Opinion

By Ibrahyim A. El-Caleel

Nigeria is home to a handful of geographical confusions here and there. Two of these confusions are the “South-South” and “North-Central” regions. 

We have four cardinal points— North, South, East, and West. Based on their intersection, we also have four intercardinal points— North East, North West, South East, and South West. There is no such thing as “South-South” or “North Central.” Nigeria created these two regions purely out of political correctness to appeal to the identity sensibilities of the people in those areas. 

Therefore, instead of having four geopolitical zones, we ended up with six. The significance is mainly for resource allocation, political and electoral considerations, and other factors. However, I don’t see how this has helped the country. For example, despite the “South South” region receiving higher resource allocation as our host community,which earns us foreign exchange, it still lacks significantly compared to other parts of Nigeria in terms of infrastructure and educational facilities.

For the love of fragmentation, there are people who also call themselves the “Middle Belt” region, which is carved out of the “North Central, “ parts of the “North West,” and sections of the “North East. ” All this is done for political reasons, capitalizing on ethnicity and religion to achieve political gains that primarily benefit the leaders of that region. The ordinary Nigerian caught in these confusions only develops more hatred towards Nigerians from “other regions. ” Nevertheless, he will still face the same harsh economy as his brothers from other parts of Nigeria. 

Nigeria’s geopolitical zones serve little practical purpose beyond politics. Take the North West, for example. Despite its supposed uniformity in sociocultural values, it has failed to tackle a basic social issue like the Almajiri child begging program. If geopolitical zoning were significant, North West states would have collaborated on a decisive plan to end this menace and secure the future of the next generation by putting them in school— whether formal or Islamic. But that never happens. 

The only time the North West is relevant is during elections when discussions are dominated by talk of bloc votes from Kano, Kaduna, and Katsina. Beyond that, the geopolitical divisions serve merely as political tools, activated once every four years and quickly forgotten. Let me not forget that when it’s time to share resources, the NW leaders will suddenly emerge with their large population numbers to claim a significant share of the available freebies.

By Haroon Aremu

No doubt, this outgoing month (March 2025) has witnessed a troubling escalation of banditry, kidnappings, and overall insecurity across Nigeria. Despite relentless efforts by security agencies, the wave of violence continues to rise, posing a severe threat to national stability. 

The series of abductions and deadly attacks in Zamfara, Niger, Imo, and Katsina states underscore the urgent need for more aggressive and strategic security measures. This trend is particularly concerning as the country enters a festive period, historically marked by heightened criminal activity.

While the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), in collaboration with the Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), has made progress in intelligence gathering and security coordination, a more technology-driven approach is necessary. 

In the same vein, ONSA’s strategic partnerships with the Nigeria Customs Service, the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration Control (NAFDAC), and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in tracking illicit financial flows and curbing arms smuggling are commendable. However, dismantling criminal networks before they strike requires a more proactive and intelligence-led response.

On the other hand, the DSS has played a crucial role in safeguarding internal security throughout March, tackling numerous threats and reinforcing its commitment to national safety. However, its reputation has come under scrutiny following multiple reports of officer misconduct and press intimidation. 

For instance, a widely circulated incident in Abia State showed a DSS officer physically assaulting a police officer, raising concerns about discipline and inter-agency cooperation. Such conflicts highlight the need for structured conflict resolution mechanisms within security forces.

Another pressing issue is the DSS’s handling of journalists. While national security remains paramount, officers must operate within the boundaries of press freedom. The harassment of journalists in Abuja during the Nnamdi Kanu court proceedings and the controversial detention of a reporter in Jos have sparked concerns about press repression. In a democracy, the public’s right to access information must be upheld, and security agencies must balance national security interests with the protection of journalistic freedoms.

Despite these concerns, the DSS has taken commendable steps to defend its integrity. Major newspapers, including Punch, Blueprint, The Guardian, and Tribune, recently issued public apologies for misreporting the Lagos State Assembly invasion, reinforcing the agency’s stance against misinformation. 

However, while protecting its credibility, the DSS must ensure that its officers uphold professionalism in their interactions with the media, fostering a balanced relationship between security and press freedom.

Subsequently, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) intensified its anti-corruption campaign throughout March, securing multiple arrests, arraignments, and asset forfeitures. The agency has cracked down on major financial crimes, exposing fraudulent schemes and recovering stolen funds. 

However, its operations have also faced criticism for alleged human rights violations. A recent raid in Lagos, which left schoolchildren stranded after EFCC operatives stormed their neighborhood, sparked national outrage. While enforcing anti-corruption laws is crucial, operations must be conducted in a way that does not unduly disrupt the lives of innocent citizens.

A growing concern is the infiltration of foreign fraud syndicates, particularly those involving Chinese and Filipino nationals, who have been implicated in elaborate financial crimes within Nigeria. The EFCC must intensify its collaboration with international anti-fraud agencies to dismantle these networks and prevent Nigeria from becoming a safe haven for global financial criminals, a concern previously raised by the EFCC chairman.

One of the most notable developments in March was the government’s decision to use recovered looted funds to finance the student loan scheme. While widely applauded, stringent accountability measures must be implemented to prevent mismanagement. As this policy offers much-needed relief to students facing financial burdens, transparency must be prioritized to avoid repeating past mistakes.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) has also been active in the fight against corruption, securing key arrests and launching several investigations into public sector fraud. Its recent probe into fraudulent procurement contracts worth billions of naira reinforces its commitment to exposing corruption at the highest levels. However, to maximize impact, the ICPC and EFCC must strengthen their partnership, ensuring a more coordinated and formidable approach to tackling corruption.

Another alarming revelation in March involved the mismanagement of public funds within government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs). Investigations exposed how billions meant for public projects were misappropriated, depriving citizens of critical services. While the ICPC’s swift intervention in these cases is commendable, Nigerians demand more than just arrests—they want convictions and asset recoveries that send a strong message to corrupt officials.

Notwithstanding, March 2025 has been a defining month for Nigeria’s intelligence and anti-graft agencies. As the nation moves into April, Nigerians expect these agencies to reinforce their commitments, refine their strategies, and uphold the principles of justice, transparency, and accountability. The battle against insecurity and corruption is far from over, but it must be fought with precision, fairness, and an unwavering dedication to national progress.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is an author and a fellow of PRNigeria. He wrote via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

According to a study published 10 years ago in the journal Nature (Ehrenberg, 2015), our planet is home to a staggering 3.04 trillion trees. Now, try searching for the article titled “Global forest survey finds trillions of trees”; come back with a different result and refer to me as “Mr. Sociologist” – as Reno Omokri would say it, please. 

When writing in the realm of science and research, one cannot simply state things. Often, figures are necessary, and it is not enough to just present them; one must also explain where and how they were obtained, detailing their validity. This is the academic way. This is the scientific way. This is not the sociologist’s way. And definitely not the way of “political science.“ 

With “political science” in quotes, let me share a short story: While at the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID), there was a legend involving the renowned mathematics guru, Professor M.Y. Balla. They said he remarked, “While mathematics is the simplest thing to understand, the most difficult concept ever conceived is the one that led to the naming of a department or discipline as political science.” It’s quite a legend!

Deduce, meanwhile, that science is proof, not talk. Scientific research writing can tire a person before they reach the end of the first sentence – only for one to finish the terrible journey and have people saying, “wetin this one talk nii?”

In other words, a scientific work is like a qualified doctor’s handwritten prescription: terrible and difficult to read, yet easy to understand by the right audience, such as a pharmacist, when it comes to a medical doctor’s handwritten advice.

Hence, with this message targeting the general public, it remains so – as it is. The scientific way isn’t for us.

Let’s get to work:

As we navigate the complexities of our planet’s ecosystem, one ironic truth holds: the most formidable soldiers of our planet are not those wielding guns or bombs, but rather the ones with leaves, roots, and trunks. Trees, the often-overlooked sentinels of our environment, are the true warriors of planet Earth.

Contrary to what some of us mistakenly believe, these arboreal giants are not merely passive observers; they are actively engaged in a continuous struggle to protect our planet’s fragile balance. 

From producing oxygen to filtering pollutants and supporting biodiversity, trees are the frontline defenders against the ravages of climate change. 

But if we think that’s all they do, then we cannot be more wrong. In truth, as this little note shows, trees are more than just ecological warriors; they are also master strategists. 

In an academic context and hopefully for the last time, a study entitled “Net Transfer of Carbon Between Trees by Ectomycorrhizal Fungi in the Field” demonstrates that trees have evolved complex communication networks, utilizing fungal hyphae to share nutrients and warn of potential threats (Simard, 1997). 

This symbiotic relationship eerily resembles the tactics used by human militaries, where intelligence sharing and coordination are essential to success. Technical? Sorry about that. That’s the best I can do! Keep the tempo up.

The point is that trees have developed an impressive array of defense mechanisms to counter the numerous threats they face. From the chemical defenses used by the majestic baobab tree (Adansonia digitata) to the physical barriers created by the resilient redwood (Sequoia sempervirens), trees have evolved a remarkable range of strategies to ensure their survival.

And here comes the shocking open secret: despite their critical role in maintaining planetary balance, trees are facing unprecedented threats. Anthropogenic activities are taking a devastating toll on global tree populations, including industrialization, farming, housing, and shambolic acts. 

The game of numbers: We cut down 41 million trees each day! That amounts to 15 billion trees annually. This means we have only 200 years to eliminate the remaining 3.04 trillion standing soldiers. 

Mind you, it isn’t as if we are making any real effort to reverse the dangerous trend. Currently, we plant less than 2 billion trees a year (about 5 million each day).

To maintain our current situation – without increasing our numbers, which we desperately need to avoid – we must plant 36 million more trees daily, totaling 13 billion trees needed to close the gap between what we destroy and what we establish each year.

We are, therefore, through this trade-up, waging a war against our own planet, with trees as the immediate casualties.

However, we need to understand that trees are not just individual organisms; they are part of a larger web of life. They are some of the most important elements of this web. Soldiers. Custodians. Protectors of life itself. 

Therefore, we must acknowledge the vital role trees play in protecting our planet and take steps to preserve them.

The future of our planet relies on the ongoing vigilance of these unsung heroes – the arboreal army standing tall, steadfast, and tireless in their defense of our world.

Let’s stop the starvation and attacking our saviors, please!

The Good News: We are approximately 8 billion people. Planting two trees per person means planting 16 billion trees. This results in a surplus of about one billion trees compared to the 15 billion stands we destroy each year. The ball is in our court.

Happy International Day of Forests, 2025.

Abubakar Idris, a Forestry and Wildlife graduate from the University of Maiduguri, writes from Katsina. Contact: abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com. 

By Muhammad Ahmad Iliyasu

Nigeria’s governance and fiscal challenges are undermined by persistent corruption, inefficiencies in public finance, and a lack of transparency, all of which have stymied economic progress, among other issues. According to the 2024 Mo Ibrahim Index on African Governance, Nigeria ranked 33rd out of 53 African nations with a score of 45.7 out of 100, reflecting a decline of 1.4 in its governance score between 2014 and 2023. 

The ranking (above) is further emphasized by low scores across critical categories such as Security & Rule of Law (39.7), Participation, Rights & Inclusion (47.9), Foundations for Economic Opportunity (48.6), and Human Development (46.4). While these challenges are substantial, examples worldwide illustrate the transformative potential of fiscal transparency and public integrity when supported by robust institutions and data-driven strategies. Nigeria can identify actionable solutions to address its governance deficits by examining how other countries have succeeded in these areas.

One of the most striking examples of fiscal transparency comes from Estonia, which has emerged as a global leader in e-government. Estonia has digitized its public financial management systems and introduced blockchain technology to monitor public procurement and spending. According to the World Bank, these innovations have resulted in a 30% increase in administrative efficiency and a 25% decrease in opportunities for corruption. 

In comparison, Nigeria’s procurement processes remain largely opaque, frequently marred by corruption scandals involving inflated contracts and the misappropriation of public funds. By 2023, procurement-related corruption cost Nigeria an estimated 30% of its annual budget. Estonia’s success showcases that technology when applied systematically, can be a game-changer in ensuring fiscal accountability.

Participatory budgeting, which originated in Porto Alegre, Brazil, is another area from which Nigeria could draw valuable lessons. By directly involving citizens in decisions regarding local government budgets, Porto Alegre has boosted investment in vital services such as healthcare and education by 20%, specifically targeting underserved communities. This participatory approach has not only enhanced public service delivery but also built trust in government institutions. 

In Nigeria, public participation in budgeting remains minimal, with the process often limited to elite stakeholders. A 2021 report by BudgIT revealed that over 70% of Nigerians feel disconnected from how public funds are allocated. A more citizen-centric budgeting process would bridge this gap, fostering trust and ensuring that budgetary decisions reflect public priorities.

Anti-corruption frameworks in countries such as Singapore and Botswana highlight the significance of institutional independence and efficiency. Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB), established in 1952, functions independently from other government agencies and has played a crucial role in reducing corruption to negligible levels. This success is evident in Singapore’s top-tier ranking on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), where it achieved a score of 85 out of 100 in 2023. In contrast, Nigeria scored 24 out of 100, ranking 150th among 180 countries. The difference stems not only from institutional strength but also from the enforcement of laws. While Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has made strides, its efforts are frequently compromised by political interference, inadequate resources, and inconsistent prosecution of high-profile cases.

Fiscal discipline is another area where Nigeria lags behind global standards. Sweden and Germany, for instance, have adopted fiscal rules that ensure economic stability. Sweden’s balanced budget rule requires government expenditures not to exceed revenues over an economic cycle, while Germany’s “debt brake” caps structural deficits at 0.35% of GDP. These policies have allowed both nations to maintain sustainable debt levels—38% and 60% of GDP, respectively, as of 2022. In contrast, Nigeria’s public debt has risen sharply, reaching 40% of GDP in 2023, with debt servicing consuming over 80% of government revenues. Without strict fiscal rules, Nigeria risks entering a debt trap that could hinder long-term economic growth.

Open data initiatives also illustrate the potential for transparency. The United Kingdom’s Open Data Portal provides public access to over 40,000 datasets on government operations, enabling citizens and civil society to monitor public spending effectively. This transparency has contributed to a 15% increase in public trust in government institutions, as reported in a 2020 World Bank study. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s efforts at transparency, such as the Nigeria Open Contracting Portal (NOCOPO), have yet to achieve comparable results. A lack of comprehensive data and limited public awareness have restricted its impact, with Transparency International noting that only 10% of procurement data is consistently published.

In this context, the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity (CeFTIP) plays a crucial role in Nigeria’s quest for better governance. Through its annual Transparency and Integrity Index, CeFTIP evaluates government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) on their adherence to standards of transparency and accountability. Its reports reveal systemic gaps in compliance with fiscal transparency norms and provide recommendations to bridge these gaps. Additionally, CeFTIP organizes sensitization campaigns to raise awareness about the importance of fiscal openness, while its capacity-building programs train public officials in best practices for financial management and anti-corruption measures. These efforts are vital in establishing the foundational infrastructure for a culture of accountability in Nigeria.

Whistleblower protection is another area where Nigeria falls short. In New Zealand and Canada, robust legal frameworks safeguard whistleblowers from retaliation, resulting in a significant increase in reported cases of corruption and misconduct. According to the International Whistleblower Protection Network, countries with effective protections detect 30% more corruption cases. In Nigeria, the whistleblower policy introduced in 2016 initially led to the recovery of over $500 million but has since stagnated due to weak legal protections and a lack of institutional support.

South Africa offers valuable lessons in civil society collaboration. Organizations such as the Public Service Accountability Monitor (PSAM) have successfully partnered with government entities to track public spending, resulting in a 25% improvement in service delivery outcomes, according to the World Bank. In Nigeria, civil society organizations like CeFTIP, BudgIT, and Connected Development have made strides in promoting accountability but often face resistance from government agencies. Strengthening these partnerships could amplify their impact and ensure more transparent governance.

Recommendations

For Nigeria to replicate these successes, it must prioritize institutional reforms like DOGE and adopt data-driven strategies tailored to its context. Establishing a robust digital public finance system akin to Estonia’s would enhance transparency and reduce corruption. Adopting participatory budgeting processes, starting at the local government level, would empower citizens and align public spending with community needs. Strengthening anti-corruption agencies through legal and financial autonomy is essential to combating high-level corruption.

Moreover, Nigeria should introduce enforceable fiscal rules to curb excessive borrowing and ensure sustainable debt levels. Expanding open data initiatives and increasing public awareness of platforms like NOCOPO would improve oversight and citizen engagement. Supporting organizations like CeFTIP through increased funding, open access, and government collaboration could scale their impact on promoting transparency. Finally, enacting comprehensive whistleblower protection laws and fostering partnerships with civil society organizations would create a more inclusive and accountable governance framework.

By learning from the advancements in countries such as Estonia, Singapore, and Brazil, and by utilizing the ongoing initiatives of organizations like CeFTIP, Nigeria can establish a direction toward fiscal transparency and public integrity. These reforms, although challenging, are essential for rebuilding public trust, attracting investment, and ensuring a prosperous future for all Nigerians.

Muhammad Ahmad Iliyasu is Strategic Communications Officer at the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity. He can be reached via his email: Muhada102@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

The Nigerian House of Representatives has directed the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) to block all pornography websites, arguing that adult content is fueling moral decay in the country.

Lawmakers behind the move claim it is necessary to protect societal values, but many Nigerians are asking: With all the pressing challenges facing the nation, is this the priority?

At a time when the cost of living is unbearable, insecurity is rampant, and unemployment continues to frustrate millions, banning pornography feels like a classic case of misplaced focus.

There is no doubt that pornography is a controversial topic, especially in a country as religious and conservative as Nigeria. Many believe it is a moral threat, linking it to addiction, broken homes, and declining values among the youth. But is an outright ban the solution?

If the government is genuinely concerned about morality, should it not focus on improving education, strengthening family values, and addressing the root causes of social vices? What about the rising cases of drug abuse, internet fraud, and sexual exploitation—issues that demand urgent action?

It is often easier for politicians to push symbolic laws than to tackle society’s deeper problems. But morality cannot be legislated; it is shaped by economic stability, good governance, and proper education.

Even if we assume the government is serious about this ban, another question arises: Can it actually be enforced? Countries like India, Indonesia, and China have attempted similar restrictions, only for people to bypass them with VPNs and other simple workarounds.

Nigeria, with its millions of tech-savvy youths, will be no different. At best, this ban will be a temporary roadblock; at worst, it will push the industry underground, making regulation even more difficult.

What is most concerning is the potential for this move to set a dangerous precedent for internet censorship in Nigeria. Today, it is pornography. Tomorrow, it could be news websites, social media platforms, or even political activism.

If the government can dictate what people access online, what stops it from controlling other forms of content? Where does it end?

Beyond the moral and censorship debates, an outright ban could also have unintended economic consequences. Nigeria’s creative and tech industries thrive on the internet’s openness.

Restrictions like this could discourage investment in the digital space. Besides, history has shown that banning something does not eliminate demand—it simply drives it underground.

This move may just create a bigger mess instead of solving anything. If the real concern is protecting children and upholding values, there are smarter ways to achieve this.

Many developed countries regulate adult content through strict age verification, parental control mechanisms, and public awareness campaigns. A more effective approach would involve educating young people about digital responsibility, empowering parents with monitoring tools, and addressing the economic and social conditions that contribute to moral decline.

With the economy in crisis, insecurity worsening, and corruption still unchecked, is banning pornography really what Nigerians need right now?

This is not to suggest that pornography is beneficial or free of consequences. However, governance revolves around priorities. A country that is struggling to feed its people should not waste energy on internet policing.

Nigeria’s progress will not depend on what it bans but rather on how effectively it addresses the fundamental issues that hold it back.

And unfortunately, a porn ban does nothing to fix them.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja. 

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Whether you love him or dislike him, Seyi Tinubu is skillfully mastering the art of being close to power and leveraging his position as the son of Nigeria’s President. The President of Nigeria wields significant power and influence, and Seyi is gradually understanding both the intricacies of Nigerian politics and the delicate task of managing those around his father.

Now, he has taken on a significant and challenging task: restoring the APC’s once-unquestioned dominance in the North—a region that, while outwardly cordial, seems to be quietly drifting away from the party and the Tinubu/Kashim presidency. The North is revolting and smiling!

On this mission, Seyi could either succeed or fail, depending on his arithmetic skills, his father’s policies and programs, and, most crucially, President Tinubu’s willingness to hear uncomfortable truths, especially those his close associates might struggle to convey.

Seyi has identified a key battleground: the youth. His recent focus on distributing food items during Ramadan is a commendable step, so to speak. If executed strategically, it could yield positive results. However, food distribution alone remains a weak and short-lived strategy. 

What more can Seyi do? A multi-pronged approach is needed- an economic and political strategy. Beyond handouts, Seyi, as a young man, should focus on real empowerment. He must identify and support enterprising young Northerners who are not part of the political elite but are making tangible impacts in their communities. 

While he may have supported and empowered many individuals in the past, his new focus should be on fresh faces—ambitious, independent-minded young Northerners who, when given support, can drive real change. This could translate into both grassroots influence and renewed political goodwill for the APC in the region.

Expanding his political network thoughtfully will be impactful; Seyi needs to move beyond the usual circle of children from the political elite. The North is home to many educated and brilliant young minds who remain untapped. Bringing them into his circle could prove invaluable for rebuilding trust and influence.

Leveraging social media influencers will play a crucial role. This time, entertainment influencers will have little to no impact. Instead, Seyi should engage influencers whose voices carry weight—those known for insightful, educational, and impactful messaging that resonates with the region’s unique socio-political landscape.

Ultimately, Seyi Tinubu’s success in the North will depend on how well he moves beyond optics and embraces a more strategic, sustainable approach. The challenge is immense and thorny, but so are the opportunities. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

For 13 years, the Zambian national side had acted as a formidable barrier between Nigeria and footballing success, much like an inspirational goalkeeper. But on a fateful day, approximately 80,000 Nigerian supporters made the pilgrimage to the National Stadium, Surulere, in Lagos, to witness a potentially historic occasion.

That day provided the ultimate platform for the challenge, where Nigeria successfully broke the Zambian jinx for over a decade. This is a summary of a piece titled “The Match that Broke the Myth,” written by Uzor Maxim Uzoatu in the 1980s.

Nigeria has participated in international conferences and organized similar events at national and subnational levels. Specifically, national conferences often provide comprehensive reports for implementation after extensive deliberations from stakeholders nationwide.

But much like the imaginary soccer team above, which endured losses for 13 years, outputs from our symposia appear to be hexed. Reports are submitted, but implementation remains shelved due to forces akin to the Zambian inspirational goalkeeper.

For enlightenment, two precedents come to mind. Since 1999, President Muhammadu Buhari is notably the only president who has not convened a national conference. The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua is an exception, owing to his brief tenure and subsequent nine-month battle with ill health, which ultimately led to his passing.

In February 2005, President Olusegun Obasanjo convened the “National Political Reform Conference.” The gathering was an avenue to reassess, refocus, redefine, and redesign Nigeria’s political landscape to strengthen the bonds of unity.

Accordingly, it sought to enhance democratic consolidation processes, strengthen structures to solidify values that promote democracy and good governance, and open boundless opportunities for all Nigerians to be and feel part of the evolving political process and socio-economic development.

The committee was encouraged to conduct comparative studies, considering Nigeria’s unique realities, specificities, and historical context, to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the issues at hand during that era.

Four hundred and two delegates attended the conference, held between February and July 2005. Copies of the report from that conference were submitted, but nothing substantial happened afterward.

President Goodluck Jonathan convened another conference in 2014. The panel, chaired by retired Chief Justice Idris Kutigi, was assigned to advise the government on the framework for a national dialogue. To accomplish this, they consulted widely with Nigerians, ensuring that diverse perspectives were represented.

The conference, attended by approximately 500 delegates from across Nigeria, proposed substantial reforms. These included scrapping the current system of 774 local authorities to reduce corruption and save costs, creating 18 new states, revising revenue allocation, decreasing the federal government’s share of national income while increasing those of the states, and modifying the presidential system to include parliamentary elements.

Other key recommendations included power sharing and rotation, specifically advocating for the rotation of the presidency and the circulation of governorship among three senatorial districts in each state. These proposals aimed to promote greater representation, equity, and national unity. However, after passing over 600 resolutions and producing a 10,335-page report submitted to the presidency, the recommendations were never implemented.

On October 1, 2024, President Bola Tinubu, adhering to the tradition of past leaders, addressed the nation. At the time of his national broadcast, the country was uncertain whether the sequel to August’s #EndBadGovernance protest, Fearless in October, would take place.

Among numerous announcements, the president declared a National Youth Conference to assemble youths from across Nigeria for meaningful conversations that drive nation-building. Whether this particular aspect of his speech helped shelve the proposed protest remains uncertain.

What is the model for selecting delegates? What topics will be discussed during the proposed 30-day conference? While every youth awaits a response, it is important to note that numerous issues impact the youth, who constitute over 60% of the federation’s population.

In economic terms, recent statistics indicate that over 40% of Nigerian youths are unemployed, leaving millions of young people feeling disillusioned and despondent. This figure may actually be higher, given the ongoing challenges the nation faces in data collection and storage. Will this pressing issue be addressed at the conference?

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), an astounding 63% of the population—approximately 133 million individuals, nearly six out of ten Nigerians—live in multidimensional poverty, with the majority being youths. Will poverty be included on the conference’s agenda?

Limited access to quality education, caused by inadequate infrastructure, scarce resources, and a lack of strong support systems, leaves the dreams of many unfulfilled. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the student loan scheme through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) does not assist the 20.2 million uneducated young Nigerians. Will this become a subject of debate?

The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) reported in 2023 that approximately 14.3 million Nigerians are involved in drug abuse, with young people predominantly affected. Regrettably, one in four women also participates in this harmful practice. Given its consequences, including widespread unproductivity and elevated crime rates, this critical issue merits discussion at the conference.

Despite youth affirmative action policies aimed at ensuring 30% representation in the public sector—including federal and state executive councils, boards of parastatals and agencies, and local government councils—and 35% representation in political party leadership positions, electoral bodies, and legislative assemblies for individuals between 18 and 35 years, there remains a significant issue of gross misrepresentation and inadequate youth participation in governance and decision-making.

Numerous other issues also impact Nigerian youth, such as migration for better opportunities, cultural constraints, child marriage and early pregnancy, cybercrime, youth radicalization, the role of young Nigerians in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), and the erosion of cultural identity and values. These topics deserve thoughtful discussion.

As of the time the president promised to work toward modalities for this conference and the selection of delegates in “close consultation with our young people through their representatives,” skepticism looms large.

At the State House in Abuja earlier this month, the president inaugurated the planning committee of the National Youth Conference, tasking the youths—whom he described as the “heartbeat of the nation”—to seize the opportunity to redefine their future. Nigerians keenly await the modalities that the committee will set.

Our hopes lie in the words of Eric Teniola, a seasoned columnist, who said after the 2014 National Conference: “A conference will not solve all our problems, but it will give us a platform to exchange ideas and maybe iron out our differences. A conference may halt our present drift to anarchy.”

Therefore, we hope that this National Youth Conference, proposed by the president and his team, will be ‘The Conference that Breaks the Myth’ of unyielding conferences in Nigeria.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be contacted at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Garba Sidi 

Hadejia, one of the 27 local government areas in Jigawa State, Nigeria, is renowned for its vibrant population and bustling business activities. With an estimated population of over 200,000 people, Hadejia stands as the largest local government in the state in terms of both population and economic activity.

However, recent events have cast a dark shadow over this once-thriving community. Between March 8 and March 13, 2025, five lives were tragically lost in a series of violent incidents, including the death of a newlywed bride. These incidents have raised serious concerns about the safety and security of the people of Hadejia.

Peace, safety, and security are fundamental pillars of any thriving society. Without these elements, communities cannot prosper, and individuals cannot lead fulfilling lives. The recent surge in violent crime in Hadejia, fueled by the availability of drugs, toxic chemicals, and the proliferation of weapons among youths, threatens the very fabric of this community. It is imperative to urgently address these issues to restore peace and ensure the safety of all residents.

The incidents that occurred between March 8 and March 13, 2025, illustrate a grim picture of the current state of affairs in Hadejia. On March 8, a political argument between two young men escalated into a physical altercation. One individual used a pair of scissors to stab his opponent in the stomach, resulting in his death. This tragic event highlights the dangerous consequences of unchecked aggression and how easily conflicts can turn fatal.

On March 9th, two youths engaged in a playful yet dangerous game involving sticks. What started as a harmless activity quickly escalated when one of the youths was struck in the head, resulting in his death. This incident highlights the need for greater supervision and guidance for young people, who may not fully comprehend the potential consequences of their actions.

On March 10th, another fight broke out between two friends in a different neighborhood. The altercation ended with one friend killing the other, further emphasizing the volatile nature of interpersonal relationships in the community. The following day, on March 11th, a mechanic was brutally attacked in his home in the NTA quarters. The assailant used a large knife to fatally wound the mechanic, leaving the community in shock.

The most heart-wrenching incident occurred on March 13th, when a newly married woman, barely five months into her marriage, was found dead in her home with her throat slit. This heinous act has left the community in mourning and raised questions about the safety of women and the prevalence of domestic violence.

The rising rate of violent crime in Hadejia can be attributed to several factors. One of the primary issues is the lack of economic opportunities and the inability of many families to provide for their children. In a community where large families are common, parents often struggle to meet their children’s basic needs. This lack of resources can lead to frustration and desperation among young people, who may resort to crime as a means of survival.

Another significant factor is the widespread availability of drugs, marijuana, and other harmful chemicals. These substances are easily accessible to teenagers and young adults, who often use them as an escape from their harsh realities. However, using these substances can lead to impaired judgment, increased aggression, and a greater propensity for violence. The combination of drugs and readily available weapons, like knives and scissors, results in a dangerous environment where conflicts can quickly escalate into deadly confrontations.

To address the rising tide of violence in Hadejia, it is essential to implement a multi-faceted approach that tackles the root causes of the problem. One potential solution is for the government to create additional administrative divisions within the town. By decentralizing governance and bringing it closer to the people, the government can improve the delivery of essential services, enhance security, and foster a stronger sense of community responsibility.

Furthermore, parents and community leaders must adopt a more active role in overseeing their children’s activities. This involves closely monitoring their associations, ensuring they are not engaging in criminal activities, and providing the guidance and support necessary for making positive life choices. Family planning is equally important; parents should be encouraged to have only as many children as they can adequately support, both financially and emotionally.

Finally, the recent surge of violent crimes in Hadejia serves as a stark reminder of the significance of peace, safety, and security in any society. Without these fundamental elements, communities cannot flourish, and individuals cannot lead fulfilling lives. 

It is the responsibility of the government, community leaders, and parents to collaborate in addressing the root causes of violence and fostering a safer, more prosperous future for the people of Hadejia. By implementing proactive measures, such as establishing additional administrative divisions, encouraging family planning, and cracking down on the availability of drugs and weapons, we can begin to restore peace and security to this once-thriving community.

By Sani Mu’azu

Inna lillahi wa inna ilaihir rajiun.

It is with a heavy heart that I mourn the passing of my dear elder colleague, friend, and legendary actor Abdu Kano, famously known as Karkuzu.

I had the privilege of knowing Karkuzu for over 40 years, and I can confidently attest that he was an exceptional talent who left an indelible mark on the Nigerian film industry. His versatility as an actor was unmatched, effortlessly transitioning between comedic and serious roles with ease.

One of my most cherished memories of working with Karkuzu was on the hit Radio Drama, Karambana – a dawo lafiya. Paired alongside the iconic Kasimu Yero and the legendary Hausa Pop Singer Sani Dan Indo, Karkuzu, who played the role of Liba, brought his unique energy to the project, which became an instant sensation among truck drivers and freelance workers. Before then and even after, we worked together on several film projects, including the early version of the movie Amina, where he played the role of Sankira along with Pete Edochie, shot around 1998.

What struck me most about Karkuzu was his resilience and dedication to his craft. Despite facing numerous life challenges, including health issues, he continued to act well into his old age, inspiring countless young actors and actresses along the way.

As we bid farewell to this Nigerian film icon, I pray that Allah SWT grants his soul eternal rest in Jannat Firdausi. May his family, friends, and the entire Nigerian film industry find the strength and fortitude to bear this immense loss. Ameen.

Rest in peace, Mallam Karkuzu. Your legacy will live on through the countless lives you touched and the unforgettable characters you brought to life.

By Habib Sani Galadima

In January, during a journey from Abuja to Kano, I found myself drifting into a light sleep, only to be abruptly awakened by the sudden braking of our vehicle. The driver had encountered a security checkpoint. As we approached, a masked soldier, armed and vigilant, greeted us with the customary, “Sannu da zuwa. Allah ya kiyaye hanya,” translating to, “Welcome. Safe travels.”

What struck me profoundly was his outstretched hand, reminiscent of the almajirai—the child beggars who populate our streets at traffic stops. Each approaching driver handed him ₦100 or ₦50, a scene that repeated with the next four cars.

This incident highlighted a troubling reality: beyond the visible street beggars, we have uniformed personnel resorting to similar means.

It’s unsurprising that some security officers resort to such measures when considering their remuneration. Reports indicate that junior security officers in Nigeria earn between ₦41,000 to ₦65,000 monthly.

Reflecting on my childhood in 2005, I recall my father’s method of distributing ƙosai (bean cakes) as charity. He’d always give two pieces to my elder brother, the distributor, while the rest of us received one. I resented this until I became the distributor and received two pieces myself. Curious, I inquired about this practice.

The explanation was simple: “The distributor gets extra to prevent dishonesty or feelings of being shortchanged.” At the time, I didn’t grasp the wisdom behind this. As I matured, I understood that by acknowledging the distributor’s efforts with a little extra, the temptation to pilfer is mitigated.

Research supports the notion that satisfied employees are less inclined toward fraudulent behavior. A study focusing on financial companies in Semarang City, Indonesia, found a positive correlation between job satisfaction and reduced fraud intentions among employees.

Additionally, the Fraud Triangle Theory, developed by criminologist Donald Cressey, identifies three drivers of fraudulent behavior: pressure, opportunity, and rationalization. By offering competitive salaries, employers can alleviate financial pressures, thereby reducing the risk of unethical conduct.

In Nigeria, however, such proactive measures are often overlooked. Even if other sectors face inadequate compensation, underpaying security personnel is particularly perilous. Entrusting individuals with firearms while they endure financial hardships is a recipe for compromised integrity.

This systemic flaw in our national security framework essentially grants security officers implicit permission to exploit their positions for survival, undermining the very essence of their duty.

Addressing this issue requires immediate reform. Ensuring fair compensation for our security personnel is not just a matter of equity but a crucial step toward national stability and integrity.

The ramifications of underpaying security personnel extend beyond individual misconduct; they permeate the entire fabric of national security and public trust. When those entrusted with safeguarding citizens are compelled to seek supplementary income through unethical means, the consequences are far-reaching.

Public perception of law enforcement is significantly influenced by daily interactions. When citizens frequently encounter security personnel soliciting bribes or engaging in corrupt practices, trust in these institutions erodes. This mistrust hampers effective policing, as community cooperation—a cornerstone of effective law enforcement—diminishes. Citizens become reluctant to report crimes or assist in investigations, fearing exploitation or inaction.

A demoralized and financially strained security force is ill-equipped to tackle the myriad security challenges facing Nigeria, from insurgencies to organized crime. Low morale, stemming from inadequate remuneration, leads to diminished vigilance and commitment. This vulnerability can be exploited by criminal elements, further destabilizing regions and emboldening adversaries.

Corruption within security agencies imposes a hidden tax on the economy. Businesses incur additional costs due to bribery demands, leading to increased operational expenses that are often passed on to consumers. Moreover, foreign investors may be deterred by a perceived lack of security and the prevalence of corrupt practices, stymieing economic growth and development.

The normalization of corruption within security forces sets a detrimental precedent for society. It fosters a culture where unethical behavior becomes acceptable, permeating various sectors and hindering efforts to instill integrity and accountability in public service.Addressing the issue of undercompensated security personnel necessitates a multifaceted approach. Implementing a comprehensive salary review is essential to ensure that remuneration packages for security personnel accurately reflect the demands and risks associated with their duties.

Additionally, establishing robust internal and external oversight bodies is crucial for monitoring conduct, investigating allegations of corruption, and enforcing accountability. Investing in continuous training and development programs equips security personnel with the skills and knowledge necessary for ethical decision-making and effective service delivery.

Moreover, fostering stronger relationships between security agencies and the communities they serve helps rebuild trust and encourages collaborative efforts in maintaining public safety. Lastly, enacting and enforcing policies that deter corrupt practices, including stringent penalties for misconduct and protections for whistleblowers, are vital steps toward reform.

By addressing the root causes of corruption within the security sector, Nigeria can pave the way for a more stable, secure, and prosperous future. Ensuring that those who protect and serve are themselves protected from the pitfalls of inadequate compensation is a critical step toward national rejuvenation.

Habib Sani Galadima writes from Kano and he can be reached via habibmsani46@gmail.com