewing the autobiography of the Former Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), titled A Journey in Service, is an inexhaustible assignment.

On a lighter note, borrowing the easiest yet [at least in ruffling feathers] most effective text analysis, a style often used by the critics of Sheikh Fantami and or his works, let us by taking a glance at the title of the memoir furiously carry our pens and jump into action. After all, we’ve heard hearsays much enough to take a side. Phew…

Firstly, they say he confirmed the victory of the renowned 1993 Presidential election by the business mogul Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. And, in a gentlemanly manner, this evil genius made no attempt to contest the annulment that occurred under his watch, prioritising peace instead. He expressed regret and sought forgiveness.

Is that right?! 

Well, he can say that. He is such a nice guy [in Donald J. Trump’s voice]. I like him. He’s a successful guy, a really successful guy.

Meanwhile, based on what we know about the man if not for his health status, Badamasi, a maestro in rhetoric, would definitely make an excellent graduate assistant (GA) in my University’s Department of Political Science. Though a GA for a start, the author of ‘A Journey in Service’ would most certainly be awarded his MSc the day he resumes, his PhD in a week, and attaining readership is a possibility within a month. By the time he is to be crowned with the professorship title during the immediate convocation, naturally, our character would be too humble not to request to be re-nicknamed the political GOAT – for, many steps ahead of Maradona, he is clearly the combination of Ronaldo, Messi, and Mbappe.

In the court of analysis, however, the one crucial question we ask whenever we put history on trial is whether to judge our subjects by their ideals or the outcomes of their actions. Give it a look: While politicians insist that they stand for democracy and human rights (thus, better than soldiers), the argument of the uniform men is not any weaker; they are the nationalists whose role it is to restore order, fight corruption, and wage war against indiscipline – by sometimes risking their own lives (hence, the right patriots to lead). The whole debate sounds so sweet and convincing that one is tempted to suggest a system of government or constitutional arrangement that allows for a tenure for one and another for the other – continually.

Leaning towards social critics, however, it is hard to believe either side. For if for nothing, their actions contradict the gospels they preach. Even to compound that, most of the military-era soldiers are now politicians in their own rights. Recall, for instance, it’s a fact known to many that when G-34 (which, among other groups, was to become the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)), was established by some Nigerian politicians, one of their aims was to form a movement with a force capable of extinguishing military governance, for good, once and for all. 

With Alex Ekwueme (the first elected Vice President (1979-1983) and Professor Jerry Gana (who previously served as a Minister) as the first Chairman and Secretary of the PDP, respectively, it’s laughable that retired soldiers not only joined but ended up hijacking the party to make one of them the presidential candidate and later the first president in Nigeria’s fourth republic. So, who is who? Who are we to believe? Who are we to blame? Who is deceiving who? Who is the actual heroic champion of the power? Are the politicians ready? Can we even see any difference between the civilians and the soldiers?

Once pictured as a civilian vs military dichotomy, transmuted to a South vs North dichotomy, the ‘June 12’ incident, nobody ever sees it as a Muslim vs Christian dichotomy. However, it was a power heist involving friends – with MKO at the receiving end.

In my view, ours is a zero-ideology political arena. I especially expect Marxists (hoping we still have them) to agree with me here: the bunch of unforgiving capitalists who rule[d] Nigeria, death or alive, soldiers or politicians, whatsoever, have no regard for the ordinary citizens in their mind. Quote me.

Part II

Helen Keller, the blind, deaf American human rights activist, disability advocate, and excellent writer, said, “The country is governed for the richest, for the corporations, the bankers, the land speculators, and for the exploiters of labor.”

As a Nigerian (socially between the working and middle classes) with my vision and hearing still intact, Alhamdulillah, I can’t see or hear anything different. Thus, I am so fed up with hearing “democracy was r*ped” or “A and B were dictators.” What wasn’t r*ped, and who wasn’t a dictator fisabilLahi? Is it Fulgencio Batista or Fidel Castro? 

In case it isn’t clear as [and appearing for] what it is, we may well take another look. In the interest of democracy and development, take the most recent samples to the nearest laboratory. Tell me, for I genuinely want to understand: of what importance was it to the North when their son was the president, or to the South when their own was helming the boat (oh, yacht)?

All military Heads of State and democratically elected Presidents aside, the relationship between Babangida and Abiola was for a very long time so good that some historians and analysts were perplexed by what unfolded before them after the annulment: the bitterness, the chaos, the deaths, and then the silence. With not much to hold on to, conspiracy theorists took to the street with “the General knows the politician very well, so…” But since he was elected by his countrymen, in a process seen by many to be free and fair, that makes no sense whatsoever. 

Close to the above is another contention, shared by the legendary historian, Max Siollun, in his ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, that MKO wouldn’t have been as successful without the role played by his soldier President friend IBB. So, if it was, as explained by a friend recently, a case of two elephants fighting whence the grasses suffer, so be it. However, suffice is to say that it was never about the sold dichotomies. It can’t be about anything to do with talaka. It was all about their own interests. They are the very same people, birds of the same feather, two sides of a single coin.

Wonderful! I also forget other issues such as the assassination of Dele Giwa, the execution of Mamman Vatsa, and his refusal to appear before the Oputa Panel – the Nigerian 2001-commissioned Human Rights Violation Commission. Here, I think we must content ourselves with just one question, since our sources indicate that he expressed hope for the resolution of the Giwa mystery and seems to deliberately avoid the barysphere. My question, albeit odd, is not directed towards the author: Now that we have the other side of the story, are Nigerian human rights activists – including journalists and lawyers – on par with IBB? I only wish Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) were alive. The book would have made an excellent exhibit… May his soul rest in peace.

In conclusion, the words of a “rebel” came to mind. I have yet to encounter a better description of Nigeria and its people than the one found in ‘Because I am Involved’ by the first president of the former Republic of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. It was this Oxford-educated Nigerian military officer who remarked, “Our leaders are pseudo leaders; our intellectuals are pseudo-intellectuals; our professionals are pseudo professionals; while our occupations are pseudo occupations. Our middle class is pseudo middle class; our elite are pseudo elite; our socialists, Marxists, liberals, and even our conservatives are often very much pseudo.” 

Standing on the shoulders of William Shakespeare, our nation resembles a theatre, with players performing upon its stage while some manage the script and many observe with delight. From NSA-Canada to USAID-Boko H*ram, and now to the June 12 saga, we exemplify ‘one day, one drama’. Moreover, as can be readily deduced, Ojokwu was indeed a pseudo-rebel, just as this writer is a pseudo-writer.

…

To be continued!

Abubakar Idris Misau writes from Katsina, Nigeria. He studied Forestry and Wildlife at the University of Maiduguri and can be reached at abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com.