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By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Frankfurt, Germany. 3rd July 2013

The German immigration officer looked at me and gave the usual clenched-mouth smile. I did the same. I am used to it. He flipped through my passport and then looked up.

“How many days are you staying THIS time.” Emphasis on THIS.

“Two days in Cologne”, I replied. “Today, tomorrow, and the day after that, I am off.”

He stamped the passport without asking for the usual – return ticket, invitation, hotel booking – all of which I had. He wished me a pleasant say and waved to the next person behind me.

I was then in Cologne to attend the valedictory retirement conference held in honour of the woman who mentored me and virtually adopted me as her son – Heike Behrend, who was retiring from the Institute of African Studies, University of Cologne, Germany, where she was the Director. She created the research category of “Media and Cultural Communication”, and I was the first African to be invited to deliver a lecture at the cluster. The Immigration Officer’s reference to the length of my stay was in response to the numerous times I had been to Germany – and never stayed beyond the time necessary for whatever it was that brought me.

The week from Tuesday, 30th May to Sunday, 4th June 2023, I returned after ten years. This time, the occasion was to attend ECAS2023: 9th European Conference on African Studies, with the theme of “African Futures.” It was hosted by the University of Cologne. “African Futures” explores the continent’s critical engagements with the past, present, and future of Africa’s global entanglements. ECAS is the largest and most visible single event under the AEGIS umbrella. AEGIS is an expression of a much wider and dynamic set of African Studies connections, collaborations, activities and opportunities within and beyond Europe. The conference, lasting four days, had over 70 panels involving hundreds of papers and speakers. All were efficiently coordinated through the various classes at the University of Cologne.

Earlier in the year, I and colleagues from Germany and US had submitted a panel, “Digital/social media and Afrophone literature”, for consideration at ECAS 9. It was accepted.  The conveners were me (BUK), Uta Reuster-Jahn, Umma Aliyu (Hamburg) and Stephanie Bosch Santana (UCLA). Before submitting our panel to ECAS, we first held an online symposium which was preceded by a call for papers. Despite sending the CfP to various universities and the Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL), the response was pretty poor. The symposium was titled Social Media as New Canvas, Space and Channel for Afrophone Literatures. It was eventually held online at the University of Hamburg, Germany, on 22-23 February 2023. The participants then were from Germany (Uta Reuster-Jahn, Umma Aliyu Musa), Nigeria (Abdalla Uba Adamu, Zaynab Ango, Ado Ahmad Gidan Dabino, Nura Ibrahim, Asabe Kabir Usman, Isyaku Bala Ibrahim), Tanzania (Hussein Issa Tuwa, Zamda Geuza), Ghana (Nikitta Dede Adjirakor), Stephen Ney (Canada), US (Stephanie Bosch Santana).

After the symposium, we submitted a panel for the ECAS 9th edition. Our panel was accepted, and all the participants of the online seminar were issued official letters of invitation to process their funding for the conference in Cologne in June 2023. As a panelist, I was fully funded to attend by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Foundation, DFG). Umma and Uta were able to sponsor themselves from Hamburg. Unfortunately, only Nikita from Ghana was able to come from the others who could not get any funding. As a result, our panel, held on Wednesday, 31st May 2023, had only four speakers. It was déjà vu all over again – after almost 24 hours of flying and waiting at airports (Kano, Abuja, Doha), I was given only 20 minutes for the presentation.

My paper was “From Kano Market Literature to Kano Social Media Literature: The Reincarnation of an Afrophone Literary Genre.” The paper traces the trajectory of the genre from print media to its liberation in online media, with a specific focus on Facebook, Wattpad and APK files on Google Play. The paper uses netnographic methodology to harvest the dominance of and reaction to the newly reincarnated genre, which, far from being dead and buried, is more than ever before, alive and kicking in other spaces – beyond censorship or any form of criticism. In the process, the paper explores the freedom gained by the authors in unrestricted storylines that cross boundaries of identity, gender and alternative sexualities.  The Journal of African Literature Association (curated by Taylor and Francis Group) has agreed to publish the papers of the Symposium in 2024. We will have to ask for more contributors.

Another dividend for me was that I was approached by a representative of Lexington Books in the US for the possibility of publishing my paper as part of a book on Hausa media cultures if I have something like that. As it happened, I have almost completed such a project titled “Hausa Cinema” (to complement Jonathan Haynes’s book, “Nollywood”) which was to be published by the Ohio University Press in 2010, but things went southwards! Now Lexington Books is providing an opportunity, and I am excited about it.  

Our panel was lively, though, and I even met a fan! He was Jos Damen, Head of the Library and ICT Department of the African Studies Centre at the University of Leiden. While I was making my presentation, he took my picture with his phone and uploaded it to my Wikipedia page (itself created by another fan)! Later he told me I needed to have a picture there, and he took that responsibility. So it was kind of him!

The conference attendance was a fantastic homecoming for me because although Heike Behrend had retired back to Berlin, where she came from (and where I visited her in 2015 had a wonderful dinner when I was a guest of the Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin), Muhsin Ibrahim is now in the same institute. Both Muhsin and I were from Bayero University Kano. Muhsin was teaching Hausa at the Institute.

I first came to Cologne in 2004 – at the invitation of Heike Behrend when I met her in Kenya. At that time, I had an invitation to participate in an African Literatures project at Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz. Heike asked me to reroute my itinerary to stop at Cologne, teach a Postgraduate class and give a public lecture. I did both on Monday 15th November 2004. Since then, I have almost lost count of the times I visited Germany – Berlin, Freiburg, Hamburg, Leipzig, and the wonderful Cologne with its incredible, massive and stupendous cathedral – the largest Gothic church in Northern Europe. It was in Cologne in 2004 that the foundation of my ethnographic foray into critical media studies was laid. Unlike in Nigeria, where many saw me as an ‘interloper’ (as they murmur, ‘After all, he is a Biologist, isn’t he?’), here it is not what you study but what you can contribute to any discipline. I have been to Colone four times and other cities several times – all on the same mission of promoting Hausa media studies.

ECAS 2023 started wonderfully with Muhsin meeting me at the Koln Hauptbahnhof and helping me drag my luggage through various concourses to the trains that would take us to his flat: a very lovely well-furnished, and very spacious space. Upon arriving and freshening up, a massive mountain of uncharacteristically fat masa was waiting for me. Even the masa looks like a ‘Bajamushiya’! The soup alone could feed a family for a week! It was a truly delicious welcome. Once I got rid of the hunger, he took me to my hotel, IBIS Centrum.

Breakfast in the morning at the hotel saw a meeting of Who-is-Who in African studies – both diasporic Africans, home-based Africans and European and American researchers. It was indeed a wonderful gathering. In addition, I had a chance to reconnect with one of the most promising diasporic Hausa African Studies experts – Musa Ibrahim.

Musa is based in Ghana. He travelled there through South Africa and Japan, ending up in Bayreuth, Germany, where he obtained his doctorate. We met at Leipzig in 2018, and I collected his CV with the hope of getting him employed in our Information and Media Studies department, Bayero University Kano. However, the university was not interested. Before you knew it, he was grabbed by the University of Florida, Gainesville, where he spent about three years before getting another appointment at the University of Ghana. Such rich and varied experience would have been valuable to us in Kano, but the parochialism of our university system did not factor in multidisciplinarity.

The following day saw dinner at Muhsin’s house, and this time, Umma Aliyu, originally from Bauchi, joined us. Umma now lives and teaches in Germany at the University of Hamburg (after her studies at Leipzig). Like Muhsin, she also teaches Hausa at Hamburg, where she took over from Joe McIntyre (Malam Gambo), who retired some time ago. During dinner, we brainstormed the idea of two book projects – which, for me, was one of the significant takeaways from ECAS9.

Muhsin, Abdalla and Musa at ECAS9, Cologne

The first book project would be tentatively titled “Hausa Studies in European Diaspora: Experiences and Perspectives.” This will be a collection of chapters written by Hausawa living and working permanently in various European universities, either teaching Hausa or other disciplines.  The objective is to demonstrate how internationalised Hausa scholarship is. We started with about five in Germany alone.

The second book project would be a post-Boko Haram narrative. So far, the Boko Haram literature has focused on the human disaster of the insurgency – virtually all books written were from the governance, security and disaster perspectives. Yet, much success has been and is being recorded in the war against terror in the form of surrenders, deradicalisation and reintegration. Yet, no one is looking at this. Using ethnographic field data, the book project will provide another side of the war on terror in Nigeria. We were excited and promised to work on various draft proposals before embarking on the works, which we hope will be completed by 2025.

The Conference’s overwhelming focus on the multidisciplinarity of African Studies was an eye-opener—no room or time for a narrow perspective on scholarship. No one cares about what your degrees are in – what matters is what you are bringing to the table NOW and how it impacts the knowledge economy of African societies and contribute to the decolonisation narrative.

For me, Cologne is a Return to Forever – the beginning of an endless loop of research and investigation.

My deepest thanks to Muhsin for being such an excellent, graceful host.

By Mansur Hassan, PhD.

The abuse of the Kano State master plan during the administration of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje has led to a proliferation of illegal structures. These include shops built within school premises, encroachments on mosques, hospitals, graveyards, and other areas not designated for such purposes.

Urban planning principles dictate that every city should have distinct residential, commercial, educational, and industrial areas. In line with his campaign promises, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to demolish these structures is a step in the right direction, aimed at restoring order and proper planning in Kano State.

Urban planning is crucial for the development of sustainable and functional cities. A well-designed master plan ensures that cities function efficiently, with designated zones for different purposes.

Residential areas provide housing and essential amenities, commercial areas drive economic activities, educational areas facilitate learning, and industrial areas promote economic growth and employment opportunities.

Under the Ganduje administration, the master plan of Kano State was severely abused. Illegal structures were erected without regard for zoning regulations, leading to numerous consequences. Shops built within the compounds of existing schools not only compromised the safety and security of students but also disrupted their learning environment.

Encroachments on mosques and hospitals within residential areas caused congestion and noise pollution, disturbing the peace and privacy of residents. Additionally, the encroachment of graveyards demonstrated a lack of sensitivity and respect for the deceased and their families.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to demolish these illegal structures is a positive and necessary step toward restoring order and rectifying the abuses that occurred under the previous administration. By adhering to his campaign promises, the governor demonstrates a commitment to responsible urban development in Kano State.

The demolition of illegal structures will yield several benefits. It will reinstate order and organization, as buildings will be appropriately placed within designated areas. Schools will regain their intended space, ensuring a safe and conducive learning environment for students.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s commitment to demolishing these illegal structures helps restore public trust in the government’s ability to enforce regulations and ensure responsible urban planning. It also highlights the governor’s long-term vision for the sustainable development of Kano State.

By adhering to the master plan, the government can effectively manage the city’s growth and expansion while meeting the needs of its residents. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to demolish illegal structures in Kano State represents a commendable effort to restore order and proper urban planning.

By rectifying the abuses that occurred under the previous administration, the government aims to create a more organized and functional city. This action reflects the governor’s commitment to fulfilling his campaign promises and ensuring the long-term development of Kano State.

As the city progresses, prioritizing adherence to the master plan will foster sustainable growth and improve the quality of life for all residents.

Mansur Hassan, PhD is a lecturer in the Department of Mathematics, Yusuf Maitama Sule UniversityHe can be reached via mhassan@yumsuk.edu.ng

By Mukhtar Jarmajo

The new administration in Kano has embarked on a commendable mission to reclaim the lands around schools that were allegedly wrongly sold out by the past government. Such action is important for the protection of public resources and the promotion of quality education. However, demolishing the shops built around the schools may not be the best approach to solving the environmental crisis created by the encroachment.

While it is understandable that the new government wants to send a strong message to potential land grabbers and illegal developers, demolishing the shops may cause unintended consequences that could hurt both the affected traders and the government. For example, many shops were legally acquired by small business owners who may have invested their life savings and borrowed money from banks to establish their businesses. Destroying their livelihoods without proper compensation or alternatives could lead to social and economic unrest.

Furthermore, destroying the shops may not solve the problem of encroachment. Once the shops are gone, the empty spaces may attract new forms of illegal settlements or waste dumping, further depleting the environment and posing health hazards to students and residents. Therefore, a more strategic and holistic approach to Kano’s environmental and economic challenges is needed.

One possible solution is to engage architectural and environmental experts to design sustainable solutions that could improve the safety, aesthetics, and functionality of the schools and the commercial spaces around them. For example, the shops could be redesigned to allow more natural ventilation, lighting, and greenery, enhancing the microclimate and reducing the need for air conditioning and artificial lighting. The shops could also be integrated with the schools’ curricula and activities to promote entrepreneurship and civic engagement among students and teachers.

Another solution is for the government to acquire the shops and lease them out to qualified and responsible entrepreneurs who could operate them under certain conditions, such as payment of rent, taxes, and adherence to environmental and safety standards. Such an approach could generate revenue for the government, support small businesses, and foster a culture of responsible commercial activity in Kano.

Preserving our schools and small businesses requires a collaborative and creative effort from all stakeholders, including government officials, planners, architects, investors, traders, and residents. We must resist the temptation to resort to destructive means of solving complex problems and instead seek sustainable and inclusive solutions that benefit our communities and environment.

The demolition of shops around schools in Kano may seem like a quick fix to the encroachment problem, but it is not a wise or ethical solution. Instead, we should explore innovative and sustainable ways to protect our public resources, promote quality education, and support responsible entrepreneurship. Let us preserve our schools, our small businesses, and our dignity.

Jarmajo wrote from Wuse, Zone 2, Abuja. 

By Uzair Adam Imam

A young electrician identified as Alhaji died while repairing faulty cables on electric poles in Niger.

The incident happened on Thursday in Soje B. Area of Minna, Niger State, at around 3pm.

The man was said to have been specialised in preparing home electrical appliances and had died on the spot after being electrocuted.

The residents who spoke to the journalists in the state said that the efforts to save his life were not successful.

However, one of the witnesses, Aliyu Jibrin, stated that “No one knew he was electrocuted on the pole until his lifeless body fell from the top of the pole.”

By Uzair Adam Imam

Yusuf Magaji, a 13-year-old Almajiri boy in Kano, breathed his last on Friday when he slipped into a pond and drowned to death.

The boy and his fellow students were said to have been washing around the pond when he slipped and fell inside.

According to the Kano State Fire Service Spokesperson, Saminu Yusuf Abdullahi, the incident occurred in Makugara Village of Karaye Local Government Area of Kano State.

Abdullahi said their office at Karaye received an emergency call from Malam Nafi’u Na Adama, who reported the incident.

According to him, the students were said to be on their way to one village when they stopped beside open water to take their bath, “but very unfortunately, he slid into the river.”

He further stated that the victim was retrieved unconsciously and conveyed to the Karaye Specialist Hospital, where he was later confirmed dead by the doctor.

By Muhammad Salisu

In 1973, there was a bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden. The robbery turned into hostage-taking. The hostages, however, later became sympathetic defenders of the perpetrators. This incident and its aftermath would later lead to the coinage of the psychological disorder known as Stockholm Syndrome.

A similar incident happened in which an American named Patty Hearst was kidnapped by a terrorist organisation called Symbiotic Liberation Army. Ms Hearst became sympathetic to the organisation and joined them in bank robberies.

Recently, in Nigeria, a train was attacked by bandits, and many of the train’s occupants were kidnapped. One pregnant victim was later released. However, in an interview, she defended the kidnappers’ actions. She literally became their mouthpiece.

Kidnapped victims may defend their kidnappers due to so many reasons. For example, it may be out of fear and so on.

Turning to the Nigerian political parlance, the Nigerian political class has, since time immemorial, held their masses hostage. The rulers loot public treasures; people are enslaved and impoverished. The ruling class enrich themselves and their families at the mercy of the masses. However, you find the masses who are the victims supporting the rulers.

In Nigeria, there are many reasons why people glorify those who enslave them. It may be to get what to eat; it may be because the ruler is from one’s family, religion, political party, region, or tribe. It may also be a clear case of Stockholm Syndrome!

Muhammad Muhammad Salisu wrote via muhdibnmuhd@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

President Bola Ahmad Tinubu, on Friday, had a meeting behind closed doors with governors of the All Progressives Congress, APC.

President Tinubu, in a Facebook post, posted about the meeting with the governors at the Presidential Villa, Abuja.

“Today, I had the delight of welcoming distinguished Governors from our great party, the APC, to the State House.

“Together, we reaffirmed our commitment and united efforts in realizing our cherished vision for Nigeria. With every hand on deck, We are resolute in our pursuit of a prosperous nation.” the post says.

The governors were led to the State House by Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, who recently assumed the role of Chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum, PGF.

Seventeen of the twenty APC governors were in attendance. However, conspicuously absent from the meeting were Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State, Abiodun Abayomi Oyebanji of Ekiti State and Dr Nasir Idris of Kebbi State.

By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

The lives of the commuters passing through Jos-Bauchi road to other states in the Northeast and Northcentral regions are in precarious situations due to the gully erosion that washed away the road in Narabi, Toro local government of Bauchi state.

The affected area has already been declared dangerous by the residents. Though the site has been closed-off with stones and a red rope to serve as a warning signal to motorists, they are still managing to pass through at a low speed because there is no alternative.

Nonetheless, the Federal Road Maintenance Agency FERMA should hurriedly aid commuters by repairing the affected area before it is damaged entirely and cause havoc to motorists flying the roads daily.

It’s good for the FERMA to know that the way is the only way linking the entire north-central and northeast. Also, the Agency is aware that the road is among the busiest roads in Nigeria. Meanwhile, if FERMA refuses to fix up the ashed-away area hurriedly, it will affect and endanger the lives of thousands of commuters and stop motorists’ movement entirely. 

Similarly, it’s undoubtedly that the Bauchi-Jos road has become a dead zone for commuters because of the severe potholes along the road. This has been continuously claiming the lives of innocent commuters daily.

Annoyingly, the Bauchi-Jos highway is among the roads recording high rates of accidents in Nigeria. Given this, the federal government approved 348 billion in 2018 for the dualisation of the road from Akwanga-Jos-Bauchi to Gombe. This is to reduce the risk of accidents along the road, but more needs to be done on the ground to actualise the project.

Therefore, since the protection of the lives and property of every citizen is bestowed upon the government’s shoulders, it is significant for the FERMA to urgently intervene by repairing the washed-away area; this is to save innocent lives. Also, since the outgoing president cannot fulfil his promise, we are drawing the attention of the incoming president Ahmad Bola Tinubu to dualise the road; hence the need is to save lives and properties.

Meanwhile, we need FERMA’s urgent intervention before the new administration settles. If not, lives are at stake, and only God knows what will happen if the road is damaged completely.

Ukasha Rabiu Magama writes from Magama Toro, Bauchi state.

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

The enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021 was intended to mark a significant shift in the regulation of the downstream petroleum sector. The act aimed to align petrol prices with market dynamics, phasing out the fuel subsidy regime. However, despite the planned full deregulation in February 2022, the government continued to allocate funds for subsidies, leading to financial strain and mounting debts.

Under the Petroleum Industry Act, the government ought to have terminated fuel subsidies and allow petrol prices to reflect the general market rates six months after its enactment. However, the government continued to provide for subsidy costs in its budget. Due to financial constraints, the government could not back the subsidy provisions in the 2022 and 2023 budgets with financing, resulting in unpaid subsidy costs. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), acting as the supplier of last resort, offset these costs. This resulted in the accumulation of debt of N2.8 trillion for the government in the process.

The new President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has pronounced the termination of the subsidy regime. This is in line with the law and is further necessitated by the inability to finance subsidy commitments since February 2022. The removal of subsidies means that petrol prices will now fluctuate based on market dynamics rather than being fixed. 

While the arguments continue on whether the announcement approach was systematic or not, it has to a certain extent, saved the country from the intense speculative buying activities that would have resulted from scheduling the announcement and other implications that would have marred such gradualism. I consider it a welcome development and commend the President for such uncommon courage, which has been missing in the governance space for long. 

However, the repercussions extend beyond price adjustments. The rise in price will naturally raise the costs of transportation, which will, in turn, further pressurise the country’s inflation rate. The government’s lack of resources to offset subsidy liabilities since February and the outstanding debt to NNPCL means there will hardly be any room for reinvestment, including allocating funds for palliatives or post-subsidy shock alleviation. Moreover, it is crucial to note that even when the government was able to offset the subsidy costs, it relied on borrowing rather than revenue to cover the costs, exacerbating the financial burden.

With the subsidy officially and finally gone, the government must prioritise strategies to repay NNPCL’s debt of N2.8 trillion and other subsidy-related debts while refocusing on the productive sectors of the economy and social welfare. This commitment demands immediate attention, as the accumulated debt poses a significant liability and might impede the effective utilisation of government revenues.

An encouraging prospect arises from the current situation as we grapple with outstanding subsidy debts. Once the government’s financial circumstances improve, its focus will permanently shift away from the subsidy regime and towards prioritising crucial areas such as education, health, infrastructure, and other significant sectors. This shift is anticipated and underscores the government’s intention to allocate resources towards enhancing public value and renewing national hope. 

Meanwhile, the government should advisably prioritise the enhancement of public transport systems and collaborate with state governments to improve mass transit systems and infrastructure, especially by incorporating more diesel-based buses into the stock of public transport vehicles in their various states. The situation should also serve as an incentive for state governments to renew focus on developing Bus and Light Rail Transit systems. 

To consolidate this hard decision, the government should consider the privatisation of state-owned refineries to enhance efficiency and promote private sector participation in the downstream sector. By opening up the refineries to private investment, the government can improve their operational performance, output and overall local refining capacity. As the Dangote refinery gets ready to begin operations, the government should also support other private oil-refining projects like the BUA refinery in Akwa Ibom.

Additionally, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) should explore the possibility of an initial public offering (IPO) to raise capital and expand its operations. Emphasising the development of the gas sector could also be beneficial, considering its potential for revenue generation and reducing dependency on imported fuels.

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political/policy/public affairs analyst. He writes from Zaria and can be reached via haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)

Regardless of the expectation and anticipation with which the new administration in Nigeria is being greeted, there is no better time than now to embark on efforts to address the underlying challenges that have always undermined the credibility of primaries, hopefully by the 2027 election season, relevant legislation and methods will have been duly reformed.

Towards every election season, people lament the scarcity of suitable candidates for elective positions, which they also rightly attribute to the systematic manipulation of the party nomination process by powerful vested interests within the parties, who impose candidates on the electorate via charades in the name of party consensus or primaries by some hand-picked party delegates.

Public officeholders and other party elites use the instruments of power and public resources at their disposal to ensure the emergence of their political associates, in addition to themselves, of course, as party delegates with a mandate to elect party candidates, on occasion typically characterised by systematic vote buying deals between delegates offering their consciences (if any) for sale. Deep-pocketed politicians jostle to outbid one another.

That has discouraged many conscientious individuals with the potential to turn things around in their respective jurisdictions given the mandate from getting into politics, for they rightly wouldn’t bootlick any so-called political godfather or bribe any greed-motivated delegate. After all, many like-minded individuals have ventured into politics but ended up frustrated at the hands of party manipulators. In contrast, many others of similar calibre have compromised their moral principles to join the corrupt elite they have previously often castigated.

Consequently, the electorate is left with the dilemma of choosing amongst candidates with notorious pasts for gross incompetence, massive corruption cases, and even court convictions against many of them. The average voter, therefore, betrays his underlying frustration by voting for the highest bidder amongst the candidates or voting for whoever his immediate political master endorses, with some hope that the candidate will win. His master will be rewarded with some political appointment or other privileges, for him (voter) to be occasionally rewarded with peanuts by the master throughout his stay in office or continuation of his privileges.

Only a few votes with a conviction may still not be in order anyway, for it might be influenced by one manipulative tactic or another.

Ironically also, there is general indifference in all segments of society. Even democratic activists and advocates for good governance, who are supposed to be particularly committed to demanding, among other things, the reform of the party nomination process, have been largely and inexcusably indifferent. They only rant in futility when it’s too late, i.e. when birds of a feather flock together have emerged as their respective parties’ candidates. Many have become mere attention-seeking opportunists hiding behind activism to extort political appointments and other privileges from the politicians they have criticised in return for their loyalty.

Even the few voices of reason in society only urge the electorate to vote for the so-called best of a bad bunch among the candidates, if any.

Now, until relevant legislation governing the party nomination process and the methods of conducting it are reformed in such a way that it guarantees maximum transparency in the process, the kind of change Nigerians wish for under democracy will never be achieved.

Instead of chasing shadows, therefore, it’s high time that genuine advocates for good governance and other concerned groups and associations embarked on a concerted campaign to demand the reform of relevant legislation to abolish the current corruption-laden delegate primaries and consensus and adopt a direct and transparent primary where all party members are eligible to vote, as the only legal method of nominating party candidates at all levels.

The imperative of demanding such reform represents a challenge that puts Nigerians’ yearning for good governance to the test. If the next general election doesn’t achieve the reform, then the yearning is simply not genuine enough. 

However, even when realised, it’s naive to assume it’s unmanipulable. Vested interests within parties will keep trying to manipulate it. Yet, when sustained, it will undoubtedly make the quest for good governance more achievable, enabling people at various levels to push for and secure the emergence of the best amongst them as parties’ candidates for various elective offices.

That way, Nigerians will be able to break free from the grip of party delegates to freely elect the calibre of people with the capacity, credibility, inventiveness, and passion necessary to turn things around in the country.

Though the beneficiaries of the status quo will vehemently resist and undermine any attempt to reform it, they will eventually succumb to the collective willpower of the people, provided they remain passionate, resilient, and determined enough.

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa can be contacted via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.